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Introduction: Sovereignty and the return of governance for digital platforms 引言:数字平台的主权与治理回归
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-02-21 DOI: 10.1177/20594364231161658
T. Flew, Chun-Pin Su
In an era that has been termed one of post-globalization (Flew, 2021), there is considerable debate around governance of the global Internet. In particular, multistakeholder approaches which seek to bypass nation-state governments in the name of global ‘netizens’ have been critiqued as lacking real regulatory capacity to transform the behaviour of digital platforms towards public interest goals. At the same time, there has been a ‘regulatory turn’ (Schlesinger, 2020) in internet governance, with national governments – as well as the European Union – proposing an array of laws, policies, regulations and co-regulatory codes to address issues that include monopoly power, content regulation, data and privacy, and the uses of AI. It has been estimated that over 100 new forms of legislation, regulation and policy reports had been developed across multiple jurisdictions by May 2021, all of which pointed in the direction of growing state direction of the internet and its leading players (Puppis & Winseck, 2021). The result is that Internet governance seems to be perpetually stuck between two registers. The global multistakeholder-based agencies such as ICANN, Internet Governance Forum etc. continue to meet, and to propose measures that assume a relatively stateless form of communications infrastructure. At the same time, with the growing ‘platformisation’ of the Internet (Flew, 2021), nation-states and supranational entities such as the European Union identify a relatively small number of global tech giants who dominate core activities in the digital economy (search, social media, digital advertising, e-commerce etc.), and who derive monopoly profits as well as social influence, political power and communications dominance, and who seek to rein in such power through new forms of regulation. For such activists and regulators, the Internet presents itself less as the borderless future, and more as a set of hegemonic structures akin to the industrial-era giants who prompted the first wave of antitrust laws in the 1920s and 1930s (Deibert, 2020; Wu, 2018). The result is a growing irrelevance of global Internet governance regimes, as national governments proceed apace with setting their own rules around digital industries and online conduct. While a large number of nation-states around the world maintained some controls over the Internet – of which China is by far the largest – the regulatory turn of the 2020s has been a characteristic of the liberal democracies, not least the United States. It comes at a time when US
在一个被称为后全球化的时代(Flew, 2021),围绕全球互联网的治理存在相当大的争论。特别是,以全球“网民”的名义试图绕过民族国家政府的多方利益相关者方法,被批评为缺乏真正的监管能力,无法将数字平台的行为转变为公共利益目标。与此同时,互联网治理出现了“监管转向”(施莱辛格,2020),各国政府以及欧盟提出了一系列法律、政策、法规和共同监管法规,以解决包括垄断权力、内容监管、数据和隐私以及人工智能使用在内的问题。据估计,到2021年5月,多个司法管辖区已经制定了100多种新形式的立法、法规和政策报告,所有这些都指向了互联网及其主要参与者日益增长的国家方向(Puppis & Winseck, 2021)。其结果是,互联网治理似乎永远卡在两个注册机构之间。基于多利益相关方的全球机构,如ICANN、互联网治理论坛等,继续开会,并提出采取相对无状态的通信基础设施形式的措施。与此同时,随着互联网的日益“平台化”(Flew, 2021),民族国家和超国家实体(如欧盟)确定了相对少数的全球科技巨头,他们主导了数字经济(搜索,社交媒体,数字广告,电子商务等)的核心活动,并获得垄断利润以及社会影响力,政治权力和通信主导地位,并寻求通过新形式的监管来控制这种权力。对于这些活动家和监管者来说,互联网与其说是无国界的未来,不如说是一套霸权结构,类似于工业时代的巨头,它们在20世纪20年代和30年代推动了第一波反垄断法(Deibert, 2020;吴,2018)。其结果是,随着各国政府迅速围绕数字产业和在线行为制定自己的规则,全球互联网治理机制变得越来越无关紧要。虽然世界上许多民族国家对互联网保持着一定程度的控制——其中中国是迄今为止最大的——本世纪20年代的监管转变是自由民主国家的一个特征,尤其是美国。它的到来正值美国
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Culture, music education, and the Chinese dream in mainland China 书评:中国大陆的文化、音乐教育与中国梦
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-02-07 DOI: 10.1177/20594364231152315
Xinyi Zhu
As China has its distinctive cultural elements and political situations, it has intensively impacted the general music education system. Unlike other researchers, focusing on the detailed music education structure, educational standards and balancing traditional and modern approaches to learning music (Reimer, 1989), Culture, Music Education, and the Chinese Dream in Mainland China is aiming to analyse how the traditional Chinese culture and political idea of ‘the Chinese Dream’ have actively influenced the music education process, results, and reflections. Approaching music education through interviewing teachers in primary and secondary schools, the book is able to conduct a comprehensive conclusion of the historical and current political and cultural origins, with the consideration of the global economic development and individual values. The positive side of this book is that it actively combines communication studies and social studies with the topic of music education in China. It engages interdisciplinary research to come together and have a broader understanding of music education in mainland China. In the meantime, the weakness of this book also lies in the fact that Wai-Chung Ho didn’t elaborate and articulate the section on the general educational changes. It solely emphasizes the continuous political and economic development; however, it didn’t provide a sufficient explanation of the education system itself and its change of focus in the past few years.
由于中国有其独特的文化元素和政治形势,它对普通音乐教育系统产生了强烈的影响。与其他研究人员关注详细的音乐教育结构、教育标准以及平衡传统和现代学习音乐的方法(Reimer, 1989)不同,《中国大陆的文化、音乐教育和中国梦》旨在分析中国传统文化和“中国梦”的政治理念如何积极影响音乐教育的过程、结果和反思。本书通过对中小学教师的访谈来探讨音乐教育,能够结合全球经济发展和个人价值观的考虑,对历史和当前的政治和文化根源进行全面的总结。这本书积极的一面是它积极地将传播学和社会学与中国音乐教育的主题结合起来。它采用跨学科的研究,汇集在一起,对中国大陆的音乐教育有更广泛的了解。与此同时,本书的不足之处还在于何伟忠没有详细阐述和阐明一般教育变革的部分。它只强调政治和经济的持续发展;然而,它并没有充分解释教育系统本身及其在过去几年中重点的变化。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The Wuhan lockdown 书评:武汉封锁
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-02-07 DOI: 10.1177/20594364231152317
Jeroen de Kloet
It was in 1919, more than 100 years ago, that the Irish poet W.B. Yeats wrote ‘The second coming’, of which the most quoted lines are probably Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold. Today, a century later, somehow, these words seem to resonate uncomfortably well the times we are living in. War, climate change, geopolitical tensions, a pandemic: life has become saturated with uncertainty and instability. How to make sense of our current times? What task is left for us, academics? In my reading of Guobin Yang’s new book on the Wuhan lockdown, the answer is that we need now – maybe more urgently than before – detailed, empirical, site-specific studies to grasp what is going on. Or, at least, to try our utmost to grasp the current conjuncture. Such works steer away from easy generalisations; instead, they present us with ambivalences, contradictions, if not paradoxes, and as such refuse to give convenient answers. Yang’s study is a well-researched analysis of the Wuhan lockdown, drawing on an elaborate online ethnography that includes diaries, WeChat groups, WeChat moments, news reports, poems, interviews, Sina Weibo postings, policy documents, press conferences, and so on. While circumstances forced such an approach – the author could not enter China for obvious reasons – the result is both an exemplary study of the possibilities of online research methodologies as well as an empirically and theoretically rich account of the starting months of the pandemic. Building on his previous work, Yang convincingly draws on ample case studies to guide us through the start of the pandemic, roughly from December 2019 to April 2020, zooming in on one city, Wuhan. Allow me a very brief, and therefore incomplete, overview of its nine chapters, with some more reflection on the conclusion of the book. The first chapter focuses on the month before the lockdown, showing how formalism (xingshi zhuyi 形式主义) perpetuates official culture in China. This results in an obsession with appearance, an image management that in the end led to a delayed response to the outbreak. Chapter 2 looks back onto internet culture in China over the past decade, in conjunction with the change in leadership. It shows how platformisation in China has a distinct logic in which ‘[t]he dialectics of party-line domination and bottom-up practices are intricate’, (p. 38) dampening the contentious landscape of the Chinese internet. Chapter 3 zooms in on the mobilization of resources by the state to implement its policies, including the use of loudspeakers, reminiscent of older times, but also blunt force and the pivotal role played by community
100多年前的1919年,爱尔兰诗人叶芝(W.B. Yeats)写下了《再来》(the second coming),其中被引用最多的几句话可能是:万物分崩离析;中心站不住了。一个世纪后的今天,不知何故,这些话似乎在我们生活的时代产生了令人不安的共鸣。战争、气候变化、地缘政治紧张局势、流行病:生活充满了不确定性和不稳定性。如何理解我们当前的时代?学者们,留给我们的任务是什么?在我阅读杨国斌关于武汉封锁的新书时,答案是,我们现在——也许比以前更迫切——需要详细的、经验性的、具体地点的研究,以掌握正在发生的事情。或者,至少,尽我们最大的努力把握当前的形势。这样的作品避免了简单的概括;相反,它们呈现给我们的是矛盾、矛盾(如果不是悖论的话),并因此拒绝给出方便的答案。杨的研究是对武汉封锁进行了深入研究的分析,借鉴了一个精心制作的在线民族志,包括日记、微信群、微信朋友圈、新闻报道、诗歌、采访、新浪微博帖子、政策文件、新闻发布会等。虽然环境迫使作者采用这种方法——作者由于显而易见的原因无法进入中国——但其结果既是对在线研究方法可能性的典范研究,也是对大流行开始几个月的经验和理论的丰富描述。在他之前工作的基础上,杨令人信服地利用了大量的案例研究来指导我们度过大流行的开始,大约从2019年12月到2020年4月,放大了一个城市,武汉。请允许我对它的九章作一个非常简短的、因此是不完整的概述,并对本书的结论作一些更多的思考。第一章聚焦于封城前的一个月,展示了形式主义是如何在中国延续官方文化的。这导致了对外表的痴迷,一种形象管理,最终导致了对疫情的反应延迟。第二章回顾了过去十年中国的互联网文化,并结合领导层的变化。它显示了中国的平台化如何具有独特的逻辑,其中“政党路线统治和自下而上实践的辩证法是复杂的”(第38页),抑制了中国互联网的争议景观。第三章聚焦于国家为执行其政策而调动资源,包括使用扩音器,这让人想起旧时代,但也有生硬的力量和社区发挥的关键作用
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引用次数: 0
Data sovereignty and platform neutrality – A comparative study on TikTok’s data policy 数据主权与平台中立——TikTok数据政策比较研究
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-02-06 DOI: 10.1177/20594364231154340
Chun-Pin Su, Wenjia Tang
Digital sovereignty has attracted growing attention as governments around the world attempted to exert national influence over international platforms. Agenda of nation-states becomes apparent when the Chinese-based platform TikTok achieved global success. Under geopolitical, social and cultural dynamics, this paper examines the data sovereignty of TikTok, its sister app Douyin and its international competitor Facebook, aiming at differentiating data related policies between TikTok, Douyin and other global platforms. This study employs comparative views to comprehend data privacy, data portability and data storage. The preliminary finding suggests a stakeholder approach to balancing governance and sovereignty.
随着世界各国政府试图对国际平台施加国家影响力,数字主权越来越受到关注。当中国的抖音平台在全球取得成功时,民族国家的议程变得显而易见。本文在地缘政治、社会和文化动态的背景下,对TikTok、姊妹应用抖音及其国际竞争对手Facebook的数据主权进行了研究,旨在区分TikTok、抖音和其他全球平台之间的数据相关政策。本研究采用比较的观点来理解数据隐私、数据可移植性和数据存储。初步发现建议采用利益相关者的方法来平衡治理和主权。
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引用次数: 0
Strategic stories: weaponized or worldmaking? 战略故事:武器化还是创造世界?
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-19 DOI: 10.1177/20594364231153200
John Hartley
The deployment of strategic stories, that is, stories designed to prevail over adversaries, is at work in domestic politics as well as in diplomacy. In both cases, the strategy has two aims: to create a division between ‘us’ and ‘them’, and at the same time to ascribe moral supremacy to ‘our side’ while posing ‘their side’ as an existential threat. Strategic storytelling specialises in discrimination and foe creation, but the nature of the actors involved has changed in the digital era. Now, ‘we’ and ‘they’ are organised into decentralised and mediated classes based on common identities, enabling collective action at planetary scale (e.g. climate activism, gender and ethnic justice, far-right extremism). At the same time, media platforms and news organisations are part of the apparatus by which strategic narratives are weaponised for warfare. Thus, I argue, digital media analysis needs to understand the ‘strategic turn’ in storytelling, and its deployment by states and ‘non-state actors’ alike, in this case, news media. Alternative models of worldmaking, in which popular culture acts as a pedagogic platform for class formation and activism, enter an ecology in which narrative is already a weapon of war – where it’s aircraft carriers, all the way down.
战略故事的运用,即旨在战胜对手的故事,在国内政治和外交中都在发挥作用。在这两种情况下,这种策略都有两个目的:在“我们”和“他们”之间制造分歧,同时将道德至上归于“我们一方”,同时将“他们一方”视为存在威胁。策略性讲故事擅长于辨别和创造敌人,但在数字时代,参与者的性质发生了变化。现在,“我们”和“他们”根据共同的身份被组织成分散和中介的阶级,从而能够在全球范围内采取集体行动(例如气候行动主义、性别和种族正义、极右翼极端主义)。与此同时,媒体平台和新闻机构是将战略叙事武器化用于战争的机器的一部分。因此,我认为,数字媒体分析需要理解讲故事的“战略转向”,以及国家和“非国家行为体”的部署,在这种情况下,是新闻媒体。在另一种世界观模式中,流行文化充当了阶级形成和行动主义的教学平台,进入了一种生态,在这种生态中,叙事已经是一种战争武器——在那里它是航空母舰,一直往下。
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引用次数: 0
EU digital economy competition policy: From ex-post to ex-ante. The case of Alphabet, Amazon, Apple, and Meta 欧盟数字经济竞争政策:从事后到事前。Alphabet、亚马逊、苹果和Meta的案例
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-13 DOI: 10.1177/20594364231152673
N. Nicoli, Petros Iosifidis
Since 2007, the European Commission (EC) has opened numerous competition cases regarding Alphabet, Amazon, Apple, and Meta (AAAM). Enforcement, however, has remained elusive, prompting a new regulatory paradigm in the EU known as the Digital Markets Act. In this study, we analyze the EC’s competition policy approach regarding big tech with an emphasis on AAAM. Rather than implementing a consumer welfare friendly neoclassic economics analysis, we adopt a critical political economy of communications (CPE) approach to analyze these cases. The article explores whether EU competition policy does enough to yield the required measures to preserve a healthy digital economy sector for political and social welfare as much as for consumer welfare.
自2007年以来,欧盟委员会(EC)已经针对Alphabet、亚马逊、苹果和Meta (AAAM)发起了多起竞争案件。然而,执行仍然难以捉摸,这促使欧盟出台了一种新的监管范式,即《数字市场法案》。在本研究中,我们分析了欧共体对大型科技公司的竞争政策方法,重点是AAAM。我们没有采用对消费者福利友好的新古典经济学分析,而是采用批判政治经济学(CPE)的方法来分析这些案例。本文探讨了欧盟的竞争政策是否足以产生必要的措施,以保护一个健康的数字经济部门,为政治和社会福利以及消费者福利服务。
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引用次数: 1
The role of citizens in platform governance: A case study on public consultations regarding online content regulation in the European Union 公民在平台治理中的作用:欧盟关于在线内容监管的公众咨询案例研究
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-04 DOI: 10.1177/20594364221150142
Charis Papaevangelou
This article proposes to start considering the role that citizens play in platform governance as a way of critically reflecting on issues of inclusivity in and effectiveness of current decision-making processes. This article attempts to apply the above suggestion by studying citizens’ discourse in recent European efforts to regulate online content. It does so by employing an experimental methodology, namely, a computationally assisted Critical Discourse Analysis on textual data derived from citizens’ contributions to the European Commission’s Public Consultations on three crucial regulatory texts: the Code of Practice on Disinformation, the Recommendation on Tackling Illegal Content Online and the Digital Services Act. The present analysis suggests that the EU’s strategy to advance participatory governance through public consultations seems to ignore citizens’ qualitative input and, thus, the feedback received can be severely limited. Concluding, the article maintains that scholarship should adopt a more encompassing scope when studying platform governance, especially concerning citizen and user participation, beyond the traditional frame of participation through civil society representation, while critically scrutinising existing ostensibly participatory structures.
本文建议开始考虑公民在平台治理中发挥的作用,以此作为批判性反思当前决策过程的包容性和有效性问题的一种方式。本文试图通过研究最近欧洲监管网络内容的公民话语来应用上述建议。它采用了一种实验方法,即对文本数据进行计算辅助的批判性话语分析,这些文本数据来源于公民对欧盟委员会关于三个关键监管文本的公众咨询的贡献:虚假信息行为准则、关于处理在线非法内容的建议和数字服务法案。目前的分析表明,欧盟通过公众协商推进参与式治理的战略似乎忽视了公民的定性投入,因此,收到的反馈可能受到严重限制。最后,本文认为,在研究平台治理时,学术研究应该采用更广泛的范围,特别是关于公民和用户参与,超越通过公民社会代表参与的传统框架,同时严格审查现有的表面上的参与性结构。
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引用次数: 0
Book review: Creative industries and digital transformation in China 书评:中国的创意产业与数字化转型
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-22 DOI: 10.1177/20594364221148358
Xinyi Zhu
Creative industries have been mushrooming in the past few decades and gradually emerged as one of the most potent industries in China. In the book Creative Industries and Digital Transformation in China, various scholars approached it from diverse perspectives, including reviving the traditional culture, cyberspace in Shanghai, gaming culture, and the fashion eco-system. It reveals the gradually emerging creative industries from historical, modern, and cultural points of view. In general, it is a comprehensive book that incorporates the essential points from the growing process of the contemporary creative industry and embedded the digital transformation process based on the root of Chinese culture. However, there are weaknesses that exist in this book; it majorly lies in the lack of understanding of the political situation and lack of sufficient empirical examples of other major industries to investigate the general understanding of creative industries in China.
在过去的几十年里,创意产业如雨后春笋般涌现,并逐渐成为中国最具潜力的产业之一。在《中国的创意产业与数字化转型》一书中,多位学者从传统文化复兴、上海网络空间、游戏文化、时尚生态等多个角度进行了探讨。它从历史、现代和文化的角度揭示了逐渐兴起的创意产业。总的来说,这是一本综合性的书,它融合了当代创意产业成长过程中的要点,并嵌入了基于中国文化根源的数字化转型过程。然而,这本书也存在弱点;主要在于对政治形势的了解不足,以及缺乏足够的其他主要产业的实证例子来调查对中国创意产业的总体认识。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Mapping digital game culture in China: From internet addicts to esports athletes 书评:描绘中国的数字游戏文化:从网瘾者到电子竞技运动员
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-07 DOI: 10.1177/20594364221145999
Wenbin Jia
Chinese popular culture is a field with a complicated history, a wide range of topics, and interconnected affections. It is difficult to reveal all of its features. In the book Mapping Digital Game Culture in China: From Internet Addicts to Esports Athletes, Marcella Szablewicz created an effective strategy for comprehending the culture of digital games in China. Szablewicz, an Assistant Professor at Pace University’s Dyson College of Arts and Sciences, is interested in the constructed division between productive and unproductive online pursuits. Starting from a survey of activities in Internet cafés (wangba) in Harbin, Szablewicz portrays the historical trajectory and topographical map of digital game culture in China. On the one hand, Szablewicz explores the ways in which members of an entire generation of urban Chinese youth experienced digital gaming and Internet. Those born mostly in the 1980s and early 1990s are to some extent responsible for the development history of digital game culture in China. On the other hand, tracing the culture, rules, and social interactions of different kinds of game, Szablewicz investigates the diversity of discourses, practices, and meanings associated with them. She uses above empirical materials as the foundation for mapping China’s digital game culture. This topographical map includes at least two aspects: “network of culture” and “artifact of culture.” About the network of digital game culture in China, Szablewicz discusses the conjunction between discourse and affect, in which there is constantly a struggle between structural constraints at the macro level and individual agency at the micro level. For the former, Szablewicz pays particular attention to the historical, cultural, and political settings that affect how people interact with and comprehend digital media. In her view, the Chinese government and the media are trying to position digital games in the popular imagination by using discourse resources. They characterize digital games as harmful spiritual opium that are frequently depressing, unhealthy, and addictive, and associate them with illicit places and practices of China’s past. However, with esports (dianzi jingji) became an official sport and a source of national pride and goodwill, the Chinese government has viewed esports as a form of soft power and made reserved efforts to legitimize it. So, the media
中国大众文化是一个历史复杂、话题广泛、情感交织的领域。很难揭示它的所有特征。在《绘制中国数字游戏文化:从网瘾者到电子竞技运动员》一书中,Marcella Szablewicz提出了一种理解中国数字游戏文化的有效策略。Szablewicz是佩斯大学戴森艺术与科学学院的助理教授,他对有成效和无成效的网络活动之间的划分很感兴趣。Szablewicz从对哈尔滨网吧活动的调查入手,描绘了中国数字游戏文化的历史轨迹和地形图。一方面,Szablewicz探索了整整一代中国城市青年体验数字游戏和互联网的方式。这些80后和90后在一定程度上对中国数字游戏文化的发展史负有责任。另一方面,通过追踪不同类型游戏的文化、规则和社会互动,Szablewicz研究了与之相关的话语、实践和意义的多样性。她将以上经验材料作为绘制中国数字游戏文化的基础。这幅地形图至少包含了两个方面:“文化网络”和“文化神器”。关于中国数字游戏文化的网络,Szablewicz讨论了话语与情感的结合,其中宏观层面的结构性约束与微观层面的个体代理之间存在着不断的斗争。对于前者,Szablewicz特别关注影响人们如何与数字媒体互动和理解的历史、文化和政治环境。在她看来,中国政府和媒体正试图利用话语资源将数字游戏定位在大众的想象中。他们将数字游戏描述为有害的精神鸦片,经常令人沮丧、不健康和上瘾,并将其与中国过去的非法场所和做法联系在一起。然而,随着电子竞技(电竞)成为一项官方运动,成为民族自豪感和善意的源泉,中国政府已将电子竞技视为一种软实力,并努力使其合法化。所以,媒体
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: China in the Era of Social Media: An Unprecedented Force for an Unprecedented Social Change 书评:《社交媒体时代的中国:前所未有的社会变革力量》
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/20594364221112165
Minghua Xu
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引用次数: 0
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Global Media and China
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