Pub Date : 2023-10-12DOI: 10.1142/s237774002350001x
Muhammad Usman Askari, Talha Khalid
The South Asia subcontinent is witnessing new security and political dynamics after the United States withdrew its troops in mid-2021. Even as the Taliban-led government is stepping up engagement with the outside world to earn wider diplomatic recognition and exhibit its governing credentials, Beijing and New Delhi are adjusting their regional policies in a bid to acquire more influence in a changing geopolitical landscape. Assuming nation states to be rational actors, this paper uses the stag hunt game to analyze the potential maximum payoffs for Beijing, Kabul, and New Delhi, respectively, if they could make the right strategic calculations about their short-term interests and long-term goals. Even though the subcontinent is not immune to the effect of great power rivalry that is unfolding on the world stage, regional stakeholders could still choose to cooperate on issues of common concern while limiting the fallout of competition and confrontation on other more contentious challenges.
{"title":"China's Policy toward Afghanistan and Its Impact on India","authors":"Muhammad Usman Askari, Talha Khalid","doi":"10.1142/s237774002350001x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s237774002350001x","url":null,"abstract":"The South Asia subcontinent is witnessing new security and political dynamics after the United States withdrew its troops in mid-2021. Even as the Taliban-led government is stepping up engagement with the outside world to earn wider diplomatic recognition and exhibit its governing credentials, Beijing and New Delhi are adjusting their regional policies in a bid to acquire more influence in a changing geopolitical landscape. Assuming nation states to be rational actors, this paper uses the stag hunt game to analyze the potential maximum payoffs for Beijing, Kabul, and New Delhi, respectively, if they could make the right strategic calculations about their short-term interests and long-term goals. Even though the subcontinent is not immune to the effect of great power rivalry that is unfolding on the world stage, regional stakeholders could still choose to cooperate on issues of common concern while limiting the fallout of competition and confrontation on other more contentious challenges.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135923903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-08DOI: 10.1142/s2377740022500142
Alba Kreka, Selim Bezeraj
The Albanian–Chinese alliance existed between 1960 and 1978, an unusual relationship due to the roles and influences of both in and out of the Communist Bloc. Although ideological affinity is generally regarded as essential to the performance of an alliance, contingency and circumstance also matter. The main factors that influenced the character of the Sino-Albanian alliance will be revealed through the official correspondence of that time between the two countries, founded mainly in Central State Archive. Albania and China collaborated for 18 years and after their ideological conflicts Albania followed a self-isolation policy. After the fall of Communism in Albania, bilateral ties developed under the new circumstances for several years. It was China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) that helped create new conditions for cooperation. Through a descriptive analysis, this paper presumes/hypothesizes whether being old allies in the past can be considered as a prerequisite for cooperation in the present. In the beginning, Albania assessed the potential of BRI and proposed some important projects with China, but lately it has shown more ambivalence and reluctance toward the “[Formula: see text]” mechanism. We also examine the main factors on the Albanian side that may bolster or undercut future bilateral cooperation under the “16+1” framework.
{"title":"From Communist Allies to Pragmatics Partners: A Historical View of Albanian–Chinese Relations","authors":"Alba Kreka, Selim Bezeraj","doi":"10.1142/s2377740022500142","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740022500142","url":null,"abstract":"The Albanian–Chinese alliance existed between 1960 and 1978, an unusual relationship due to the roles and influences of both in and out of the Communist Bloc. Although ideological affinity is generally regarded as essential to the performance of an alliance, contingency and circumstance also matter. The main factors that influenced the character of the Sino-Albanian alliance will be revealed through the official correspondence of that time between the two countries, founded mainly in Central State Archive. Albania and China collaborated for 18 years and after their ideological conflicts Albania followed a self-isolation policy. After the fall of Communism in Albania, bilateral ties developed under the new circumstances for several years. It was China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) that helped create new conditions for cooperation. Through a descriptive analysis, this paper presumes/hypothesizes whether being old allies in the past can be considered as a prerequisite for cooperation in the present. In the beginning, Albania assessed the potential of BRI and proposed some important projects with China, but lately it has shown more ambivalence and reluctance toward the “[Formula: see text]” mechanism. We also examine the main factors on the Albanian side that may bolster or undercut future bilateral cooperation under the “16+1” framework.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45157601","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-08DOI: 10.1142/s2377740022500166
Haadia Zaman
The world is facing multiple challenges: Climate change, biodiversity loss, and extreme environmental degradation. Moreover, it has entered a new era marked by greater instability and uncertainty, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russia–Ukraine conflict, and other geopolitical tensions. Relations between China and the European Union (EU) cannot stay immune amid these changes. In order to achieve climate neutrality at an early date, despite having different political institutions, domestic priorities, economic systems, and diverse values, both Beijing and Brussels are managing their bilateral ties and leading international efforts at climate mitigation. However, escalating rifts, different perceptions, and opposing domestic and global approaches are undercutting the efficacy of their partnership. This paper aims to deeply evaluate their climate partnership based on a common stance of generating a low-carbon economy and green transition amid geopolitical tensions, great power rivalry, and post-pandemic uncertainty. With suitable vision and strong commitments, China and the EU recognize a “win–win” opportunity in the green transition. So, regardless of mounting pressures, there is a chance that China–EU relations will not deteriorate considerably. Although geopolitical circumstances might not allow for a smooth transition, both can still reap real benefits from a deep interdependence on certain key issues.
{"title":"China–EU Climate Complex Interdependence Amid Covid-19 and Geopolitical Tensions: Prospects for Future","authors":"Haadia Zaman","doi":"10.1142/s2377740022500166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740022500166","url":null,"abstract":"The world is facing multiple challenges: Climate change, biodiversity loss, and extreme environmental degradation. Moreover, it has entered a new era marked by greater instability and uncertainty, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russia–Ukraine conflict, and other geopolitical tensions. Relations between China and the European Union (EU) cannot stay immune amid these changes. In order to achieve climate neutrality at an early date, despite having different political institutions, domestic priorities, economic systems, and diverse values, both Beijing and Brussels are managing their bilateral ties and leading international efforts at climate mitigation. However, escalating rifts, different perceptions, and opposing domestic and global approaches are undercutting the efficacy of their partnership. This paper aims to deeply evaluate their climate partnership based on a common stance of generating a low-carbon economy and green transition amid geopolitical tensions, great power rivalry, and post-pandemic uncertainty. With suitable vision and strong commitments, China and the EU recognize a “win–win” opportunity in the green transition. So, regardless of mounting pressures, there is a chance that China–EU relations will not deteriorate considerably. Although geopolitical circumstances might not allow for a smooth transition, both can still reap real benefits from a deep interdependence on certain key issues.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46576876","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-08DOI: 10.1142/s2377740022500154
Ma Wen
Ideology is an important though not dominant factor driving the US foreign policy. Amid intensifying great-power rivalry, Washington in recent years has increasingly stepped up its ideological offensive against Beijing. Latest US efforts in this regard include exporting core values associated with the American Dream, e.g., individual freedoms, liberal ideals, and democratic institutions. The three consecutive administrations of George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump had all incorporated ideological components into their policy toward Beijing despite their differences of policy priority vis-à-vis China. Long vigilant about the West’s ideological offensive, Beijing had been pushing back against Washington’s efforts by promoting a rival narrative, the Chinese Dream. Even though Beijing has roundly rejected Washington’s framing of US–China relations in years to come as democracy versus autocracy rivalry and tried hard to insulate China’s relations with the rest of the world from rising geopolitical tensions with the United States, the great and growing ideological rift between the two major powers and their divergent perspectives on and approaches to the big issues of the day may herald an era in which an increasing number of global challenges as well as bilateral disputes and crises defy easy and quick solutions.
{"title":"Exporting the American Dream? Ideology and US China Policy Since 9/11","authors":"Ma Wen","doi":"10.1142/s2377740022500154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740022500154","url":null,"abstract":"Ideology is an important though not dominant factor driving the US foreign policy. Amid intensifying great-power rivalry, Washington in recent years has increasingly stepped up its ideological offensive against Beijing. Latest US efforts in this regard include exporting core values associated with the American Dream, e.g., individual freedoms, liberal ideals, and democratic institutions. The three consecutive administrations of George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump had all incorporated ideological components into their policy toward Beijing despite their differences of policy priority vis-à-vis China. Long vigilant about the West’s ideological offensive, Beijing had been pushing back against Washington’s efforts by promoting a rival narrative, the Chinese Dream. Even though Beijing has roundly rejected Washington’s framing of US–China relations in years to come as democracy versus autocracy rivalry and tried hard to insulate China’s relations with the rest of the world from rising geopolitical tensions with the United States, the great and growing ideological rift between the two major powers and their divergent perspectives on and approaches to the big issues of the day may herald an era in which an increasing number of global challenges as well as bilateral disputes and crises defy easy and quick solutions.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43117909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-06DOI: 10.1142/s2377740022500130
A. Melese
{"title":"The Chinese and American Military Installations in Djibouti: National and Regional Security Implications","authors":"A. Melese","doi":"10.1142/s2377740022500130","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740022500130","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47454986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-15DOI: 10.1142/s2377740022500129
Liu Yajuan
{"title":"Internet Governance in China: Toward a New Cyber Civilization","authors":"Liu Yajuan","doi":"10.1142/s2377740022500129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740022500129","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46906513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-12DOI: 10.1142/s2377740022500117
Zhou Yuyuan
{"title":"Advancing China-Africa Cooperation in the New Era: Achievements and Challenges","authors":"Zhou Yuyuan","doi":"10.1142/s2377740022500117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740022500117","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46238300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-20DOI: 10.1142/s2377740022500105
Mladen Naki, Sandra Matijević
{"title":"Pandemic Diseases and Reexamination of the Concept of National Security","authors":"Mladen Naki, Sandra Matijević","doi":"10.1142/s2377740022500105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740022500105","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44610333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-20DOI: 10.1142/s2377740022500099
T. Alfaifi, Luis da Vinha
{"title":"The Sino-American Rivalry and Persian Gulf Security","authors":"T. Alfaifi, Luis da Vinha","doi":"10.1142/s2377740022500099","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740022500099","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41905503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-31DOI: 10.1142/s237774002250004x
Wang Hongyi
The United States, EU members, and Russia share extensive and important interests in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) in terms of geo-security, energy, and values. The US–EU–Russia trilateral interaction in this region features three characteristics: intensifying security competition between Washington and Moscow; closer transatlantic coordination against Russia; and growing wariness about China’s larger economic footprint. New changes have taken place in the regional distribution of power amid continued China–US competition, increasingly diverging values among the United States, Germany, and CEE countries like Poland and Hungary, and heightening geopolitical tensions between Washington and Germany on the one hand and Russia on the other. China–CEEC (CEE countries) cooperation is also coming under mounting geopolitical pressure, owing to Washington’s containment policy toward China, the EU’s weakening control over the CEE countries, Russia’s shift from a defensive to an offensive posture in response to Western sanctions, the new German government’s values-based diplomacy, and the European Commission’s new China policy. However, the transatlantic world is not a monolith. The EU’s weakening control over CEE countries and Washington’s deteriorating relations with Poland and Hungary are bringing potential opportunities for furthering China–CEEC cooperation. The aforementioned factors merit closer attention as important variables in CEE countries’ China policies.
{"title":"Great Powers in Central and Eastern Europe: Dynamics and Prospects","authors":"Wang Hongyi","doi":"10.1142/s237774002250004x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s237774002250004x","url":null,"abstract":"The United States, EU members, and Russia share extensive and important interests in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) in terms of geo-security, energy, and values. The US–EU–Russia trilateral interaction in this region features three characteristics: intensifying security competition between Washington and Moscow; closer transatlantic coordination against Russia; and growing wariness about China’s larger economic footprint. New changes have taken place in the regional distribution of power amid continued China–US competition, increasingly diverging values among the United States, Germany, and CEE countries like Poland and Hungary, and heightening geopolitical tensions between Washington and Germany on the one hand and Russia on the other. China–CEEC (CEE countries) cooperation is also coming under mounting geopolitical pressure, owing to Washington’s containment policy toward China, the EU’s weakening control over the CEE countries, Russia’s shift from a defensive to an offensive posture in response to Western sanctions, the new German government’s values-based diplomacy, and the European Commission’s new China policy. However, the transatlantic world is not a monolith. The EU’s weakening control over CEE countries and Washington’s deteriorating relations with Poland and Hungary are bringing potential opportunities for furthering China–CEEC cooperation. The aforementioned factors merit closer attention as important variables in CEE countries’ China policies.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46013396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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