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Sublimating the commodity 升华商品
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2022.2054447
T. Mcgowan
ABSTRACT Capitalism channels the subject’s sublimation into the commodity, which causes the subject to misidentify the nature of its freedom. The self-limiting freedom of sublimation becomes the unlimited freedom to do anything of the commodity form. Self-limiting freedom becomes liberal freedom. The liberal notion of freedom is a foundational misconception build into the commodity form itself. Even theorists of freedom not explicitly attempting to champion capitalism often fall into the trap of theorizing freedom along the lines of the misconception that capitalist society produces. When the subject directs its sublimating power to a commodity rather than to an ordinary object, it necessarily sees freedom as the opening to an ever-increasing horizon of possibility. The commodity causes the subject to see freedom as the freedom to have more because the commodity form includes within it the promise of a more bountiful future. One invests in a commodity, either financially or psychically, in order to partake in the commodity’s magical power to produce exponentially greater returns. The commodity form transforms capital into additional capital, so that the free act comes to represent unlimited possibility. Under capitalism, this logic of accumulation becomes grafted onto the free act of sublimation. Freedom becomes deformed into the choice for an unending drive to accumulate .
资本主义将主体升华为商品,导致主体对其自由本质的错误认识。这种自我限制的升华自由变成了商品形式的为所欲为的无限自由。自我限制的自由变成了自由的自由。自由主义的自由概念是建立在商品形式本身的基本误解。即使是没有明确试图支持资本主义的自由理论家,也经常落入沿着资本主义社会产生的误解的路线理论化自由的陷阱。当主体将其升华的力量指向商品而不是普通的客体时,它必然将自由视为通向不断增加的可能性视野的开放。商品使主体将自由视为拥有更多的自由,因为商品形式包含了对更富足未来的承诺。一个人投资一种商品,无论是经济上的还是精神上的,都是为了分享这种商品产生指数级高回报的神奇力量。商品形式把资本转化为附加资本,从而使自由行为表现为无限的可能性。在资本主义制度下,这种积累的逻辑被嫁接到升华的自由行为上。自由变成了无休止地追求积累的选择。
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引用次数: 0
Democratic politics in virulent times: three vital lessons from the COVID-19 pandemic 危机时期的民主政治:2019冠状病毒病大流行的三个重要教训
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-03 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2022.2054448
Mads Ejsing, Derek S. Denman
ABSTRACT This article offers three lessons for a post-pandemic democratic politics. First, the COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the deep ontological entanglements of human and non-human systems: A submicroscopic agent jumping from an animal to a human host impacts human societies across the world. In the process, the virus has revealed a second lesson: Public responses to the pandemic have exacerbated already existing inequalities and fuelled anti-democratic desires for national and individual fortification. In a world where political emergencies like the pandemic are becoming more prevalent due to climatic and ecological destabilizations, there is an urgent need to promote new countervailing democratic forces. Together, these two insights motivate a third lesson: In order to address the ecological and political challenges of the so-called Anthropocene, democratic activism and political organizing must itself become more like the virus, more viral. Inspired by swarming behaviour in complex systems, a democratic politics of transformative change must give up illusions of simple solutions and central control, and instead rely on dispersed multi-sited actions happening at many scales at once, while working towards the improbable but necessary goal that these actions might, eventually, come together and bring about change at a planetary scale.
本文为大流行后的民主政治提供了三个教训。首先,2019冠状病毒病大流行凸显了人类和非人类系统的深层本体论纠葛:从动物跳到人类宿主的亚微观病原体影响着全世界的人类社会。在这一过程中,该病毒揭示了第二个教训:公众对这一流行病的反应加剧了已经存在的不平等,助长了国家和个人加强防御的反民主愿望。由于气候和生态的不稳定,象这种大流行病这样的政治紧急情况正变得更加普遍,在这个世界上,迫切需要促进新的与之抗衡的民主力量。综上所述,这两个见解激发了第三个教训:为了应对所谓的人类世的生态和政治挑战,民主行动主义和政治组织本身必须变得更像病毒,更具病毒性。受复杂系统中的群体行为的启发,变革的民主政治必须放弃简单解决方案和集中控制的幻想,而是依赖于同时在许多尺度上发生的分散的多地点行动,同时努力实现一个不太可能但必要的目标,即这些行动最终可能聚集在一起,在全球范围内带来变化。
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引用次数: 2
Derrida, autoimmunity, and critique
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-21 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2022.2039739
G. Rae
ABSTRACT This paper outlines and engages with Jacques Derrida’s notion of ‘autoimmunity’ to argue that it offers a unique resource for understanding the potential for critique inherent in and resultant from the COVID-19 pandemic. I first offer a brief genealogy of the terms ‘immunity/autoimmunity’ to show how they operate in biological, philosophical, and socio-political discourses, before outlining Derrida’s conception of the logic of autoimmunity, highlighting that it is not simply a negative phenomenon but a structural necessity of identity that opens up future possibilities. I then show how his logic of autoimmunity can be used to understand different dimensions of the coronavirus pandemic, including the possibilities for critique opened up therein. Crucially, such possibility arises not from a position external to the dominant logic or one that simply wishes to escape it, but because of the autoimmune structures internal to it. With this, I conclude that Derrida’s notion of autoimmunity points to an innovative way to understand social transformation from within the dynamics governing a dominant logic, all the while reminding and allowing us to think the resultant possibilities for new forms of critique and practices.
本文概述并运用了雅克·德里达的“自身免疫”概念,认为它为理解COVID-19大流行固有的和由此产生的批评潜力提供了独特的资源。在概述德里达的自身免疫的逻辑概念之前,我首先提供了一个术语“免疫/自身免疫”的简短谱系,以展示它们如何在生物学,哲学和社会政治话语中运作,强调它不仅仅是一种消极现象,而是一种身份的结构性必要性,它打开了未来的可能性。然后,我展示了如何使用他的自身免疫逻辑来理解冠状病毒大流行的不同层面,包括其中开辟的批评可能性。至关重要的是,这种可能性不是来自于主导逻辑之外的位置,也不是来自于想要逃避主导逻辑的人,而是来自于主导逻辑内部的自身免疫结构。由此,我得出结论,德里达的自身免疫概念指出了一种创新的方式,可以从控制主导逻辑的动态内部理解社会转型,同时提醒并允许我们思考新形式的批判和实践的最终可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond fairness: the COVID-19 pandemic as an expression of environmental injustice 超越公平:2019冠状病毒病大流行是环境不公正的表现
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-20 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2022.2045617
G. Sotiropoulos
ABSTRACT The paper sets out to explore the significance of the concept of environmental justice for a critical study of the Covid-19 pandemic. This task involves questioning the prevailing equation of justice with fairness, the limits of which have become manifest during the pandemic. In its place, a more holistic conceptualization is required, which registers the material environment as a constitutive dimension of the actuality of justice. It is toward such a holistic conceptualization that environmental justice discourse points. Yet, to fully meet its critical potential, the notion of environmental justice needs to widen its scope beyond problems of unequal distribution and disproportionate exposure of disenfranchized groups. Moreover, it must confront its own distributional logic, which ends up reducing the concept's potency and actuality to an ethical judgment on the current state of the world, whose failure to live up to a set ideal is seen as leading to environmental disaster. This critical confrontation will be accomplished through a materialist theorization of justice as a diagrammatic process of environment-making. Looking at the Covid-19 pandemic through this theoretical lens, it will be conceived as an ‘ethological accident’, which expresses in its very contingency an injustice that is integral to capitalist environments.
本文旨在探讨环境正义概念对Covid-19大流行批判性研究的意义。这项任务涉及质疑普遍存在的正义与公平的等量观,这种等量观的局限性在大流行病期间已变得明显。取而代之的是需要一种更全面的概念化,将物质环境作为正义现状的一个构成方面。环境正义话语所指向的正是这样一个整体概念。然而,为了充分发挥其关键潜力,环境正义的概念需要扩大其范围,超越分配不平等和被剥夺公民权的群体受到不成比例的影响的问题。此外,它必须面对自己的分配逻辑,这种逻辑最终将概念的效力和现实性降低为对世界现状的道德判断,而世界现状的失败不符合既定的理想被视为导致环境灾难。这种批判性的对抗将通过唯物主义的正义理论化来实现,这是一个环境制造的图解过程。通过这一理论视角来看待Covid-19大流行,它将被视为一种“行为上的意外”,在其偶然性中表达了资本主义环境中不可或缺的不公正。
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引用次数: 0
When masses re-individualize: affect, contagion and control in digital modernity 当大众重新个性化:数字现代性中的影响、传染和控制
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-13 DOI: 10.1080/1600910x.2022.2028646
Raymond L. M. Lee
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引用次数: 0
Interfacing the human/machine 人机交互
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-23 DOI: 10.1080/1600910x.2021.2012709
Benjamin Lipp, Sascha Dickel
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引用次数: 5
Dimensions of the asset economy 资产经济的维度
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2022.2058718
M. Konings, L. Adkins, Monique de Jong McKenzie, D. Woodman
The papers collected in this Special Issue are part of an ongoing series of conversations and workshops that take as their starting point the observation that the current conjuncture has been, and continues to be, deeply shaped by the logic of assets (some of these conversations were held, in person, at the University of Sydney, but they have continued in various online fora throughout the pandemic). From a certain angle, the claim that asset logics are a prominent aspect of our time could be seen as almost banal. These days it’s almost impossible to open a newspaper or social media account without being exposed to a list of news items about various new asset economies – bitcoin, NFTs, and a range of other financial inventions. All these are products of complex, somewhat unfamiliar technological design strategies, and they sit in an economic grey zone: nobody seems to be able to say exactly how they should be classified according to traditional economic categories. They are not simple commodities (in Marxist terms, they don’t seem to have any discernible usevalue separate from their exchange-value), nor are they money in any straightforward sense (with some exceptions, you can’t use them as general means of payment). This means that they have, almost by default, been classified as assets. But this re-classification doesn’t really resolve the mystery surrounding these new economies. After all, we normally think of assets as property titles or investments that are held because they are anticipated to generate returns in the future. With many of these tokens or symbolic chains, it is not at all clear why we should expect them to generate returns in the future. If they are assets, they are very unfamiliar kinds of assets. The conceptual puzzle that these strange assets pose is symptomatic of wider social changes. Their advent has entirely upended the notion, intuitively appealing to so many of us and the cornerstone of orthodox economic theory, that money is a simple measure. We are used to thinking (and orthodox economic theory is premised on the formal elaboration of this intuition) that there exists a world of objects, and that money is a more or less arbitrary, neutral convention that allows us to commensurate these heterogeneous objects. The new asset forms that are receiving so much attention these days undermine this distinction: they make it essentially impossible to separate object and measure, commodity and money. If it was at one point in time possible to imagine that we had an economic world that consisted of stable economic objects on
本期特刊收集的论文是正在进行的一系列对话和研讨会的一部分,这些对话和研讨会的出发点是观察到,当前的危机已经并将继续深受资产逻辑的影响(其中一些对话是在悉尼大学亲自举行的,但在大流行期间,它们在各种在线论坛上继续进行)。从某种角度来看,资产逻辑是我们这个时代的一个突出方面的说法几乎可以被视为平庸。如今,打开报纸或社交媒体账户,几乎不可能不接触到关于各种新资产经济的新闻列表——比特币、nft和一系列其他金融发明。所有这些都是复杂的,有些不熟悉的技术设计策略的产品,它们位于经济灰色地带:似乎没有人能够准确地说出它们应该如何根据传统的经济类别进行分类。它们不是简单的商品(在马克思主义的术语中,它们似乎没有任何可识别的使用价值与交换价值分开),也不是任何直接意义上的货币(除了一些例外,你不能把它们用作一般的支付手段)。这意味着,几乎在默认情况下,它们被归类为资产。但这种重新分类并不能真正解决围绕这些新兴经济体的谜团。毕竟,我们通常认为资产是由于预期未来会产生回报而持有的产权或投资。对于许多这样的代币或符号链,我们根本不清楚为什么我们应该期望它们在未来产生回报。如果它们是资产,它们是非常不熟悉的资产。这些奇怪的资产带来的概念上的困惑是更广泛的社会变化的征兆。它们的出现彻底颠覆了一个观念,即金钱是一种简单的衡量标准,这一观念直观地吸引了我们这么多人,也是正统经济理论的基石。我们习惯于认为(正统的经济理论是以这种直觉的正式阐述为前提的)存在着一个物体的世界,而金钱或多或少是一种武断的、中立的惯例,它允许我们将这些异质的物体进行匹配。近来备受关注的新资产形式破坏了这种区别:它们使得区分对象和尺度、商品和货币在本质上变得不可能。如果在某个时间点上可以想象我们有一个由稳定的经济对象组成的经济世界
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引用次数: 2
The politics of assetization: from devices of calculation to devices of obligation 资产化的政治:从计算手段到义务手段
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-06 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2021.1991419
U. Tellmann
ABSTRACT This article develops a new theoretical perspective on the politics of financialization with housing as its specific case. The argument uses the recent debate on assets and assetization in the Social Studies of Finance as a starting point. In this debate, the asset is introduced vis-à-vis the commodity as a fruitful analytical category. The article argues that the suggested shift from the commodity to the asset allows for a novel understanding of the politics of financialization if it is accompanied by a parallel shift from ‘devices of calculation’ to what is here termed ‘devices of obligation’. Devices of obligation address the politics that produce the durability that the asset requires. Accounting for such politics of obligation offers a nuanced comprehension of the material, infrastructural, legal, and moral forms of binding time that are crucial for financialized revenues. In order to develop this theoretical framework, the article links insights from the Social Studies of Finance to the classical sociological theory of obligation in the work of Marcel Mauss. This allows a more granular understanding of the political dimension of financialization beyond the state. The analytical viability of this theoretical perspective is demonstrated through a case-study of the processes of the financialization of housing in Spain shortly before the financial crisis of 2008.
本文以住房为具体案例,对金融化政治进行了新的理论研究。该论点以金融社会研究中最近关于资产和资产化的辩论为出发点。在这场辩论中,资产被引入-à-vis商品作为一个富有成效的分析类别。本文认为,如果从商品到资产的建议转变伴随着从“计算手段”到这里所谓的“义务手段”的平行转变,那么可以对金融化的政治进行新的理解。义务手段解决了产生资产所需的持久性的政治问题。考虑到这种义务政治,我们可以细致入微地理解对金融化收入至关重要的约束时间的物质、基础设施、法律和道德形式。为了发展这一理论框架,本文将金融社会研究的见解与马塞尔·莫斯(Marcel Mauss)著作中关于义务的经典社会学理论联系起来。这使我们能够更细致地了解国家之外金融化的政治层面。通过对2008年金融危机前不久西班牙住房金融化过程的案例研究,证明了这一理论视角的分析可行性。
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引用次数: 3
Remarks on the sceptical turn in the historiography of the Haitian Revolution: lessons from the art of abstraction 评论海地革命史学的怀疑转向:抽象艺术的教训
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2021.1991418
C. Wilén
ABSTRACT One of the major arguments made in the current boom in Haitian revolutionary studies connects today’s conditions of possibility for modern democracy and human rights to the abolition of slavery during the Haitian Revolution (1791–1804). During the last decade, however, this connection between the Haitian Revolutionary period and our own age has been questioned by an increasing number of scholars: a phenomenon that this article conceptualizes as the ‘sceptical turn’. The article argues that the sceptical turn consummates its critique through unacknowledged rearrangements of abstractions, and therefore misses its target. A corresponding critique of the sceptical turn is formulated here using Bertell Ollman’s tripartite concept of the abstractions of vantage point, extension, and generality. Ollman’s notion enables a shift of focus onto modes – instead of the more common focus on levels – of abstraction. Thus, the author argues, contra the sceptical turn, not only that the connection between the Haitian Revolution and the political and social situation of today is plausible, but that it also provides a more profound conceptual basis for analyses of revolutionary events in general.
当前海地革命研究蓬勃发展,其中一个主要论点是将现代民主和人权的可能性条件与海地革命(1791-1804)期间废除奴隶制联系起来。然而,在过去十年中,海地革命时期与我们这个时代之间的联系受到越来越多学者的质疑:本文将这种现象定义为“怀疑转向”。文章认为,怀疑论的转向通过对抽象概念的未被承认的重新安排来完善其批判,因此失去了它的目标。对怀疑论转向的相应批判在这里是用Bertell Ollman的优势点、外延和普遍性这三个抽象概念来表述的。Ollman的概念将关注点转移到抽象的模式上,而不是更常见的关注层次。因此,作者认为,与怀疑的转向相反,海地革命与今天的政治和社会局势之间的联系不仅是可信的,而且还为分析一般的革命事件提供了更深刻的概念基础。
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引用次数: 0
Radical flexibility: driving for Lyft and the future of work in the platform economy 极大的灵活性:为Lyft开车,以及平台经济下的未来工作
IF 0.7 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/1600910X.2021.1972324
M. Chihara
ABSTRACT Labour conditions in the first two decades of the twenty-first century in the US have become increasingly precarious and abusive. At the same time, many workers and users (no longer easily categorically separated) exhibit a sustained attachment to the idea of flexible work. For workers, internalizing the demand to be flexible as an affirmative choice can be a method of survival. But the demand for flexibility is also connected to an affective sense of agency and a refusal of alienation. For workers, flexibility connects strong convenience with access to fast cash. It connects a sense of play and creative fun with access to infrastructure and transit. The ‘unicorn’ rideshare company Lyft's brand narrative has capitalized on and exploited the desire for flexibility in historically specific political contexts. In light of these sticky financialized appropriations of flexibility, this essay imagines radical flexibility as a wilful re-appropriation. It explores ways that Lyft's rhetoric might be redirected and resisted. In light of existing demands for collective or cooperative platforms, radical flexibility could be a galvanizing justification for a cooperative response to the Uberization of work, part of a broader horizon that reclaims flexibility, play, creativity, and convenience as affects and practices outside of the wage relation.
在二十一世纪的头二十年,美国的劳动条件变得越来越不稳定和虐待。与此同时,许多工人和用户(不再容易被分类分开)对灵活工作的观念表现出持久的依恋。对于工人来说,将灵活的需求内在化,作为一种肯定的选择,可能是一种生存方法。但对灵活性的需求也与一种情感上的能动性和对疏离感的拒绝有关。对于员工来说,灵活性将强大的便利性与快速获得现金联系起来。它将游戏感和创造性的乐趣与基础设施和交通联系起来。“独角兽”拼车公司Lyft的品牌叙事充分利用了历史上特定政治背景下人们对灵活性的渴望。鉴于这些对灵活性的粘性金融化拨款,本文将激进的灵活性想象为一种故意的重新拨款。它探讨了Lyft的言论可能会被转向和抵制的方式。鉴于对集体或合作平台的现有需求,激进的灵活性可能成为对工作优步化的合作回应的激励理由,这是更广阔视野的一部分,它将灵活性、娱乐、创造力和便利作为工资关系之外的影响和实践。
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引用次数: 0
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Distinktion-Journal of Social Theory
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