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Faith between reason and affect: thinking with Antonio Gramsci 理性与情感之间的信仰:葛兰西的思考
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2021.1934505
Lukas Slothuus
ABSTRACT This article argues that faith is a crucial concept for understanding the relationship between reason and affect. By allowing people to learn from religious faith for secular ends, it can help generate political action for emancipatory change. Antonio Gramsci's underexplored secular-political and materialist conception of faith provides an important contribution to such a project. By speaking to common sense and tradition, faith avoids imposing a wholly external set of normative and political principles, instead taking people as they are as the starting point for generating emancipatory change. It also allows us to imagine the construction of alternative institutions (the Church provides an interesting model for challenging existing state authority). Theorists should therefore pay attention not just to the rationalist logic of discursive justification but also to the complex processes of social, collectively held emotions and how these influence political action as forms of affect. The article provides a detailed reconstruction of Gramsci's conception of faith and analyzes the instruments it provides for bridging the gap between reason and affect.
本文认为信仰是理解理性与情感关系的关键概念。通过允许人们从宗教信仰中学习世俗目的,它可以帮助产生解放变革的政治行动。安东尼奥·葛兰西未被充分探讨的世俗政治和唯物主义的信仰概念为这样一个项目提供了重要的贡献。通过与常识和传统对话,信仰避免强加一套完全外部的规范和政治原则,而是以人的本来面目作为产生解放变革的起点。它还允许我们想象替代机构的建设(教会为挑战现有的国家权威提供了一个有趣的模式)。因此,理论家不仅应该关注话语辩护的理性主义逻辑,还应该关注社会、集体持有的情感的复杂过程,以及这些情感如何作为情感的形式影响政治行动。本文对葛兰西的信念概念进行了详细的重构,并分析了它为弥合理性与情感之间的鸿沟所提供的工具。
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引用次数: 2
Bridging the gap between affect and reason: on thinking-feeling in politics 弥合情感与理性之间的鸿沟:论政治中的思维与情感
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-05-24 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2021.1927782
Gisli Vogler
ABSTRACT This article addresses the role of thinking in politics by engaging with two radically different literatures: theorizing on affect and sociological research into reflexivity through internal conversation. Brian Massumi and his fellow affect theorists have made an important contribution to dismantling overly rationalist conceptions of thought, by conceptualizing the embeddedness of humans in processes beyond cognitive control. At the same time, the turn to affect has been criticized for its ‘anti-intentionalist’ tendencies. These are said to undermine the role of ideas, beliefs, and judgements in politics. In response, the article turns to emerging debates on reflexivity. Associated with the work of Margaret Archer, they aim to formulate a middle ground between the entrenched positions of ‘rational’ deliberation and non-cognitive affectedness. Put in conversation, the two literatures point to the potential of affective thinking, or thinking-feeling, in politics. The article gauges the relevance by discussing the theoretical advancements in relation to leading scholar of protest and emotions, James Jasper.
本文通过两种截然不同的文献:情感理论化和通过内部对话对反身性的社会学研究,探讨了思维在政治中的作用。Brian Massumi和他的情感理论家同事们通过概念化人类在认知控制之外的过程中的嵌入性,为拆除过度理性主义的思想概念做出了重要贡献。与此同时,情感的转向也因其“反意图主义”倾向而受到批评。据说这些会破坏思想、信仰和政治判断的作用。作为回应,本文转向了关于反身性的新兴辩论。与玛格丽特·阿彻(Margaret Archer)的工作相结合,他们的目标是在“理性”思考和非认知情感的根深蒂固立场之间建立一个中间地带。在对话中,这两篇文献指出了情感思维或思维-情感在政治中的潜力。文章通过讨论与抗议和情绪的主要学者詹姆斯·贾斯帕有关的理论进展来衡量相关性。
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引用次数: 1
Revisiting the Habermasian charge of performative contradiction: deconstruction as a theoretical and normative project 重新审视哈贝马斯对行为矛盾的指责:作为理论和规范工程的解构
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2021.1939081
Giorgi Tskhadaia
ABSTRACT Jürgen Habermas famously argues that reason cannot be rejected or criticized by employing its tools. In other words, every critique of reason has to put forward certain universal generalizations about reality. Based on this, he suspects a performative contradiction in Jacques Derrida’s deconstruction – a claim which is largely dismissed by Derrida and his followers. Derrida aims at articulating the paradoxes inherent to being and justice, instead of proposing a general theoretical model of reality or a normative model of justice. In this article, I argue that there are certain generalizations at play in deconstruction. The standard Derridean interpretation of such generalizations is that they stem from the paradoxes which are at work in deconstruction. In contrast, I demonstrate that deconstruction’s belief in the paradoxes of being and morality are at least partially based on the generalizations that Derrida makes about reality. I argue that this does not deal a fatal blow to deconstruction, but requires the whole approach to assume a theoretical and normative character. I conclude that interpreting deconstruction as a theory and a normative project, rather than an atheoretical and anormative approach, will be beneficial for philosophy and political theory.
哈贝马斯(j根·哈贝马斯)有一个著名的论点,即不能通过使用理性的工具来拒绝或批评理性。换句话说,每一个对理性的批判都必须提出一些关于现实的普遍概括。在此基础上,他怀疑雅克·德里达的解构主义中存在一种行为矛盾——德里达和他的追随者在很大程度上否认了这一说法。德里达的目的是阐明存在与正义的内在矛盾,而不是提出一个普遍的现实理论模型或正义的规范模型。在这篇文章中,我认为在解构主义中有一些一般化的东西。德里德里对这种概括的标准解释是,它们源于解构主义中起作用的悖论。相反,我证明了解构主义对存在和道德悖论的信仰,至少部分是基于德里达对现实的概括。我认为,这并没有对解构主义造成致命的打击,而是要求整个方法具有理论和规范的特征。我的结论是,将解构主义解释为一种理论和规范项目,而不是一种理论和规范方法,将有利于哲学和政治理论。
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引用次数: 0
The event and politics: a cartography of the Brazilian mass protests 事件与政治:巴西大规模抗议活动的地图
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2021.1907430
M. Lock
ABSTRACT It is common to understand mass demonstrations, like those belonging to the new cycle of contentious politics, as disruptive political events. However, there is no consensus on how to define what political events are, let alone how to investigate them. Most frequently, events are romanticized and understood as great ruptures, which makes the concept problematic as a means to investigate these new political phenomena. In this article, through the systematisation of Deleuze's philosophy of the event, I advance a theoretical approach that enables us to analyse and map the complexity of political events like mass protests. To demonstrate the potential of this approach, I elaborate a cartography of the Brazilian protests in 2013.
人们通常把大规模示威活动,如那些属于有争议的政治新周期的示威活动,理解为破坏性的政治事件。然而,对于如何定义政治事件并没有达成共识,更不用说如何调查政治事件了。大多数情况下,事件被浪漫化并被理解为巨大的破裂,这使得这个概念作为研究这些新的政治现象的手段存在问题。在本文中,通过对德勒兹事件哲学的系统化,我提出了一种理论方法,使我们能够分析和描绘大规模抗议等政治事件的复杂性。为了展示这种方法的潜力,我详细绘制了2013年巴西抗议活动的地图。
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引用次数: 0
Monopolization, classification and symbolic violence: Pierre Bourdieu’s contribution to the analysis of State Nationalism 垄断、分类与象征暴力:布迪厄对国家民族主义分析的贡献
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2021.1929367
Joaquim Rius-Ulldemolins
ABSTRACT The study of nationalism is usually split into its macro-sociological dimension and the political and coercive aspects on the one hand, and into micro-sociological, psychological and symbolic aspects on the other. Pierre Bourdieu’s methodological structuralist approach and his concepts of habitus and doxa give us a better understanding of nationalism in its dominant form – State Nationalism. These concepts shed light on: (a) the framework and micro-dimension of The State’s monopolization of symbols; (b) the battle lines between ‘centre’ and ‘periphery’; (c) hierarchicalisation; (d) the invisible way in which nationalism as the dominant ideology creates coherent cognitive systems that dovetail with the institutional structure. Thus one of State Nationalism’s greatest victories is to pass itself off as Universalist and disinterested. In so doing, it fosters symbolic violence and adherence to this doxa.
对民族主义的研究通常分为宏观社会学维度和政治和强制方面,以及微观社会学、心理和象征方面。皮埃尔·布迪厄的方法论结构主义方法和他的习惯和doxa的概念使我们更好地理解民族主义的主导形式——国家民族主义。这些概念揭示了:(a)国家垄断符号的框架和微观层面;(b)“中心”与“外围”之间的战线;(c) hierarchicalisation;(d)作为主导意识形态的民族主义以无形的方式创造了与制度结构相吻合的连贯认知系统。因此,国家民族主义最大的胜利之一就是把自己伪装成普遍主义者和无私主义者。在这样做的过程中,它助长了象征性的暴力和对这一信条的坚持。
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引用次数: 0
Punitive futurity and speculative time 惩罚性期货和投机时间
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-04-29 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2021.1905679
J. Elliott
ABSTRACT This essay examines longstanding, widely circulated arguments regarding blocked futurity in relation to emerging forms of temporal experience associated with financialization. From ambivalent conservative accounts of the ‘end of history’ to the grim repetition diagnosed on the Left as ‘capitalist realism’, divergent accounts of post-1960s culture have focused on what I call ‘static time’, or an experience of time in which human agency is no longer operative because meaningful change cannot be created. Although versions of static time continue to proliferate in academic discourse, liquidity and financialization produce forms of individual temporality that operate very differently. When we make the conceptual parameters of static time explicit, I suggest, it becomes more possible to read for the forms of temporalized human action that these parameters may prevent us from noticing. These forms include what I call suffering agency, or the experience of individually chosen, consequential human action as horrific and unwelcome, and life-interest, or the production of individual binary decisions made in relation to survival. Rather than being inaccessible or unshaped by human efficacy, the future here bears down in the form of negative results directly caused and deliberately chosen by the individual in question. In this form of ‘punitive futurity’, individuals experience temporalized forms of distress keyed to the willed unfolding of their own choices over time. By reading punitive futurity in relation to what Lisa Adkins calls ‘speculation as a rationality’, I argue that this temporal form serves as an increasingly crucial means by which individuals experience their subjection within contemporary capital.
本文探讨了长期以来广泛流传的关于与金融化相关的新兴时间体验形式相关的未来阻塞的论点。从模棱两可的保守主义“历史终结”到被左派诊断为“资本主义现实主义”的残酷重复,对60年代后文化的不同描述都集中在我所谓的“静态时间”上,或者是一种时间体验,在这种时间体验中,人类的能动性不再起作用,因为无法创造有意义的变化。尽管静态时间的版本在学术话语中继续激增,流动性和金融化产生了非常不同的个人时间性形式。我认为,当我们明确了静态时间的概念参数时,我们就更有可能解读出这些参数可能阻止我们注意到的、被时间化的人类行为的形式。这些形式包括我所说的痛苦代理,或个人选择的经验,结果人类行为是可怕的和不受欢迎的,以及生活利益,或与生存有关的个人二元决定的产生。这里的未来不是无法接近的,也不是无法被人类的能力所塑造的,而是以负面结果的形式降临的,这些负面结果是由所讨论的个人直接引起和故意选择的。在这种形式的“惩罚性未来”中,个人经历了暂时形式的痛苦,这些痛苦与他们自己的选择随时间的推移而展开的意志有关。通过阅读与Lisa Adkins所说的“作为理性的投机”相关的惩罚性未来,我认为这种时间形式作为一种日益重要的手段,个人通过这种手段体验他们在当代资本中的从属地位。
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引用次数: 2
The asset economy: conceptualizing new logics of inequality 资产经济:不平等的新逻辑概念化
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-04-28 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2021.1904429
L. Adkins, M. Cooper, M. Konings
ABSTRACT This paper argues that asset ownership is becoming more important than employment as a determinant of class position. The introduction considers this claim with respect to Piketty’s contribution, arguing that the latter is too focused on the growth of wealth at the very top. The first section draws on the work of Hyman Minsky to outline the logic of assets. We differentiate our approach from competing perspectives that tend to overemphasize the orthodox image of the market and in particular the idea that liquidity is an inherent aspect of financialization. Such perspectives neglect that participation in the asset economy often involves (and regularly necessitates) making highly illiquid investments. The subsequent section advances a new analytic of class and inequality, and the last section develops this further in a more philosophical register to consider how the temporal logic of the asset economy is shaping new life-times. The conclusion reflects on the political implications and prospects of the asset economy.
摘要本文认为,作为阶级地位的决定因素,资产所有权正变得比就业更重要。引言将这种说法与皮凯蒂的贡献相结合,认为后者过于关注最顶层财富的增长。第一部分借鉴了海曼·明斯基(Hyman Minsky)的著作,概述了资产的逻辑。我们将我们的方法与那些倾向于过分强调市场的正统形象,特别是流动性是金融化固有方面的观点相区别。这种观点忽视了参与资产经济往往涉及(并且经常需要)进行高度非流动性的投资。接下来的部分提出了阶级和不平等的新分析,最后一部分在更哲学的范围内进一步发展,以考虑资产经济的时间逻辑如何塑造新的生命周期。结论反映了资产经济的政治含义和前景。
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引用次数: 0
Resisting assimilation – ethnic boundary maintenance among Jews in Sweden 抵制同化——瑞典犹太人的种族边界维护
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-08 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2021.1885460
David Grobgeld, Moa Bursell
ABSTRACT This article evaluates Andreas Wimmer’s theory of ethnic boundary making by applying it to the maintenance of Jewish ethnic identification in Sweden, as expressed in interviews with Swedish Jews. Wimmer proposes that ethnic conflict routinizes and entrenches perceptions of ethnic difference; we argue that the antisemitic persecutions of the twentieth century have entrenched the perception of the ethnic distinctiveness of Jews among Jews themselves. These persecutions also contribute to alienation from Swedish society, which does not share the same frames of understanding. These factors motivate the interviewees to maintain the ethnic boundary between Swedes and Jews and guard it against assimilation. We propose a nuancing of the debate between instrumentalist and primordialist conceptions of ethnic identity by arguing that while our interviewees express a taken-for-granted view of their ethnic identities, they advance ethnic discourse strategically in order to protect the Jewish community from losing its distinctness, especially through assimilation.
本文通过对瑞典犹太人的访谈,将安德里亚斯·维默(Andreas Wimmer)的种族边界划分理论应用于犹太人在瑞典的种族认同。维默提出,种族冲突使种族差异的观念常规化并根深蒂固;我们认为,二十世纪的反犹太主义迫害已经在犹太人本身中根深蒂固地认识到犹太人的种族独特性。这些迫害也造成了瑞典社会的疏远,因为瑞典社会没有相同的理解框架。这些因素促使受访者保持瑞典人和犹太人之间的种族界限,防止同化。我们提出了工具主义和原始主义种族认同概念之间争论的细微差别,认为虽然我们的受访者表达了他们种族认同的理所当然的观点,但他们有策略地推进种族话语,以保护犹太社区不失去其独特性,特别是通过同化。
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引用次数: 0
Reinstating and contextualizing religion in the analysis of Islamist radicalization in the West 在对西方伊斯兰激进化的分析中恢复宗教并将其置于语境中
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-25 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2021.1885050
Jeppe Fuglsang Larsen
ABSTRACT Research on Islamist radicalization has been characterized by different analyses of why some people become radical Islamists. Structures such as social, economic and political marginalization are often understood as root causes of radicalization. In critical theorizations of radicalization, religion is often mentioned as a component; however, its role is often downplayed. This article focuses on the debate surrounding explanations of Islamist radicalization processes and discusses different approaches to reinstating religion in the analysis. The article introduces and develops the sociology of religious emotion (Riis and Woodhead 2010) as a not-yet-employed theoretical perspective in radicalization research. Instead of understanding radicalization as explained primarily either through structural social and political conditions or through specific interpretations of Islam, the tradition would allow us to understand religious emotions as formed within the social context. The article thus accentuates the importance of grasping the interplay between the social and societal context and specific interpretations of Islam. The application of the sociology of religious emotion and its underlying broad conception of religion thus offers a promising theorization of the role of religion in Islamist radicalization in the West that can help broaden the analytical scope.
伊斯兰激进化研究的特点是对一些人成为激进伊斯兰主义者的原因进行了不同的分析。社会、经济和政治边缘化等结构往往被理解为激进化的根本原因。在激进化的批判理论中,宗教经常被认为是一个组成部分;然而,它的作用经常被低估。本文关注围绕伊斯兰激进化过程的解释展开的辩论,并在分析中讨论了恢复宗教的不同方法。本文介绍并发展了宗教情感社会学(Riis and Woodhead 2010)作为激进化研究中尚未采用的理论视角。传统将允许我们理解在社会背景下形成的宗教情感,而不是主要通过结构性的社会和政治条件或通过对伊斯兰教的特定解释来理解激进化。因此,这篇文章强调了把握社会和社会背景与对伊斯兰教的具体解释之间相互作用的重要性。因此,宗教情感社会学及其潜在的广泛宗教概念的应用为宗教在西方伊斯兰激进化中的作用提供了一个有希望的理论化,可以帮助拓宽分析范围。
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引用次数: 4
Making the Amazon a frontier: where less space is more 使亚马逊成为一个前沿:空间越少越好
IF 0.7 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-02-25 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2021.1884579
A. Ioris
ABSTRACT Frontier-making has always been fundamental for the circulation and accumulation of capital. The perennity of frontier-making is not only due to the demand for minerals, land or other resources, or because frontiers represent fresh market opportunities, but crucially because it operates as compensation for the saturation of the existing capitalist relations in core areas. At the frontier, the conventional sequence of time and space is suspended and reconfigured, allowing room for the decompression of tensions and contradictions. Consequently, spatial frontiers function as a mirror, where the most explicit features of capitalism are vividly exposed. This article examines the meaning and immanence of spatial frontiers, considering them as a laboratory of historical and geographical agency. It entails a reflection upon the necessity, the configuration and the contestation of spatial frontiers, paying particular attention to the economic and territorial incorporation of the Amazon region and the prospects of political resistance.
拓荒一直是资本流动和积累的基础。边界建设的持续存在不仅是因为对矿产、土地或其他资源的需求,也因为边界代表着新的市场机会,但至关重要的是,它是对核心地区现有资本主义关系饱和的补偿。在边界,传统的时间和空间序列被暂停和重新配置,为紧张和矛盾的减压提供了空间。因此,空间边界就像一面镜子,在那里,资本主义最明显的特征被生动地暴露出来。本文考察了空间边界的意义和内在性,将其视为历史和地理代理的实验室。它需要对空间边界的必要性、结构和争论进行反思,特别注意亚马逊地区的经济和领土合并以及政治阻力的前景。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
Distinktion-Journal of Social Theory
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