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Connectivity, centrality, and adaptation: The coproduction of political space in China’s standardization of autonomous driving technologies 连通性、中心性与适应性:中国自动驾驶技术标准化中的政治空间共生
2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/20594364231198289
Nicolas Huppenbauer
Technical standards are a topic of intense geopolitical competition. This article introduces standardization as a practice constitutive of meaning and social order, and, in particular, one that coproduces political space. It engages with the argument that China in international standardization aims to make itself more central, and increasingly rejects domestic adaptation, in order to promote a new spatial vision of Sino-centric connectivity for international relations. After situating this argument in the literature on standardization and space-making, the article analyzes China’s policy discourse on the standardization of Intelligent and Connected Vehicles. The analyzed discourse reveals a position towards connectivity that is partially Sino-centric, but also reproduces established narratives of openness, technical expertise, and cooperation. The article adds to the debate on the coproduction of political space by introducing standardization as a site through which connectivity as a geopolitical vision is negotiated. Empirically, it adds to recent findings that China's different national goals for digital infrastructure development may compete with each other, reducing the country's potential to coherently connect with the world on its own terms.
技术标准是一个地缘政治竞争激烈的话题。本文介绍了标准化作为一种构成意义和社会秩序的实践,特别是一种共同产生政治空间的实践。它与中国在国际标准化中的目标是使自己更加核心,并越来越拒绝国内适应的观点相结合,以促进以中国为中心的国际关系连通性的新空间愿景。在将这一论点置于标准化和空间制造的文献中之后,文章分析了中国关于智能网联汽车标准化的政策话语。分析的话语揭示了一种部分以中国为中心的互联互通立场,但也再现了开放、技术专长和合作的既定叙事。这篇文章通过引入标准化作为一个地点,增加了关于政治空间共同生产的辩论,通过标准化,作为地缘政治愿景的连通性得以谈判。从经验上看,它与最近的研究结果相辅相成,即中国在数字基础设施发展方面的不同国家目标可能会相互竞争,从而降低中国以自己的方式与世界紧密联系的潜力。
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引用次数: 0
Ten Postulates of a Media Imperialism Framework: For Critical Research on China’s Media Power and Influence in the Global South 媒体帝国主义框架的十大假设:中国媒体权力及其对南方国家影响的批判性研究
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-08-24 DOI: 10.1177/20594364231195934
Tanner Mirrlees
This article considers the growing media power and influence of China in the global South through the lens of a critical media imperialism framework derived from the geopolitical economy of communications research tradition. While extensive research exists on US media imperialism and the challenge to it posed by China’s global media rise, the idea of China as a media imperialist in its own right has received limited attention. This article addresses this gap in the field by summarizing ten key postulates of a media imperialism framework for critical research on China’s media power and influence in the global South. This article study does not seek to prove China’s status as a new media imperialist power or provide a detailed case study of China’s media imperialism in a specific country. Instead, it synthesizes the ten postulates of a media imperialism framework, examines China’s corporate and state media organizations in relation to these, and draws from relevant scholarship, evidence, and anecdotes. The article argues that each postulate can serve as a foundation for future case studies of different facets of China’s media power and influence in countries across the global South. These postulates can be refined, disproven, or expanded through further research. By considering China’s media power and influence through the lens of the media imperialism framework, this article aims to stimulate further meta-theory, empirical research, and scholarly debates on this pivotal topic, which while contentious, is significant to the future of the global South, and the wider world system.
本文从传播研究传统的地缘政治经济出发,通过批判媒体帝国主义框架的视角,考虑中国在全球南方日益增长的媒体力量和影响力。虽然对美国媒体帝国主义和中国全球媒体崛起对其构成的挑战进行了广泛的研究,但中国本身就是一个媒体帝国主义的想法却受到了有限的关注。本文通过总结媒体帝国主义框架的十个关键假设来解决这一领域的空白,以对中国在全球南方的媒体权力和影响进行批判性研究。本文的研究并不试图证明中国作为新媒体帝国主义大国的地位,也不提供中国媒体帝国主义在特定国家的详细案例研究。相反,它综合了媒体帝国主义框架的十个假设,研究了与之相关的中国企业和国家媒体组织,并从相关的学术研究、证据和轶事中汲取信息。文章认为,每个假设都可以作为未来案例研究的基础,研究中国媒体在南半球国家的不同方面的权力和影响力。这些假设可以通过进一步的研究加以完善、反驳或扩展。通过媒体帝国主义框架来考虑中国的媒体力量和影响力,本文旨在激发关于这一关键主题的进一步元理论、实证研究和学术辩论,这一主题虽然存在争议,但对全球南方国家和更广泛的世界体系的未来具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
AI anxiety? Comparing the sociotechnical imaginaries of artificial intelligence in UK, Chinese and Indian newspapers AI焦虑?比较英国、中国和印度报纸对人工智能的社会技术想象
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-08-16 DOI: 10.1177/20594364231196547
Weili Wang, John K. Downey, Fan Yang
A growing body of work insists that artificial intelligence (AI) must be regarded as a sociotechnical imaginary in the manner of earlier technologies. In this paper we contribute to this field by investigating the representation of AI across very different countries and across time to assess whether these representations are influenced by their socio-economic, political, and cultural contexts, and whether they change over time. By applying computational topic modelling methods, we investigate narratives around AI in 9 newspapers across the UK, China and India over a time frame of 12 years, from 2011 to 2022. Our results indicate that there are both dystopian and utopian narratives associated with AI, as indeed there have been with other technologies. Debates about AI tend very much to reflect national priorities, preoccupations, hopes and fears, all of which are projected onto emerging AI technologies.
越来越多的研究坚持认为,必须像早期技术一样,将人工智能(AI)视为一种社会技术想象。在本文中,我们通过调查人工智能在不同国家和不同时间的表现,来评估这些表现是否受到其社会经济、政治和文化背景的影响,以及它们是否会随着时间的推移而变化,从而为这一领域做出贡献。通过应用计算主题建模方法,我们在2011年至2022年的12年时间框架内,调查了英国、中国和印度9家报纸上关于人工智能的报道。我们的研究结果表明,与人工智能相关的叙述既有反乌托邦的,也有乌托邦的,就像其他技术一样。关于人工智能的辩论往往反映了国家的优先事项、当务之急、希望和恐惧,所有这些都被投射到新兴的人工智能技术上。
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引用次数: 0
The cultural politics of race in Chinese cinema: Nationalism and the changing representation of whiteness in Big Shot’s Funeral and Crazy Alien 中国电影中的种族文化政治:《大佬的葬礼》和《疯狂的外星人》中民族主义与白人表现的变化
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-08-10 DOI: 10.1177/20594364231194670
K. Ma
Research on whiteness in Western cinema has effectively revealed how cinematic representation contributes to formulating, perpetuating, normalizing, and contesting white superiority in Western cultural discourses. However, little research considers how Chinese cinema imagines and negotiates whiteness. Using the visual-textual analysis method, this article examines the representations of white identities in Big Shot’s Funeral (2001, dir. Feng Xiaogang) and Crazy Alien (2019, dir. Ning Hao). These are two well-received post-socialist Chinese dark comedy films depicting encounters between Chinese people and Westerners in contemporary China. Approaching racial identity as a form of social positioning, I analyze how various meanings are ascribed to white identities in the films, and how these meanings articulate Chineseness and Chinese nationalist sentiments. I show that white superiority is simultaneously reinforced and contested in the two films. While doing so, I will also highlight Western cultural theories’ lack of analytical power in explaining how white superiority in cultural discourse transforms across different geographical locations.
对西方电影中白人的研究有效地揭示了电影表现如何有助于西方文化话语中白人优越感的形成、延续、正常化和争论。然而,很少有研究考虑中国电影如何想象和协商白色。本文运用视觉-文本分析的方法,考察了《大腕的葬礼》(2001,导演)中白人身份的表现。冯小刚)和《疯狂的外星人》(2019,导演)。宁浩)。这是两部广受欢迎的后社会主义中国黑色喜剧电影,描绘了当代中国中国人与西方人的相遇。将种族认同作为一种社会定位的形式,我分析了电影中白人身份的各种含义,以及这些含义如何表达中国性和中国民族主义情绪。我认为白人的优越感在两部电影中同时得到了强化和质疑。与此同时,我还将强调西方文化理论在解释文化话语中的白人优越感如何在不同地理位置发生变化方面缺乏分析能力。
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引用次数: 0
Oculus power! Arts and technology’s mediation of postcolonial neoliberal nationalism in Hong Kong 眼睛的力量!艺术与科技对香港后殖民新自由主义民族主义的调解
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-08-07 DOI: 10.1177/20594364231194671
H. Shum
In the Hong Kong Chief Executive’s 2020 Policy Address, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) Government implemented strategies to integrate arts and technology as a new trend in cultural development. With the co-existence of a governmental initiative in ‘arts and technology’ (‘arts tech’) development and the rapid advancement of new technologies, it is frequently seen that new technologies (e.g., virtual reality [VR] and augmented reality) have been widely adopted in interactive media art productions in Hong Kong. Drawing on ethnographic research on a commercial virtual event, and a VR theatre performance produced by a Hong Kong cross-media creative studio, this study unveils discrepancies existing between government officials, commercial marketers, and art creators, ranging from objectives to practices in applying technologies to virtual art production. The juxtaposition of a market-driven commercial virtual campaign and the Chinese nationalist agenda embodied in the government-funded arts tech project reflects how the socio-historical background and changing political situation in Hong Kong extends its postcolonial neoliberal nationalism (PNN) to the arts tech arena. The contribution of this paper is two-fold: first, by adopting ‘China as method’ as epistemological analysis, the mediation of PNN by arts tech explains a ‘southbound imaginary’ in Hong Kong’s arts and cultural practices through a changing relationship between Hong Kong and mainland China. Second, in contrast to the current scholarship focusing on human governance in the formation of neoliberal nationalism, this paper underscores the ‘power’ of techno-cultural material in mediating the neoliberal nationalism of Hong Kong, after its reversion to China, through arts tech development.
在香港特别行政区行政长官2020年施政报告中,香港特别行政区政府推行策略,将艺术与科技结合,作为文化发展的新趋势。随着政府推动“艺术与科技”(“艺科”)的发展,以及新科技的迅速发展,在香港的互动媒体艺术制作中,经常可以看到新科技(例如虚拟现实和增强现实)被广泛采用。通过对一个商业虚拟事件的人种学研究,以及香港一家跨媒体创意工作室制作的虚拟现实戏剧表演,本研究揭示了政府官员、商业营销人员和艺术创作者之间存在的差异,从将技术应用于虚拟艺术制作的目标到实践。市场驱动的商业虚拟活动与政府资助的艺术科技项目中体现的中国民族主义议程并置,反映了香港的社会历史背景和不断变化的政治局势如何将其后殖民新自由主义民族主义(PNN)扩展到艺术科技领域。本文的贡献有两个方面:首先,通过采用“中国作为方法”作为认识论分析,艺术科技对PNN的调解通过香港与中国大陆关系的变化解释了香港艺术和文化实践中的“南向想象”。其次,与目前关注新自由主义民族主义形成过程中人类治理的学术研究不同,本文强调了技术文化材料在香港回归中国后通过艺术技术发展调解新自由主义民族主义的“力量”。
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引用次数: 0
Geopolitics in the infrastructural ideology of 5G 5G基础设施意识形态中的地缘政治
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1177/20594364231193950
Maxigas, Niels ten Oever
This paper explores how infrastructural ideologies function as tools in geopolitical struggles for dependence and independence between world powers. Meese et al. (2020) suggest that controversies around 5G stem from infrastructural anxieties best examined in the framework of geopolitics. We build on this work by analysing the emerging infrastructural ideology and sociotechnical imaginaries (Jasanoff and Kim, 2015) of 5G in light of the changing global division of labour. Sociotechnical imaginaries refer to the vision of technologies themselves, while ideologies refer to the totality of social relations, translating the objective reality of material conditions to subjective lived experience (Bory, 2020). The Western imaginaries around 5G infrastructures reflect, deflect, translate and sublimate the infrastructural anxieties tied to the development and deployment of new network paradigms by China as an emerging hegemon. The controversial nature, contradictory content and fragmented presentation of 5G is a necessary part of living through the trauma of lost historical agency on the part of Western superpowers. We engaged in code ethnography (Rosa, 2022) of GSM, internet and 5G technologies, as well as participant observation in the main standard-development organisations of the internet and 5G. Our methodological assumption, taken from world systems theory (Wallerstein, 2004), is that the character and content of imaginaries and their underpinning ideologies creatively translate the position of actors in the global division of labour. This paper contributes to the understanding of the role of media infrastructures in geopolitical power tussles and straddles the fields of materialist media studies, science and technology studies and international relations.
本文探讨了基础设施意识形态如何在世界大国之间的依赖和独立的地缘政治斗争中作为工具发挥作用。Meese等人(2020)认为,围绕5G的争议源于地缘政治框架下最好的基础设施焦虑。我们在这项工作的基础上,根据不断变化的全球分工,分析了5G的新兴基础设施意识形态和社会技术想象(Jasanoff和Kim, 2015)。社会技术想象指的是技术本身的愿景,而意识形态指的是社会关系的整体,将物质条件的客观现实转化为主观的生活经验(Bory, 2020)。西方对5G基础设施的想象反映、转移、转化和升华了与中国作为新兴霸主开发和部署新网络范式相关的基础设施焦虑。5G的争议性、矛盾的内容和碎片化的呈现,是西方超级大国失去历史主体的创伤中生活的必要组成部分。我们从事GSM、互联网和5G技术的代码人种志(Rosa, 2022),并参与观察互联网和5G的主要标准制定组织。我们的方法论假设来自世界体系理论(Wallerstein, 2004),即想象的特征和内容及其基础意识形态创造性地翻译了行动者在全球劳动分工中的地位。本文有助于理解媒体基础设施在地缘政治权力斗争中的作用,并跨越了唯物主义媒体研究、科学技术研究和国际关系领域。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The art of useless: Fashion, media, and consumer culture in contemporary China 书评:《无用的艺术:当代中国的时尚、媒体和消费文化》
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-29 DOI: 10.1177/20594364231192378
D. Gati
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引用次数: 0
Debating the “Chineseness” of a mobile game in online communities 在网络社区中讨论手机游戏的“中国性”
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.1177/20594364231190313
Qian Li, Xiaotian Li
After its global popularity and commercial success, Genshin Impact, a Chinese-developed, Japanese anime-style mobile game, provokes online discussions on whether such a game of cultural hybridity exemplifies “authentic Chineseness.” Based on online ethnography in the fan communities, this article investigates a two-year debate on whether GI should be considered a symbol of China’s “cultural export” to other countries. It reveals that players construct multiple meanings of authentic Chineseness, including GI’s integration of Chinese cultural elements, telling “the China story,” and its patriotism and “political correctness” in China. This article contributes to the project of de-westernizing cultural studies by revealing how the meanings of cultural authenticity are constructed in a Global South context. Moreover, players situate “Chineseness” in the power relations among China, Japan, and the West, and associate cultural appropriation in the increasing hybridization process with global soft power competition. It reveals that the construction of cultural authenticity as a relational concept is shaped by others defined in a contingent, contextual, and multilateral way, and that the construction process is conditioned by domestic and international power relations, thus contributing to the project of going beyond dichotomous thinking in cultural studies.
在全球流行和商业成功之后,中国开发的日本动漫风格手游《源心冲击》在网上引发了关于这样一款文化混合游戏是否体现了“真正的中国性”的讨论。本文以粉丝社区的网络人种学为基础,调查了两年来关于地理标志是否应该被视为中国向其他国家“文化输出”的象征的争论。研究发现,玩家构建了多重真实中国性的意义,包括GI融入中国文化元素、讲述“中国故事”以及在中国的爱国主义和“政治正确”。本文通过揭示文化真实性的意义是如何在全球南方语境中建构的,为去西方化的文化研究项目做出了贡献。此外,参与者将“中国性”置于中国、日本和西方之间的权力关系中,并将日益混杂的过程中的文化挪用与全球软实力竞争联系起来。它揭示了文化真实性作为一种关系概念的建构是由以偶然的、语境的和多边的方式定义的他人塑造的,并且这种建构过程受到国内和国际权力关系的制约,从而有助于在文化研究中超越二分思维。
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引用次数: 1
“We are snowflakes”: Minor transnationalism and the cultural resilience of slash fanfiction community in China 《我们是雪花》:小跨国主义与中国同人小说群体的文化弹性
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-12 DOI: 10.1177/20594364231188350
Fan Xiao
This article examines the cultural resilience of the Chinese slash fanfiction subculture. Popular among Chinese youth, the writing and reading of slash are subjected to increasingly stringent regulations due to changes in the political environment. Drawing from the theoretical framework of minor transnationalism, the current study situates the development of the Chinese slash community in the context of post-socialist reform and globalization, arguing that slash fanfiction is a form of non-institutional, border-crossing cultural practice that challenges orthodox heteronormativity in nationalistic discourses. Foregrounding the double-edge-sword role of digital platforms, this article dissects the cultural resilience of the Chinese slash community—manifested as various strategies in keeping the viability of their cultural practices, including cultural enclosure, border-crossing platform-switching, and social media activism. This article contributes to the study of subcultures by bringing a transnational perspective that focuses on continuous, resilient cultural practices in negotiations of alternative cultural and political agendas. Methodologically, it also contributes to social media ethnographic research by testing out a comprehensive toolkit that combines close reading with computational text-mining and visual network analysis in the analysis of multimodal social media discourses.
本文考察了中国同人小说亚文化的文化弹性。斜杠在中国年轻人中很流行,但由于政治环境的变化,斜杠的书写和阅读受到越来越严格的监管。本文从小跨国主义的理论框架出发,将中国斜杠小说社区的发展置于后社会主义改革和全球化的背景下,认为斜杠小说同人小说是一种非制度性的、跨界的文化实践形式,挑战了民族主义话语中的正统异性规范。本文从数字平台的双刃剑作用出发,剖析了中国斜杠社区的文化弹性,表现为保持其文化实践可行性的各种策略,包括文化圈地、跨界平台切换和社交媒体行动主义。这篇文章通过引入一个跨国的视角来研究亚文化,关注在不同文化和政治议程的谈判中持续的、有弹性的文化实践。在方法上,它还通过测试一个综合工具包来促进社交媒体人种学研究,该工具包将细读与计算文本挖掘和视觉网络分析相结合,用于分析多模式社交媒体话语。
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引用次数: 1
How virtual influencers’ identities are shaped on Chinese social media: A case study of Ling 中国社交媒体上的网红身份是如何塑造的:以凌为例
IF 2.1 2区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-07-07 DOI: 10.1177/20594364231188353
Lijun Luo, Wonkyung Kim
Virtual influencers (VIs) have become a powerful marketing tool for brands to promote their products, due to their trouble-free experiences, compared with human influencers. However, uncanny valley, a theory that describes the negative psychological responses triggered by humanoid robots or avatars, suggests that VIs might exert negative responses from social media audiences. Thus, this study aims to investigate how social media audiences perceive Ling, the first computer-generated VI in China. Four research questions were proposed: 1) how Ling builds its persona on Weibo, 2) how consumers perceive Ling’s identity, 3) how social media audiences respond to Ling’s VI marketing strategies, 4) how social media audiences express their intimacy towards Ling. As an exploratory qualitative research method, textual analysis was employed to reveal underlying meaning in social media audiences’ perceptions of VI, and 79 Weibo posts and 8442 comments were collected as the research text. The results showed that users’ response to Ling can be summarized into three dimensions: (1) VI identity as a CGI character, (2) endorser identity as a social media marketing tool, and (3) national identity as a cultural ambassador.
虚拟网红(VIs)已经成为品牌推广产品的强大营销工具,因为与真人网红相比,他们的体验没有任何问题。然而,恐怖谷理论(一种描述人形机器人或虚拟化身引发的负面心理反应的理论)表明,虚拟人物可能会从社交媒体观众那里施加负面反应。因此,本研究旨在调查社交媒体受众如何看待中国第一个计算机生成的VI。我们提出了四个研究问题:1)凌凌如何在微博上建立自己的角色;2)消费者如何感知凌凌的身份;3)社交媒体受众如何回应凌凌的VI营销策略;4)社交媒体受众如何表达对凌凌的亲密关系。作为一种探索性质的研究方法,本文采用文本分析法揭示社交媒体受众对VI感知的潜在意义,并收集了79条微博和8442条评论作为研究文本。结果表明,用户对凌的反应可以概括为三个维度:(1)CGI角色的VI认同;(2)社交媒体营销工具的代言人认同;(3)文化大使的国家认同。
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引用次数: 0
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Global Media and China
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