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Trust of Modern Russian Youth in Political Institutions in Conditions of Crisis Shocks 危机冲击条件下现代俄罗斯青年对政治制度的信任
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.2
Sergey I. Morozov, K. Makarenko
Introduction. The article is devoted to the analysis of the interaction between government and society in modern Russia, expressed in the phenomenon of trust. The focus of the authors’ attention is directed to the study of the impact of crisis upheavals (the COVID-19 pandemic and the implementation of the Special Military Operation in Ukraine) on the change in the trust of the population of the Russian Federation in the main political institutions. The relevance of the study is determined by the need to fix the existing forms of interaction between the authorities and society as well as identify the prospects for changing these practices in the perspective of society’s transition to a post-crisis state. Methods and materials. The methodological basis of the study was the neo-institutional approach, which made it possible to present trust because of the activity of political institutions in building and observing the “rules of the game.” The empirical basis of the study is public opinion polls conducted by the largest Russian sociological centers. Analysis and results. Trust in political institutions is presented as an important phenomenon of civilized societies, characterizing the importance of rules rather than specific personalities. The study revealed that in Russia, crisis situations, which are institutionally determined trajectories caused by external shocks that change the “rules of the game” that have developed in society and forms of communication with the authorities, are a condition for an exponential growth of trust (both generalized and institutional). At the same time, during crises, an increase in the level of trust is observed even for institutions that are traditionally criticized by most of society (such as the government and the State Duma). The youth, being reactionary and variable in their political behavior, show increased trust in political institutions. However, if adult trust is based on emotional hope for the future, youth trust is usually based on rational grounds. Yet a sharp increase in trust in the main political institutions during crises can be replaced by the same rapid decline in the conditions of “normality” when the traditional problems of socio-economic development again come to the fore on the agenda formed by society. Authors’ contributions. S.I. Morozov carried out an analysis of studies on institutional trust in modern Russia, chose and substantiated the theoretical and methodological framework of the work, and also formed the general concept of the study. K.M. Makarenko summarized and analyzed empirical data on the research topic, substantiated the role and impact of crisis shocks on institutional trust in the Russian Federation, and formulated the main conclusions of the work.
介绍。本文分析了现代俄罗斯政府与社会的互动关系,主要表现为信任现象。作者关注的重点是研究危机动荡(COVID-19大流行和乌克兰特别军事行动的实施)对俄罗斯联邦人口对主要政治机构信任变化的影响。该研究的相关性取决于需要修复当局与社会之间现有的互动形式,以及从社会向后危机状态过渡的角度确定改变这些做法的前景。方法和材料。这项研究的方法论基础是新制度方法,由于政治机构在建立和遵守“游戏规则”方面的活动,新制度方法使呈现信任成为可能。该研究的实证基础是俄罗斯最大的社会学中心进行的民意调查。分析和结果。对政治机构的信任是文明社会的一种重要现象,体现了规则的重要性,而不是具体的个性。该研究表明,在俄罗斯,危机局势是由改变社会中形成的“游戏规则”和与当局沟通形式的外部冲击造成的制度性决定的轨迹,是信任(普遍和制度性)指数增长的条件。与此同时,在危机期间,甚至对传统上受到社会大多数人批评的机构(如政府和国家杜马)的信任水平也有所提高。年轻人在政治行为上是反动的和多变的,他们对政治机构的信任增加了。然而,如果成年人的信任是基于对未来的情感希望,那么青少年的信任通常是基于理性的理由。然而,当社会经济发展的传统问题再次出现在社会形成的议程上时,在危机期间对主要政治机构的信任急剧增加可能会被“正常”条件的同样迅速下降所取代。作者的贡献。S.I. Morozov对现代俄罗斯的制度信任研究进行了分析,选择并充实了工作的理论和方法框架,并形成了研究的总体概念。K.M. Makarenko对研究课题的实证数据进行了总结和分析,实证了危机冲击对俄罗斯联邦制度信任的作用和影响,并提出了研究的主要结论。
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引用次数: 0
Digital Services as a Stage of Ecosystem Development in Modern Russian Politics 数字服务:现代俄罗斯政治生态系统发展的一个阶段
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.19
A. Sokolov, A. Frolov, E. Grebenko
Introduction. The article deals with issues related to the comprehensive phenomenon of modernity, the Internet. Attention is paid to new phenomena of its development, such as the emergence of digital services and platforms as well as the creation of digital ecosystems. Domestic and foreign approaches to the analysis of the ecosystem phenomenon are considered, and specific characteristics that are observed in the process of the formation of digital ecosystems in Russian politics are given. Materials and methods. The article presents the results of a survey of experts from 12 subjects of the Russian Federation, with a total sample of 134 respondents, aimed at determining the features of the formation and functioning of digital services in modern Russian politics. Experts assess the digital services of modern Russia and the potential of ecosystem development in politics. Analysis. Experts’ assessment of the existence of full-fledged ecosystems in politics at the moment in Russia is quite unambiguous. More than half of the experts note that at the moment there are no full-fledged ecosystems in politics, and only a small part of the experts note that they see certain elements of the manifestation of ecosystems in politics. At the same time, many experts note the effectiveness of the use of ecosystems in the commercial sphere, elements of which can be successfully used and integrated into ecosystems in politics. Results. The research conducted suggests that initially small digital services, as they developed, significantly transformed many traditional areas of activity. Moreover, they became the technologies that began to monopolize them, turning into global (both geographically and functionally) ecosystems. The Internet allows citizens and various political and civil institutions to simplify their own interactions through the use of modern advances in digital technologies. The creation of ecosystems is most effective when it is initiated by actors pursuing specific goals. In the case of ecosystems, there is a shortage of both subjectivity and goal-setting in politics. This significantly limits the incentives for the development of digital services. Authors’ contribution. Sokolov A.V.: formulation of the paper’s problem, creation of a theoretical concept, analysis of the literature on the research problem, scientific editing of the text of the paper, formulation of conclusions and research results. Frolov A.A.: creation of the main concept of the article, revision of the paper’s text, formulation of conclusions. Grebenko E.D.: data processing, preparation of the paper’s text and graphic results of the study, formulation of conclusions.
介绍。本文论述的是与现代性的综合现象——互联网有关的问题。关注其发展的新现象,如数字服务和平台的出现以及数字生态系统的创建。本文考虑了国内外分析生态系统现象的方法,并给出了在俄罗斯政治中数字生态系统形成过程中观察到的具体特征。材料和方法。本文介绍了来自俄罗斯联邦12个主体的专家的调查结果,共有134名受访者,旨在确定现代俄罗斯政治中数字服务的形成和运作特征。专家们评估了现代俄罗斯的数字服务和生态系统发展在政治中的潜力。分析。专家们对目前俄罗斯政治中存在的成熟生态系统的评估是相当明确的。一半以上的专家指出,目前还没有成熟的政治生态系统,只有一小部分专家指出,他们看到了生态系统在政治中的某些表现。与此同时,许多专家注意到在商业领域使用生态系统的有效性,其中的要素可以成功地利用并融入政治生态系统。结果。所进行的研究表明,最初的小型数字服务随着发展,极大地改变了许多传统活动领域。此外,它们变成了开始垄断它们的技术,变成了全球(地理上和功能上)生态系统。互联网允许公民和各种政治和民间机构通过使用数字技术的现代进步来简化他们自己的互动。由追求特定目标的行动者发起的生态系统的创建是最有效的。就生态系统而言,政治上既缺乏主观性,也缺乏目标设定。这极大地限制了数字服务发展的动力。作者的贡献。Sokolov a.v.:提出论文的问题,创造一个理论概念,分析研究问题的文献,科学地编辑论文的文本,提出结论和研究结果。Frolov a.a.:创建文章的主要概念,修改论文的文本,制定结论。Grebenko e.d.:数据处理,准备论文的文本和图形的研究结果,制定结论。
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引用次数: 0
Personnel Changes in the Chinese Direction of Soviet Foreign Policy in 1986 1986年苏联对外政策中国方向的人事变动
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.13
Lin Yinan
Introduction. The subject of the study is the personnel changes carried out by Mikhail Gorbachev in 1986 in the framework of putting forward the improvement of Sino-Soviet relations. The object of the study is the activities of high-ranking Soviet sinologist-diplomats in the context of developing and implementing the USSR’s China policy. The purpose of the study is to determine the key figures in the diplomatic circles of the USSR who were in charge of China issues and accordingly reveal their influence on the process of normalizing Sino-Soviet relations in the second half of the 1980s. Methods and materials. The analysis is based on the comprehensive and comparative use of the memories of witnesses to historical events in the USSR and the PRC, as well as archival documents from Russia and former socialist countries. Analysis. Immediately after coming to power, Gorbachev began to consider the improvement of relations with China a priority of Soviet foreign policy and showed great enthusiasm for it. But Brezhnev’s foreign policy elites, including the minister of foreign affairs, two deputy foreign ministers, the first deputy head of the Department for Liaison with Communist and Workers’ Parties of Socialist Countries, and the Soviet ambassador to the PRC, did not support his efforts. For this reason, personnel changes were made. In the spirit of “new thinking”, the successors of the old Soviet sinologist-diplomats actively promoted political reconciliation with Beijing, which led to the normalization of Sino-Soviet relations in a short time.
介绍。本文的研究对象是1986年戈尔巴乔夫在提出改善中苏关系的框架下进行的人事变动。本文的研究对象是苏联高级汉学家外交家在制定和实施苏联对华政策的背景下的活动。本研究的目的是确定苏联外交界中负责中国问题的关键人物,并由此揭示他们对80年代后半期中苏关系正常化进程的影响。方法和材料。该分析是基于对苏联和中华人民共和国历史事件目击者的记忆以及俄罗斯和前社会主义国家的档案文件的综合和比较利用。分析。戈尔巴乔夫一上台,就开始把改善对华关系作为苏联外交政策的优先方向,并表现出极大的热情。但勃列日涅夫的外交政策精英,包括外交部部长、两位副外长、社会主义国家共产党和工人党联络部第一副部长以及苏联驻中国大使,都不支持他的努力。为此,进行了人事变动。苏联汉学家外交家的继承者本着“新思维”精神,积极推动与北京的政治和解,使中苏关系在短时间内实现了正常化。
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引用次数: 0
To the Evaluation of Trajectories of Transformations of Post-Soviet Political Systems 对后苏联政治体制转型轨迹的评价
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.5
Andrei Abramov, Roman Alekseev
Introduction. The article examines the formation and development of political systems in the former eleven republics of the USSR from the standpoint of the institutional transformations taking place there. The struggle for power between various elite groups and citizens’ identities and the dynamics of citizens’ identities were also the basis for comparison. The authors consider the parameters mentioned to make the comparison and typology of the modern post-Soviet states’ development more effective. Methods and Materials. The neoinstitutional, sociological, and political-cultural approaches were used in the research, as were the comparative-historical and comparative-typological methods, which made it possible to scrutinize the available facts and draw respective conclusions. Analysis. It was stated that starting in the 1980s, the transformation of the typical Soviet republics took place in two directions. The first included the formation of the electoral autocracies, institutional design, and social and cultural image, which were determined by the “nucleus” – the president-leader. Such political dynamics turned out to be characteristic of Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and Belarus. The formation of the “front-end democracies” was the second direction. These democracies are characterized by institutional, social, and identity fragmentation hiding behind the glass cases of democratic structures and practices borrowed from the West. Kirghizia, Georgia, Armenia, Ukraine, and Moldavia have moved in this direction. Results. The authors’ conclusion is that both the first and second directions do not ensure the stable development of new independent states in the foreseeable future. Authors’ contribution. A.V. Abramov formulated the concept of the article, developed the comparison parameters, and studied the post-Soviet elites’ and citizens’ struggle for power and their identity evolution. R.A. Alekseev analyzed the transformation of the political institutions in the post-Soviet political systems in the context of their constitutional reforms.
介绍。本文从制度变迁的角度考察了前苏联11个加盟共和国政治制度的形成和发展。各种精英群体与公民身份之间的权力斗争以及公民身份的动态也是比较的基础。作者认为,上述参数使现代后苏联国家发展的比较和类型学更有效。方法与材料。研究中使用了新制度、社会学和政治文化方法,以及比较-历史和比较-类型学方法,这使得审查现有事实并得出各自的结论成为可能。分析。有人指出,从1980年代开始,典型的苏联加盟共和国的转变发生在两个方向上。第一阶段包括选举专制制度的形成、制度设计和社会文化形象,这些都是由“核心”——总统和领导人决定的。事实证明,这种政治动态是土库曼斯坦、塔吉克斯坦、哈萨克斯坦、乌兹别克斯坦、阿塞拜疆和白俄罗斯的特点。“前沿民主国家”的形成是第二个方向。这些民主国家的特点是制度、社会和身份的碎片化,这些碎片化隐藏在借鉴西方的民主结构和实践的玻璃柜后面。吉尔吉斯斯坦、格鲁吉亚、亚美尼亚、乌克兰和摩尔多瓦已经朝这个方向发展。结果。作者的结论是,第一个和第二个方向都不能保证新独立国家在可预见的未来稳定发展。作者的贡献。阿布拉莫夫(A.V. Abramov)阐述了文章的概念,发展了比较参数,并研究了后苏联精英和公民的权力斗争及其身份演变。R.A.阿列克谢耶夫在宪政改革的背景下分析了后苏联政治体系中政治制度的变迁。
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引用次数: 0
Regional Security in Central Asia After the Return of the Taliban to Power: Challenges and Threats, Scenarios 塔利班重新掌权后的中亚地区安全:挑战与威胁,情景
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.17
A. Dzhorobekova, E. Troitskiy, S. Yun, Alexey Timoshenko
Introduction. The article focuses on reconstructing the major parameters of the complex of challenges and threats to post-Soviet Central Asia regional security that has emerged in the wake of or in direct connection with the radical change of the situation in Afghanistan after August 2021. These challenges and threats have developed across several functional and territorial dimensions and require a comprehensive analysis followed by the building of scenarios for their evolution. Methods and materials. The research relies on the regional security complex theory developed by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever. The methodological toolkit includes external indirect observation, political descriptive and historical genetic methods, scenario building. The research materials include official statements, news briefs, expert opinions, periodicals, academic papers. Analysis. The authors have analyzed the geostrategic, regional-strategic, regional-economic, and regional-societal dimensions of the challenges and threats to Central Asian regional security generated by the changes in Afghanistan and have built scenarios of their evolution. The major geostrategic challenge is the exacerbation of U.S. – Chinese contradictions centered on the influence of the Taliban factions. The key regional-strategic threat is the risk of the Afghan conflict spilling over into Tajikistan or Turkmenistan. The regional-economic challenges include the risks of blocking trans-Afghan transport, pipeline, and electricity transmission projects. The regional-societal risks consist of the dissemination of radical Islamist ideologies from Afghanistan throughout Central Asia. The two basic scenarios of the regional security evolution are inertia or a resumption of a full-scale civil war in Afghanistan. Results. The authors have worked out sets of recommendations for regional policymakers and the intergovernmental bodies whose functions include maintaining security and stability in Central Asia. Authors’ contribution. A.E. Dzhorobekova has developed the general concept of the article and organized the research. E.F. Troitskiy has focused on the analysis of threats and challenges to regional security. S.M. Yun has developed scenarios for regional security situations. A.G. Timoshenko has formulated the relevant recommendations.
介绍。本文的重点是重建后苏联中亚地区安全面临的复杂挑战和威胁的主要参数,这些挑战和威胁是在2021年8月之后阿富汗局势的急剧变化之后出现的,或与之直接相关。这些挑战和威胁已跨越多个功能和领土层面,需要进行全面分析,然后为其演变构建情景。方法和材料。本研究基于Barry Buzan和Ole Waever提出的区域安全综合体理论。方法论工具包包括外部间接观察、政治描述和历史遗传方法、情景构建。研究资料包括官方声明、新闻简报、专家意见、期刊、学术论文等。分析。作者从地缘战略、区域战略、区域经济和区域社会维度分析了阿富汗局势变化对中亚地区安全造成的挑战和威胁,并构建了其演变的情景。主要的地缘战略挑战是以塔利班派系影响为中心的中美矛盾的加剧。关键的地区战略威胁是阿富汗冲突蔓延到塔吉克斯坦或土库曼斯坦的风险。区域经济挑战包括阻碍跨阿富汗运输、管道和输电项目的风险。区域社会风险包括来自阿富汗的激进伊斯兰主义意识形态在中亚的传播。区域安全演变的两种基本情况是惯性或阿富汗恢复全面内战。结果。作者为地区决策者和政府间机构制定了一系列建议,这些机构的职能包括维护中亚的安全与稳定。作者的贡献。A.E. Dzhorobekova发展了文章的总体概念并组织了研究。E.F. Troitskiy专注于分析地区安全面临的威胁和挑战。S.M. Yun已经为地区安全局势制定了方案。A.G.季莫申科制定了有关建议。
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引用次数: 0
Cooperation Between Russia and Norway: Strengthening Dialogue in the Arctic 俄罗斯与挪威的合作:加强北极对话
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.12
J. Bhagwat, I. Rogachev
This study analyzes the degree of influence of international tension due to anti-Russian sanctions on relations between Russia and Norway at the governmental and regional levels, including political, economic, environmental, cultural, and other spheres. The authors begin by discussing how Norway’s accession to anti-Russian sanctions and active involvement in NATO have affected bilateral relations, especially in the economic and political spheres. The presented work is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity. The methodological framework for writing the article is the model of neoliberal institutionalism and constructivism. The source base of the study, in addition to publications in periodicals, consists of official documents regulating the foreign policy activities of Russia and Norway. The article attempts to structure the relations of the two Arctic neighbouring countries under new international conditions by highlighting two levels of interaction – governmental and regional – as well as critical elements, including issues of economic cooperation, mutual sanctions, cooperation in the field of environmental protection and fisheries, cooperation between the two countries in Spitsbergen, cooperation in science, culture, and education; and regional cooperation between Russia and Norway in the North and the Arctic. The article discusses to what extent security issues affect the development of the Russian-Norwegian dialogue in using the NSR as a transport route and problematic issues around Spitsbergen. Finally, the authors consider what practical measures are being taken by Russia and Norway to mitigate the general international tension in the bilateral dialogue using public diplomacy in the framework of strengthening and expanding contacts through the Barents Cooperation and interaction at the level of municipalities as well as universities in Russia and Norway. The authors conclude that notwithstanding geopolitical tensions, regional cooperation due to common borders, cultural and historical heritage, and the geo-economic relationship could be the primary drivers for the revival of ties between the two countries. Authors’ contribution. Jawahar Vishnu Bhagwat developed the concept of the study and worked out its theoretical and methodological foundations. I.V. Rogachev analyzed the policies of Russia and Norway in various areas of bilateral cooperation and formulated the final conclusions.
本研究分析了反俄制裁导致的国际紧张局势在政府和地区层面对俄罗斯与挪威关系的影响程度,包括政治、经济、环境、文化和其他领域。作者首先讨论了挪威加入反俄制裁和积极参与北约如何影响双边关系,特别是在经济和政治领域。所提出的工作是基于历史主义和客观性的原则。撰写本文的方法论框架是新自由主义制度主义和建构主义的模型。这项研究的资料来源除了期刊上的出版物外,还包括关于俄罗斯和挪威外交政策活动的官方文件。本文试图通过强调两个层面的互动-政府和地区-以及关键因素,包括经济合作、相互制裁、环境保护和渔业领域的合作、两国在斯匹次卑尔根岛的合作、科学、文化和教育方面的合作,在新的国际条件下构建两个北极邻国的关系;以及俄罗斯和挪威在北部和北极地区的区域合作。本文讨论了安全问题在多大程度上影响了俄罗斯-挪威在使用“北方航道”作为运输路线方面的对话的发展,以及斯匹次卑尔根岛周围的问题。最后,作者考虑了俄罗斯和挪威正在采取哪些切实可行的措施,以缓解双边对话中普遍存在的国际紧张局势,在加强和扩大接触的框架下,通过巴伦支合作和互动,在俄罗斯和挪威的市政当局和大学层面进行互动。作者得出结论,尽管地缘政治局势紧张,但由于共同边界、文化和历史遗产以及地缘经济关系,区域合作可能是两国关系复苏的主要动力。作者的贡献。Jawahar Vishnu Bhagwat发展了研究的概念,并制定了它的理论和方法基础。罗加乔夫分析了俄挪两国在双边合作各个领域的政策,并得出了最后的结论。
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引用次数: 0
Political Aspects of “Trust” as a Factor of Influence in a Crisis: The Concept, Resources and Modern Trends 危机中“信任”作为影响因素的政治层面:概念、资源与现代趋势
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.1
Rafik Usmanov, O. Oskina, E. Kudryashova
Introduction. The article is devoted to topical issues and political aspects of “trust” in the conditions of the modern crisis. This article analyzes the political aspects and manifestations of “trust” and characterizes its resource capacity depending on the level of application. Methods and materials. The article used a certain set of methods that were used to substantiate and solve problems and contributed to the achievement of the goals and objectives of the authors. The historical-retrospective method, which made it possible to trace the process of evolution and changes in the essential interpretations of “trust”, can be attributed to the number of significant ones. The typological and systematic methods made it possible to identify the types of trust and reflect the resource potential of political trust. In addition, the method of actualization, which was used in the process of working on the problem, contributed to the identification of modern trends and prospects. Analysis. The authors dwell in detail on the features of the evolution of “trust” in the context of modern processes and crisis phenomena. The article analyzes various approaches to exploring the essence and characteristics of “trust” as a scientific and practical phenomenon. The levels and types of trust functioning are considered, and certain aspects that have found application in the political sphere and are actualized at the present stage are highlighted. The authors note the influence of information and communication processes on the state of public trust in political institutions, processes, and phenomena. In the context of scaling fake information, the state of counter-suggestiveness of the individual in relation to information stuffing and suggestions that differ from its value orientations, views, and beliefs is highlighted. Results. The study of the category of trust within the framework of an interdisciplinary approach allows us to attribute it to significant elements and factors of the sociopolitical process and track its dynamics under the influence of deep global transformational shifts taking place in the socio-political sphere. The authors, in their results, note the need for systematic monitoring and the accumulation of objective data on the social mood in the issue of trust in the power and the presence of threats in the conditions of dissonance of the political line of power and unsatisfied interests of citizens, which can lead to a crisis of institutional trust. Authors’ contribution. R.H. Usmanov presented the justification and conceptualization of the study, took part in planning the stages of the study, summarized the results of the work, and formulated conclusions, advising on certain issues of manifestations of trust in the political sphere. O.I. Oskina carried out direct analysis and generalization of data sources and scientific literature, conducted a review and analytical study of the data, and participated in the interpretation of the results. E.V. Ku
介绍。这篇文章致力于在现代危机的条件下讨论“信任”的时事问题和政治方面。本文分析了“信任”的政治层面及其表现形式,并根据应用程度对其资源容量进行了表征。方法和材料。这篇文章使用了一套方法,用来证实和解决问题,并有助于实现作者的目标和目的。历史回顾法使人们能够追溯“信任”的基本解释的演变和变化过程,这可归功于许多重要的解释。通过类型学和系统学方法,可以识别信任的类型,反映政治信任的资源潜力。此外,在研究这个问题的过程中使用的实现方法有助于确定现代趋势和前景。分析。作者详细论述了“信任”在现代进程和危机现象背景下的演变特征。本文分析了探索“信任”作为一种科学和现实现象的本质和特征的各种途径。对信任功能的层次和类型进行了考虑,并强调了在政治领域中已得到应用并在目前阶段得以实现的某些方面。作者注意到信息和沟通过程对公众对政治制度、过程和现象的信任状态的影响。在缩放虚假信息的背景下,个体在信息填充和与其价值取向、观点和信仰不同的建议方面的反暗示状态得到了强调。结果。在跨学科方法的框架内对信任类别的研究使我们能够将其归因于社会政治进程的重要因素和因素,并在社会政治领域发生的深刻的全球转型变化的影响下跟踪其动态。作者在他们的研究结果中指出,需要对权力信任问题上的社会情绪进行系统监测和客观数据的积累,以及在政治权力路线不协调和公民利益不满足的情况下存在的威胁,这可能导致机构信任危机。作者的贡献。r·h·乌斯马诺夫提出了研究的理由和构想,参与了研究各阶段的规划,总结了工作结果,拟订了结论,就政治领域信任表现的某些问题提供了咨询意见。O.I. Oskina对数据来源和科学文献进行了直接分析和归纳,对数据进行了审查和分析研究,并参与了结果的解释。E.V. Kudryashova从来源和科学文献中收集数据,设计手稿和参考文献列表,对它们进行编辑和处理,并使用经验数据。
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引用次数: 0
Twitter Diplomacy in Shaping the Foreign Policy Agenda of the United States of America During the Presidency of D. Trump 推特外交在特朗普总统任期内塑造美国外交政策议程中的作用
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.9
E. Efanova
Introduction. Foreign policy is based on the desire of states to improve the image of their country, disseminate their values abroad, and develop international cooperation. In the context of the information age, one of the innovative tools of US foreign policy is Twitter diplomacy, an active supporter of which was ex-President Donald Trump. The content of Donald Trump’s recordings on his Twitter page reflects the main US foreign policy goals implemented within NATO. The purpose of the work is to, on the basis of an analysis of the principles (manufacturability, multilateralism, activity, and interactivity) of the implementation of Twitter diplomacy; determine its specifics as a tool for shaping the foreign policy agenda of the United States of America within NATO during the presidency of D. Trump. Methods and materials. The work uses general geological methods of policy research and methods of theoretical and applied (problem-situational) political scientific analysis. The theoretical basis was the network approach in the interpretation of M. Castels, which made it possible to identify the specifics of relations between policy actors within the framework of a dynamically developing online space. Analysis. As a result of a political analysis of the logic of the implementation of US foreign policy, the functional potential of Twitter diplomacy in the process of forming a foreign policy agenda during the presidency of Donald Trump was determined. Conclusions. The work conceptually comprehends the category “foreign policy agenda of the state.” Based on an analysis of the entries on D. Trump’s Twitter page, it was proven that through Twitter diplomacy, the United States of America has implemented foreign policy goals in NATO on defense spending in the Alliance member countries and confronting Russia.
介绍。外交政策是建立在各国改善国家形象、向国外传播其价值观和发展国际合作的愿望之上的。在信息时代背景下,美国外交政策的创新工具之一是Twitter外交,前总统唐纳德•特朗普(Donald Trump)是Twitter外交的积极支持者。唐纳德·特朗普在其推特页面上的录音内容反映了美国在北约内部实施的主要外交政策目标。这项工作的目的是在分析推特外交实施的原则(可制造性、多边主义、活动性和互动性)的基础上;在特朗普担任总统期间,决定其具体细节,作为在北约内部塑造美国外交政策议程的工具。方法和材料。这项工作使用了政策研究的一般地质学方法以及理论和应用(问题-情境)政治科学分析的方法。理论基础是M. Castels解释中的网络方法,这使得在动态发展的在线空间框架内确定政策参与者之间关系的细节成为可能。分析。通过对美国外交政策执行逻辑的政治分析,确定了推特外交在特朗普总统任期内形成外交政策议程过程中的功能潜力。结论。该著作从概念上理解了“国家外交政策议程”这一范畴。通过对特朗普推特页面条目的分析,可以证明,通过推特外交,美国在北约成员国的国防开支和对抗俄罗斯方面实现了外交政策目标。
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引用次数: 0
Transformation of Public Communication of Government and Citizens in China and Russia in the Context of Digitalization 数字化背景下中俄政府与公民公共传播的转型
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.14
Wei Zhang, L. Pankratova
Introduction. The article is devoted to identifying and characterizing the main trends in the transformation of public communication between government and citizens through digital media in China and Russia. The dynamics of state policies regarding the use of social media as an information and communication resource for solving pragmatic management tasks, forming the image of authorities, and developing a dialogue with the population is traced. Methods and Materials. As a methodological basis for the study, the conceptualizations of the public sphere within the framework of a critical approach (J. Habermas, H. Arendt), the sociocultural tradition of interpreting communication, the ideas on the power and strength of Internet communications in the “network society” by M. Castells, and the theoretical foundations of communication management are used. Analisys. Three stages in the development of social media authorities in China are identified and presented. The specifics of public communication between the authorities and users of various services (Weibo, WeChat, and TikTok) are characterized based on their technological capabilities (affordances). Results. The social effects obtained from the widespread use of digital media by the Chinese government are indicated. The political and socio-cultural foundations of the emerging state policy regarding the use of social networks as a resource for public communication between the government and society in Russia are shown. The key challenges and tasks that need to be solved for the successful development of a public dialogue between the authorities and the population through digital media and the formation of the social media capital of the state in China and Russia are fixed. Authors’ contribution. Wei Zhang prepared an analysis of the transformations in the use of digital media by the government in China. L.S. Pankratova outlined the theoretical and methodological framework of the study, presented the Russian case, translated materials on the case of China into Russian and carried out general scientific editing of the article.
介绍。本文致力于识别和描述中国和俄罗斯通过数字媒体转变政府与公民之间公共沟通的主要趋势。关于使用社交媒体作为信息和通信资源来解决务实管理任务,形成当局形象以及与民众开展对话的国家政策动态进行了追踪。方法与材料。作为研究的方法论基础,本研究使用了批判方法框架内的公共领域概念(哈贝马斯、阿伦特)、解释传播的社会文化传统、卡斯特关于“网络社会”中互联网传播的权力和力量的思想以及传播管理的理论基础。Analisys。本文确定并介绍了中国社交媒体权威发展的三个阶段。当局和各种服务(微博、微信和抖音)用户之间的公共沟通细节是根据他们的技术能力(能力)来确定的。结果。指出了中国政府广泛使用数字媒体所获得的社会效应。关于使用社交网络作为俄罗斯政府与社会之间公共沟通的资源的新兴国家政策的政治和社会文化基础显示。在中国和俄罗斯,通过数字媒体成功发展当局与民众之间的公共对话以及形成国家的社交媒体资本,需要解决的关键挑战和任务是确定的。作者的贡献。张伟准备了一份关于中国政府在使用数字媒体方面的转变的分析。L.S. Pankratova概述了研究的理论和方法框架,介绍了俄罗斯案例,将有关中国案例的材料翻译成俄文,并对文章进行了一般性的科学编辑。
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引用次数: 0
Contemporary Hungary’s Foreign Policy Evolution 当代匈牙利外交政策的演变
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.11
I. Tarasov
Introduction. The foreign policy of modern Hungary has passed through several stages of development since the fall of socialism. The purpose of this article is to clarify the qualitative characteristics of the points of evolution that have determined the content of Hungarian foreign policy. Today, it is not enough to define the image of Hungarian foreign policy solely in terms of pan-European or North Atlantic solidarity. A more careful and thoughtful study of the dynamics of the foreign policy doctrine of Budapest is required. Methods and Materials. Our main task is to clarify the periodization of the process of Hungary’s foreign policy development. The proposed periodization is carried out in a complex manner, based on several reasons and correlating their influence on each of the allocated time periods. The information array was composed of news for April 2010 – August 2022, based on a digest of news from Hungarian news agencies. Analysis. The author identifies five main periods in the development of Hungary’s foreign policy: the transitional period; the imperative period; the period of Euro-Atlantic romanticism; the period of seeking regional balance; and the period of Euroscepticism and Easternization. Each of these periods is characterized by an assessment of the conceptual content of international politics, the continuity of the foreign policy course, and the change in emphasis of the current policy. Results. Obviously, the current period of development is nearing its end, and in the medium term, Hungarian foreign policy itself will take the form of several relatively balanced concentric circles in the process of forming a polycentric world. At the same time, the European and American orientations will continue to be of paramount importance for Hungary. The growing inertia of the decline in the intensity of Russian-Hungarian relations seems to be the main characteristic of the interaction between the two countries.
介绍。自社会主义垮台以来,现代匈牙利的外交政策经历了几个发展阶段。本文的目的是澄清决定匈牙利外交政策内容的演变要点的质量特征。今天,仅仅从泛欧或北大西洋团结的角度来界定匈牙利外交政策的形象是不够的。需要对布达佩斯外交政策学说的动态进行更仔细和深思熟虑的研究。方法与材料。我们的主要任务是澄清匈牙利外交政策发展进程的分期问题。拟议的分期是以一种复杂的方式进行的,基于若干原因,并将它们对每个分配的时间段的影响联系起来。信息数组由2010年4月至2022年8月的新闻组成,基于匈牙利新闻机构的新闻摘要。分析。作者确定了匈牙利外交政策发展的五个主要时期:过渡时期;祈使句;欧洲-大西洋浪漫主义时期;寻求地区平衡的时期;以及欧洲怀疑主义和东方化时期。每一个时期的特点都是对国际政治概念内容的评估,外交政策进程的连续性,以及当前政策重点的变化。结果。显然,当前的发展阶段已接近尾声,从中期来看,匈牙利的外交政策本身将在形成多中心世界的过程中采取几个相对平衡的同心圆的形式。与此同时,欧洲和美国的方向将继续对匈牙利至关重要。俄匈关系强度下降的惯性似乎是两国互动的主要特征。
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引用次数: 0
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