Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s2377740019500258
Z. Shuai
Since the inception of the “going global” strategy two decades ago, China has attached increasing importance to agricultural diplomacy. International agricultural cooperation has become both an end and a means of China’s diplomacy, as well as an integral part of China’s “grand diplomacy.” China’s agricultural diplomacy has many features, including: the central government playing a leading role; ministerial agencies undertaking specific programs; local governments being responsible for implementation; and enterprises acting as active participants. All these contribute to China’s overall diplomacy and help maintain food security of the target countries and promote the overseas interests of Chinese enterprises. Through various practices, China’s agricultural diplomacy has been working well with the mutual reinforcement of bilateral and multilateral approaches; and interactions among diversified diplomatic entities are encouraged. China’s agricultural diplomacy has enriched the meaning of “major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics” and constitutes an important means for China to participate in global governance and to align with the development plans of target countries. Since China’s agricultural diplomacy is still faced with multiple challenges, it is imperative for China to improve related mechanisms, explore new ways of agricultural cooperation in third countries, and formulate new patterns for agricultural diplomacy along the “Belt and Road.”
{"title":"China’s Agricultural Diplomacy Under the “Going Global” Strategy","authors":"Z. Shuai","doi":"10.1142/s2377740019500258","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500258","url":null,"abstract":"Since the inception of the “going global” strategy two decades ago, China has attached increasing importance to agricultural diplomacy. International agricultural cooperation has become both an end and a means of China’s diplomacy, as well as an integral part of China’s “grand diplomacy.” China’s agricultural diplomacy has many features, including: the central government playing a leading role; ministerial agencies undertaking specific programs; local governments being responsible for implementation; and enterprises acting as active participants. All these contribute to China’s overall diplomacy and help maintain food security of the target countries and promote the overseas interests of Chinese enterprises. Through various practices, China’s agricultural diplomacy has been working well with the mutual reinforcement of bilateral and multilateral approaches; and interactions among diversified diplomatic entities are encouraged. China’s agricultural diplomacy has enriched the meaning of “major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics” and constitutes an important means for China to participate in global governance and to align with the development plans of target countries. Since China’s agricultural diplomacy is still faced with multiple challenges, it is imperative for China to improve related mechanisms, explore new ways of agricultural cooperation in third countries, and formulate new patterns for agricultural diplomacy along the “Belt and Road.”","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46321914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s2377740019500222
Li Jiacheng, Li Zengtaozi
Poverty is the biggest problem standing in the way of economic development and political stability in the Mekong River sub-region. Multilateral poverty reduction cooperation in this sub-region has long been focused on stimulating economic growth through increased investment and foreign aid in such areas as environmental protection, health care, education, and vocational training. As a relatively new cooperative platform, the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation (LMC) mechanism has played an increasingly prominent role in sub-regional economic development and integration; and a joint task force has been set up to draw up multilateral initiatives and plans better tailored to local conditions and needs. Nonetheless, the LMC must increase its relevance and effectiveness in poverty reduction by complementing and coordinating with other existing sub-regional programs amid intensifying power competition in the broad Indo-Pacific region, while taking into account different national development philosophies as well as rising environmental and resource concerns.
{"title":"Constraints on Poverty Reduction Cooperation Under the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Mechanism","authors":"Li Jiacheng, Li Zengtaozi","doi":"10.1142/s2377740019500222","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500222","url":null,"abstract":"Poverty is the biggest problem standing in the way of economic development and political stability in the Mekong River sub-region. Multilateral poverty reduction cooperation in this sub-region has long been focused on stimulating economic growth through increased investment and foreign aid in such areas as environmental protection, health care, education, and vocational training. As a relatively new cooperative platform, the Lancang-Mekong Cooperation (LMC) mechanism has played an increasingly prominent role in sub-regional economic development and integration; and a joint task force has been set up to draw up multilateral initiatives and plans better tailored to local conditions and needs. Nonetheless, the LMC must increase its relevance and effectiveness in poverty reduction by complementing and coordinating with other existing sub-regional programs amid intensifying power competition in the broad Indo-Pacific region, while taking into account different national development philosophies as well as rising environmental and resource concerns.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46280455","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.1142/S2377740019500064
N. Githaiga, Alfred Burimaso, Bing Wang, Salum Mohammed Ahmed
This article examines the implications of the Chinese-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) for Africa’s connectivity. The BRI seeks to rebuild the ancient Silk Road trade route with the overall goal of opening global markets, thus creating a trade and investment network involving three continents: Africa, Asia, and Europe. Using secondary data, this article assesses the opportunities and potential challenges of the BRI for Africa with a special focus on various BRI national projects. It concludes that China’s involvement in infrastructure projects in Africa and the BRI’s vision for increased connectivity among beneficiary countries can lead to integrated and streamlined economic and infrastructure development in Africa, while improving China’s corporate and product image, generating mutual benefits to both China and Africa. This article also argues that for those BRI-based benefits to materialize, certain challenges need to be dealt with, particularly security risks and corruption, which could increase the long-term costs of infrastructure projects for countries involved.
{"title":"The Belt and Road Initiative: Opportunities and Risks for Africa’s Connectivity","authors":"N. Githaiga, Alfred Burimaso, Bing Wang, Salum Mohammed Ahmed","doi":"10.1142/S2377740019500064","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/S2377740019500064","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the implications of the Chinese-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) for Africa’s connectivity. The BRI seeks to rebuild the ancient Silk Road trade route with the overall goal of opening global markets, thus creating a trade and investment network involving three continents: Africa, Asia, and Europe. Using secondary data, this article assesses the opportunities and potential challenges of the BRI for Africa with a special focus on various BRI national projects. It concludes that China’s involvement in infrastructure projects in Africa and the BRI’s vision for increased connectivity among beneficiary countries can lead to integrated and streamlined economic and infrastructure development in Africa, while improving China’s corporate and product image, generating mutual benefits to both China and Africa. This article also argues that for those BRI-based benefits to materialize, certain challenges need to be dealt with, particularly security risks and corruption, which could increase the long-term costs of infrastructure projects for countries involved.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1142/S2377740019500064","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44742349","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.1142/S2377740019500040
Chenyang Li, Xiangzhang Yang
Developing countries in China’s neighborhood have occupied a unique position in China’s foreign policy since the beginning of the 21st century. China’s cooperation with neighboring developing countries has been intensified due to a number of factors including, among other things, growing overall national strength, increasingly urgent development needs of neighboring countries, and extraterritorial powers’ shifting strategic focus. Over the past decades, closer economic cooperation between China and neighboring developing countries has facilitated the formation of a network of partnerships and sharpened China’s sense of global responsibility. However, multiple challenges have to be tackled before China can elevate its relations with its neighboring countries to a new level, such as inadequate protection of China’s expanding overseas interests, lingering misunderstanding and disputes between China and its neighbors, as well as interference from extraterritorial powers.
{"title":"China’s Cooperation with Neighboring Developing Countries: Achievements and Challenges Ahead","authors":"Chenyang Li, Xiangzhang Yang","doi":"10.1142/S2377740019500040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/S2377740019500040","url":null,"abstract":"Developing countries in China’s neighborhood have occupied a unique position in China’s foreign policy since the beginning of the 21st century. China’s cooperation with neighboring developing countries has been intensified due to a number of factors including, among other things, growing overall national strength, increasingly urgent development needs of neighboring countries, and extraterritorial powers’ shifting strategic focus. Over the past decades, closer economic cooperation between China and neighboring developing countries has facilitated the formation of a network of partnerships and sharpened China’s sense of global responsibility. However, multiple challenges have to be tackled before China can elevate its relations with its neighboring countries to a new level, such as inadequate protection of China’s expanding overseas interests, lingering misunderstanding and disputes between China and its neighbors, as well as interference from extraterritorial powers.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1142/S2377740019500040","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48084955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s2377740019500209
Muhammad Ali Baig
This article explores how conventional military doctrines shape U.S.-China military engagement in the West Pacific under varying degrees of cooperation, competition and potential conflicts. Although military doctrines possess a certain level of influence on the ways and means of engaging each other in military terms, such engagement is not confined to using deadly force with a clear aim to destroy the other party. Instead, these doctrines can act as an instrument to forestall conflicts by maintaining credible deterrence. As rational actors that follow clear rules of military engagement, both the United States and China are fully aware of the defensive, offensive and deterrent value of their respective military doctrines, as well as the consequences of a potential conflict; and they have tried to expand cooperation on a number of non-traditional security issues. However, given their forward deployment-oriented military doctrines and the rising role of non-state actors, the United States and China are very likely to be engaged in an unintended escalation of conflicts if each holds a rigid view toward the other’s military doctrine and fails to maintain stable military ties based on timely communication and constructive interaction.
{"title":"Conventional Military Doctrines and U.S.-China Military Engagement in the West Pacific","authors":"Muhammad Ali Baig","doi":"10.1142/s2377740019500209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500209","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores how conventional military doctrines shape U.S.-China military engagement in the West Pacific under varying degrees of cooperation, competition and potential conflicts. Although military doctrines possess a certain level of influence on the ways and means of engaging each other in military terms, such engagement is not confined to using deadly force with a clear aim to destroy the other party. Instead, these doctrines can act as an instrument to forestall conflicts by maintaining credible deterrence. As rational actors that follow clear rules of military engagement, both the United States and China are fully aware of the defensive, offensive and deterrent value of their respective military doctrines, as well as the consequences of a potential conflict; and they have tried to expand cooperation on a number of non-traditional security issues. However, given their forward deployment-oriented military doctrines and the rising role of non-state actors, the United States and China are very likely to be engaged in an unintended escalation of conflicts if each holds a rigid view toward the other’s military doctrine and fails to maintain stable military ties based on timely communication and constructive interaction.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1142/s2377740019500209","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48151189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s2377740019500143
Yaling Pan
Amid the escalating trade war and a growing Washington consensus on a hardline China policy, the China-U.S. relationship has entered a prolonged period of strategic competition and uncertainty. Strengthening cultural and people-to-people exchange at the sub-national level may serve as an important means of stabilizing the increasingly unpredictable bilateral relationship. Yet, while economic ties continue to expand between Chinese provinces and cities and their American counterparts, bilateral cultural and people-to-people exchange has lagged far behind, partly due to a lack of understanding of Chinese provincial and local governments about how American society is changing, especially with regard to political and electoral realignments that underpin the Trump presidency. To mitigate the mentality of rising strategic competition on both sides and build a solid ground for a more durable China-U.S. relationship, the Chinese central, provincial and local governments need to foster a better understanding of American society and improve the institutions and approaches that support enhancement of the bilateral cultural and people-to-people exchange.
{"title":"Promoting Bilateral People-to-People Exchange Amid Rising China-U.S. Strategic Competition","authors":"Yaling Pan","doi":"10.1142/s2377740019500143","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500143","url":null,"abstract":"Amid the escalating trade war and a growing Washington consensus on a hardline China policy, the China-U.S. relationship has entered a prolonged period of strategic competition and uncertainty. Strengthening cultural and people-to-people exchange at the sub-national level may serve as an important means of stabilizing the increasingly unpredictable bilateral relationship. Yet, while economic ties continue to expand between Chinese provinces and cities and their American counterparts, bilateral cultural and people-to-people exchange has lagged far behind, partly due to a lack of understanding of Chinese provincial and local governments about how American society is changing, especially with regard to political and electoral realignments that underpin the Trump presidency. To mitigate the mentality of rising strategic competition on both sides and build a solid ground for a more durable China-U.S. relationship, the Chinese central, provincial and local governments need to foster a better understanding of American society and improve the institutions and approaches that support enhancement of the bilateral cultural and people-to-people exchange.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1142/s2377740019500143","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47781766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.1142/S2377740019500088
Hongren Zhou
As the strategic importance of cyber security increases, the question of how to foster a stable cyber order compatible with the current international order is one of the most urgent issues for the international community. International cyber governance and strategic cyber stability maintenance have thus become two emerging fields in international studies. Generally, there are three states of stability in cyberspace: stable, delicately stable, and unstable. To promote the study of cyber order and enhance rational decision-making, it is necessary to adopt a cyclic perspective and fully explore the transition of cyberspace among the three states. International cyber governance is mainly about managing the cycle of transition of cyberspace and designing robust institutions to prevent instability; in these institutions, international norms, rules, and law will be made as essential guidance for cyber behavior of individual countries. As existing human knowledge and theoretical frameworks are the basis of studies on cyber strategic stability, it is imperative that effective dialogue and joint research among all international stakeholders be conducted on issues of their common concern. This helps to shape the strategic thinking and policy deliberation of individual countries on cyberspace and foster an international order that is conducive to cyber strategic stability.
{"title":"Strategic Stability in Cyberspace: A Chinese View","authors":"Hongren Zhou","doi":"10.1142/S2377740019500088","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/S2377740019500088","url":null,"abstract":"As the strategic importance of cyber security increases, the question of how to foster a stable cyber order compatible with the current international order is one of the most urgent issues for the international community. International cyber governance and strategic cyber stability maintenance have thus become two emerging fields in international studies. Generally, there are three states of stability in cyberspace: stable, delicately stable, and unstable. To promote the study of cyber order and enhance rational decision-making, it is necessary to adopt a cyclic perspective and fully explore the transition of cyberspace among the three states. International cyber governance is mainly about managing the cycle of transition of cyberspace and designing robust institutions to prevent instability; in these institutions, international norms, rules, and law will be made as essential guidance for cyber behavior of individual countries. As existing human knowledge and theoretical frameworks are the basis of studies on cyber strategic stability, it is imperative that effective dialogue and joint research among all international stakeholders be conducted on issues of their common concern. This helps to shape the strategic thinking and policy deliberation of individual countries on cyberspace and foster an international order that is conducive to cyber strategic stability.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1142/S2377740019500088","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46567530","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s2377740019500301
Song Wei
Industrialization has long been the focus of national development plans in many African countries. Yet, Africa today is less industrialized than it was four decades ago. Industrial capacity building has recently been prioritized in Beijing’s aid policy as a prerequisite for a thriving manufacturing sector in Africa. As a result, China’s aid and investment in Africa focus on three areas: manufacture, infrastructure, and economic zone development. The choices reflect Beijing’s four decades of experience in its own industrialization process. The two cases of Angola and Zambia presented in this article illustrate the constraining factors in Africa’s industrialization: a business-unfriendly financial environment, vast untapped labor and resource potentials, an imbalanced growth model, and cumbersome bureaucratic procedures. To help Africa achieve higher levels of integration and industrialization, Beijing ought to do more and better along five lines of effort: first, by delineating the role of development cooperation in China-Africa capacity building cooperation; second, upgrading African industrial capacity both at the macro- and micro-levels; third, supporting infrastructure and agricultural modernization across Africa; fourth, working with African subregional institutions to stimulate regional integration and industrialization; and fifth, building greater complementarities with international organizations in Africa.
{"title":"Facilitating Industrialization in Africa: China’s Aid and African Industrial Capacity Building","authors":"Song Wei","doi":"10.1142/s2377740019500301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500301","url":null,"abstract":"Industrialization has long been the focus of national development plans in many African countries. Yet, Africa today is less industrialized than it was four decades ago. Industrial capacity building has recently been prioritized in Beijing’s aid policy as a prerequisite for a thriving manufacturing sector in Africa. As a result, China’s aid and investment in Africa focus on three areas: manufacture, infrastructure, and economic zone development. The choices reflect Beijing’s four decades of experience in its own industrialization process. The two cases of Angola and Zambia presented in this article illustrate the constraining factors in Africa’s industrialization: a business-unfriendly financial environment, vast untapped labor and resource potentials, an imbalanced growth model, and cumbersome bureaucratic procedures. To help Africa achieve higher levels of integration and industrialization, Beijing ought to do more and better along five lines of effort: first, by delineating the role of development cooperation in China-Africa capacity building cooperation; second, upgrading African industrial capacity both at the macro- and micro-levels; third, supporting infrastructure and agricultural modernization across Africa; fourth, working with African subregional institutions to stimulate regional integration and industrialization; and fifth, building greater complementarities with international organizations in Africa.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45836279","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s2377740019500271
Jiang Lu, Wu Zetao
In the 21st century, the traditional model of official development assistance (ODA) promoted by developed countries is faced with many challenges. One of them is the emergence of the “public-private partnership (PPP)” model for international development cooperation (IDC), which has become increasingly popular among developed countries and international organizations over the past decade. This article explores the origin, meaning, and mechanism of the PPP model, and discusses the major obstacles it encounters in practice. The article also compares PPP with China’s “development package” model, and puts forward some policy recommendations on China’s participation in IDC. Although China is a pioneer in carrying out public-private cooperation in international development, it needs to fully reflect on its experience, so as to formulate clearer guiding principles and management rules on public-private cooperation. It is also imperative for the country to set up relevant institutions and mechanisms to promote PPP practices.
{"title":"Public-Private Partnership: Toward More Effective International Development Cooperation","authors":"Jiang Lu, Wu Zetao","doi":"10.1142/s2377740019500271","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500271","url":null,"abstract":"In the 21st century, the traditional model of official development assistance (ODA) promoted by developed countries is faced with many challenges. One of them is the emergence of the “public-private partnership (PPP)” model for international development cooperation (IDC), which has become increasingly popular among developed countries and international organizations over the past decade. This article explores the origin, meaning, and mechanism of the PPP model, and discusses the major obstacles it encounters in practice. The article also compares PPP with China’s “development package” model, and puts forward some policy recommendations on China’s participation in IDC. Although China is a pioneer in carrying out public-private cooperation in international development, it needs to fully reflect on its experience, so as to formulate clearer guiding principles and management rules on public-private cooperation. It is also imperative for the country to set up relevant institutions and mechanisms to promote PPP practices.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1142/s2377740019500271","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44929798","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-01-01DOI: 10.1142/s2377740019500180
Ning Liao
This article examines the status politics in Chinese foreign policy and its implications on China-U.S. relations. The analysis of status recognition and the role it plays in Chinese diplomacy reveals the motivating factors behind China’s quest for respect in the international arena and the centrality of national identity in China’s status aspiration. Viewed from the socio-psychological perspective, China’s tenacious struggle to gain a prominent international status is a social action aimed at forging its identity security, whereby the Chinese “self” will interact on equal terms with the foreign “other.” Based on the argument, this paper compares Chinese and American role conceptions and dissects the status dilemma between the two powers by exploring the dynamics of disrespect in their status relations. The two nations’ distinctive self-role conceptions and their role expectations of the interacting parties have led to a widening gap between China’s international status that entitles it to equal treatment and the one accorded by the United States. The disquieting condition of this status dissonance has motivated Beijing to disrupt the asymmetric hierarchy wherein it used to exhibit deference to Washington. The effort of the established hegemon in upending the defiance of the status contestant has exacerbated the status dilemma, which has given rise to the current China-U.S. malaise.
{"title":"Identity, Role Conception, and Status Dilemma: A Socio-Psychological Account of China-U.S. Relations","authors":"Ning Liao","doi":"10.1142/s2377740019500180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500180","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the status politics in Chinese foreign policy and its implications on China-U.S. relations. The analysis of status recognition and the role it plays in Chinese diplomacy reveals the motivating factors behind China’s quest for respect in the international arena and the centrality of national identity in China’s status aspiration. Viewed from the socio-psychological perspective, China’s tenacious struggle to gain a prominent international status is a social action aimed at forging its identity security, whereby the Chinese “self” will interact on equal terms with the foreign “other.” Based on the argument, this paper compares Chinese and American role conceptions and dissects the status dilemma between the two powers by exploring the dynamics of disrespect in their status relations. The two nations’ distinctive self-role conceptions and their role expectations of the interacting parties have led to a widening gap between China’s international status that entitles it to equal treatment and the one accorded by the United States. The disquieting condition of this status dissonance has motivated Beijing to disrupt the asymmetric hierarchy wherein it used to exhibit deference to Washington. The effort of the established hegemon in upending the defiance of the status contestant has exacerbated the status dilemma, which has given rise to the current China-U.S. malaise.","PeriodicalId":42595,"journal":{"name":"China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1142/s2377740019500180","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"63851933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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