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Russian Journals in the Subject Category “History” in Scopus: Key Indicators and Impact Assessment at the International Level Scopus中“历史”主题类别的俄罗斯期刊:国际一级的关键指标和影响评估
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.21
V. Gorelkin
The article presents an analysis of Russian journals indexed in Scopus in 2021 by the category “History.” The purpose of the study was to assess the current level and influence of Russian historical journals on the basis of a comparison of their bibliometric indicators with data from journals in France and Germany. Sources and methods. The sources were the data of the Scopus international scientometric database, the SCImago Journal & Country Rank portal, the Russian Science Citation Index, and the Internet sites of journals. Conclusions and discussion. The important features of Russian journals that need to be taken into account when analyzing their bibliometric indicators are revealed: the late start of indexing in Scopus, the presence of more works from other socio-humanities, a large number of articles published annually, the affiliation of the absolute majority of historical journals to universities and research institutes, and the predominance of the journal distribution model by the type of open access. Open access to Russian journals compensates for a high percentage of publications in Russian (85.5%) and a high proportion of Russian authors (82.8%). In terms of citation indicators, Russian journals are superior to French ones and inferior to German ones. Based on the analysis of the “extreme citation” of individual Russian journals, options for correcting it are proposed. Despite the higher self-citation rate of Russian journals (40%), they have higher ratings on average, both at the national level and in comparison with historical journals in France and Germany. The question of defining the boundaries between the specializations of the journal in a closed scientific discipline, going beyond which can be assessed as artificial self-citation, is raised separately. Doubts are expressed about the possibility of a rapid reorientation of Russian journals from the European and American areas of cooperation to researchers from other regions.
这篇文章分析了2021年在Scopus中按“历史”分类索引的俄罗斯期刊。这项研究的目的是在将俄罗斯历史期刊的文献计量指标与法国和德国期刊的数据进行比较的基础上,评估俄罗斯历史期刊目前的水平和影响。来源和方法。数据来源于Scopus国际科学计量数据库、SCImago Journal & Country Rank门户网站、俄罗斯科学引文索引和期刊网站。结论和讨论。本文揭示了俄罗斯期刊在分析文献计量指标时需要考虑的重要特征:Scopus索引起步较晚,其他社会人文学科的著作较多,每年发表的论文数量较多,绝大多数历史期刊隶属于大学和研究机构,以及开放获取类型的期刊发行模式占主导地位。俄罗斯期刊的开放获取补偿了高比例的俄罗斯出版物(85.5%)和高比例的俄罗斯作者(82.8%)。在被引指标方面,俄文期刊优于法文期刊,而低于德文期刊。在对俄个别期刊“极端引用”现象分析的基础上,提出了相应的纠正措施。尽管俄罗斯期刊的自引率较高(40%),但无论是在国家层面,还是与法国和德国的历史期刊相比,它们的平均评分都更高。在一个封闭的科学学科中,如何界定期刊各专业之间的界限是一个单独的问题,超过这个界限就可以被认为是人为的自引。有人对俄罗斯期刊从欧洲和美国合作领域向其他地区的研究人员迅速重新定位的可能性表示怀疑。
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引用次数: 0
Armed Conflict as a Media Project of the 21st Century: Ukrainian Case 武装冲突作为21世纪的媒体项目:乌克兰案例
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.3
G. Kosov, O. Yarmak, O. Litvishko, Alexander E. Gapich
Introduction. Modern armed confrontation has an obligatory information component and, moreover, can be a kind of media project in a situation where the confrontation is based on a contradiction between military and political goals. Based on the results obtained, the authors concluded that new media are a mechanism for implementing a media project to transform “real” reality, change the media and supra-real (cognitive, mental, or reflective) realities. Methods and materials. During the study, over 1900 images and videos were analyzed posted in the network communities of social media VKontakte, Odnoklassniki, and Twitter, as well as the Telegram communication messenger, from February to May 2022. Analysis. Modern armed confrontation is a new type of social connection since the Internet, social media, and politics form new political and communicative ties in society, which, in turn, create or destroy political forces and change political regimes and economic players for markets. Result. The authors propose a model connecting physical, informational, and virtual spaces, explaining network communication creation and functioning. This model influences politics, economics, resources, and territories through people’s mass consciousness. Authors’ contribution. G.V. Kosov developed the theoretical basis of the study and carried out the general scientific editing of the article. O.V. Yarmak analyzed the dominant trends in modern media projects and the Ukrainian case. O.M. Litvishko interpreted the results of theoretical and empirical studies characterizing the process of forming a new media project. A.E. Gapich organized studies of images and videos posted in the network communities of social media (VKontakte, Odnoklassniki, Twitter), as well as the Telegram messenger.
介绍。现代武装对抗具有强制性的信息成分,而且,在以军事和政治目标之间的矛盾为基础的对抗情况下,它可以成为一种媒体项目。基于所获得的结果,作者得出结论,新媒体是一种实施媒体项目的机制,以改变“真实”的现实,改变媒体和超真实(认知、心理或反思)的现实。方法和材料。在研究期间,研究人员分析了2022年2月至5月期间在社交媒体VKontakte、Odnoklassniki和Twitter网络社区以及Telegram通信信使上发布的1900多张图片和视频。分析。现代武装对抗是一种新型的社会联系,因为互联网、社交媒体和政治在社会中形成了新的政治和交流联系,这些联系反过来又创造或摧毁政治力量,改变政治制度和市场的经济参与者。结果。作者提出了一个连接物理空间、信息空间和虚拟空间的模型,解释了网络通信的产生和功能。这种模式通过人们的大众意识影响政治、经济、资源和领土。作者的贡献。G.V. Kosov发展了研究的理论基础,并对文章进行了全面的科学编辑。O.V. Yarmak分析了现代媒体项目的主导趋势和乌克兰案例。O.M. Litvishko解释了新媒体项目形成过程的理论和实证研究结果。A.E. Gapich组织了对社交媒体网络社区(VKontakte、Odnoklassniki、Twitter)以及Telegram messenger上发布的图像和视频的研究。
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引用次数: 0
Trends in Overcoming the Crisis of the People’s Party of Spain (2018–2022) in the Context of Electoral Processes 在选举进程背景下克服西班牙人民党危机的趋势(2018-2022)
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.10
A. Baranov
Introduction. The crisis of the People’s Party of Spain, the most influential political force in the country, is one of the manifestations of the transformation of the party system. The scientific topic is important in predicting the development of the party system, public opinion, and voting in Spain. Methods and materials. The purpose of the article is to find out the trends in overcoming the crisis in the Spanish People’s Party (2018–2022) in the context of changes in the party system and electoral processes. The study is carried out on the basis of rational choice theory. The author conducted a secondary analysis of the results of sociological surveys and compiled diachronous voting tables. Analysis and results. The transformation of the two-party system of Spain into a multiparty system of moderate pluralism for 2015–2022 is revealed. The differences in the social base, programs, and positioning of the parties on the right spectrum are determined: the People’s Party, “Vox”, and “Citizens”. As a result of the analysis of sources, the causes and manifestations of the crisis of the People’s Party are revealed, and its stages are established. In addition, the forecast of trends in the development of the influence of the People’s Party in the upcoming national and regional elections is argued. Conclusion. Among Spain’s right-wing parties, the People’s Party occupies a center-right stance, compared to the centrist “Citizens” and the radical right-wing “Vox”. The reasons for the crisis of the People’s Party are its long-term ties with big business, participation in corruption scandals, weak influence on potential groups of the electoral base, the low popularity of a number of leaders (M. Rajoy and P. Casado), and factionalism. However, the pandemic contributed to the decline in the rating of the center-left government, which allowed the People’s Party to increase its influence in elections since 2021. Negotiations are possible on the creation of a pragmatic coalition of the two main political forces: the People’s Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party. Such a coalition could be based on a shift in the socialists policy to the right. In the second, more likely option, the People’s Party will have to bloc with other right-wing parties; the right-wing radical “Vox” party will add the largest number of mandates to create a government. Consequently, the victory of the right forces will lead to the continuation of the tradition of creating pragmatic, forced coalitions of parties ideologically alien to each other.
介绍。西班牙最具影响力的政治力量西班牙人民党的危机是政党制度转型的表现之一。科学主题对于预测西班牙政党制度、公众舆论和投票的发展非常重要。方法和材料。本文的目的是在政党制度和选举过程变化的背景下,找出克服西班牙人民党(2018-2022)危机的趋势。本研究是在理性选择理论的基础上进行的。作者对社会学调查结果进行了二次分析,并编制了历时性投票表。分析和结果。揭示了2015-2022年西班牙两党制向适度多元化多党制的转变。在社会基础、纲领和右翼党派定位上的差异是确定的:人民党(People’s Party)、Vox党(Vox)和公民党(Citizens)。通过对来源的分析,揭示了人民党危机的成因和表现,并确定了人民党危机的阶段。此外,对人民党在即将举行的全国和地区选举中影响力的发展趋势进行了预测。结论。在西班牙的右翼政党中,人民党占据了中间偏右的立场,而中间派的“公民党”和激进右翼的“Vox党”则相反。人民党陷入危机的原因是它与大企业的长期联系、卷入腐败丑闻、对潜在选民群体的影响力较弱、一些领导人(拉霍伊和卡萨多)的支持率较低,以及派系斗争。但是,由于新冠疫情,中左翼政府的支持率下降,国民之党从2021年开始在选举中扩大了影响力。就两大主要政治力量——人民党和西班牙社会主义工人党——建立一个务实的联盟进行谈判是可能的。这样一个联盟可以建立在社会党人政策向右转变的基础上。第二种可能性更大的选择是,人民党将不得不与其他右翼政党结盟;右翼激进派“Vox”党将为组建政府增加最多的授权。因此,右翼势力的胜利将导致传统的延续,即建立在意识形态上相互排斥的务实的、被迫的政党联盟。
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引用次数: 0
The Influence of the Transformations in Uzbekistan’s Economy on Personnel Issues During the Great Patriotic War 卫国战争时期乌兹别克斯坦经济转型对人事问题的影响
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.4
Khasan Babadjanov, A. Abdullaev
Introduction. The article outlines transformations in Uzbekistan’s economy during the Great Patriotic War, the emergence of problems related to personnel as a result of these changes, the main causes of the lack of staff, and measures to prevent this shortage and their effectiveness. The given study analyzed the organizational problems of providing the economy with employees, analyzed measures taken during the Great Patriotic War to meet the demands of the country’s economy for personnel, and obtained new data dealing with the social status of human resources. Methods and Materials. A wide range of archival sources from the funds of the National Archive of Uzbekistan that weren’t published earlier was used in the preparation of the article. The methodological basis of the research is the principle of historicism. In the course of the study, historicalcomparative and statistical methods were applied. Analysis. The research conducted identified factors related to productivity and social issues. In particular, the labor productivity of the new staff (mainly women and adolescents) replacing qualified personnel who went to the war front has been analyzed; on the other hand, the impact of the working process on their social lives has been considered. During the war years, the involvement of women and children in production in the republic and their relationship with the evacuated population resulted in significant positive trends in society. Results. In general, by studying the impact of changes in Uzbekistan’s economy on personnel issues during the Great Patriotic War, valuable information about various sectors of the Republic’s economy during the war years as well as the advances and defects in different economic branches was obtained. Authors’ contribution. Kh.B. Babadjanov and A.K. Abdullayev jointly studied archival materials and scientific literature and drew conclusions on the topic. Kh.B. Babadjanov analyzed the documents of the National Archive of Uzbekistan, which made it possible to explore the peculiarities of the transformation of the economy of Uzbekistan during the Great Patriotic War and the supply of it with personnel. A.K. Abdullayev participated in the analysis of statistical and economic data.
介绍。本文概述了伟大卫国战争期间乌兹别克斯坦经济的变化,这些变化导致的与人员有关的问题的出现,工作人员缺乏的主要原因,以及防止这种短缺的措施及其有效性。本研究分析了为经济提供员工的组织问题,分析了卫国战争期间为满足国家经济对人才的需求而采取的措施,获得了人力资源社会地位的新数据。方法与材料。这篇文章的准备工作使用了乌兹别克斯坦国家档案馆(National Archive of Uzbekistan)基金提供的大量档案资料,这些资料此前并未公布。这一研究的方法论基础是历史决定论原则。在研究过程中,采用了历史比较和统计方法。分析。这项研究确定了与生产力和社会问题有关的因素。特别是,分析了代替奔赴前线的合格人员的新职员(主要是妇女和青少年)的劳动生产率;另一方面,工作过程对他们社会生活的影响也被考虑在内。在战争年代,妇女和儿童参与共和国的生产及其与撤离人口的关系在社会上产生了显著的积极趋势。结果。总的来说,通过研究卫国战争期间乌兹别克斯坦经济变化对人事问题的影响,获得了战争时期共和国经济各个部门的宝贵信息,以及不同经济部门的进步和缺陷。作者的贡献。Kh.B。Babadjanov和A.K. Abdullayev共同研究了档案材料和科学文献,并就这一主题得出了结论。Kh.B。Babadjanov分析了乌兹别克斯坦国家档案馆的文件,这使得探索伟大卫国战争期间乌兹别克斯坦经济转型的特殊性及其人员供应成为可能。阿卜杜拉耶夫参与了统计和经济数据的分析。
{"title":"The Influence of the Transformations in Uzbekistan’s Economy on Personnel Issues During the Great Patriotic War","authors":"Khasan Babadjanov, A. Abdullaev","doi":"10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.4","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction. The article outlines transformations in Uzbekistan’s economy during the Great Patriotic War, the emergence of problems related to personnel as a result of these changes, the main causes of the lack of staff, and measures to prevent this shortage and their effectiveness. The given study analyzed the organizational problems of providing the economy with employees, analyzed measures taken during the Great Patriotic War to meet the demands of the country’s economy for personnel, and obtained new data dealing with the social status of human resources. Methods and Materials. A wide range of archival sources from the funds of the National Archive of Uzbekistan that weren’t published earlier was used in the preparation of the article. The methodological basis of the research is the principle of historicism. In the course of the study, historicalcomparative and statistical methods were applied. Analysis. The research conducted identified factors related to productivity and social issues. In particular, the labor productivity of the new staff (mainly women and adolescents) replacing qualified personnel who went to the war front has been analyzed; on the other hand, the impact of the working process on their social lives has been considered. During the war years, the involvement of women and children in production in the republic and their relationship with the evacuated population resulted in significant positive trends in society. Results. In general, by studying the impact of changes in Uzbekistan’s economy on personnel issues during the Great Patriotic War, valuable information about various sectors of the Republic’s economy during the war years as well as the advances and defects in different economic branches was obtained. Authors’ contribution. Kh.B. Babadjanov and A.K. Abdullayev jointly studied archival materials and scientific literature and drew conclusions on the topic. Kh.B. Babadjanov analyzed the documents of the National Archive of Uzbekistan, which made it possible to explore the peculiarities of the transformation of the economy of Uzbekistan during the Great Patriotic War and the supply of it with personnel. A.K. Abdullayev participated in the analysis of statistical and economic data.","PeriodicalId":42917,"journal":{"name":"Volgogradskii Gosudarstvennyi Universitet-Vestnik-Seriya 4-Istoriya Regionovedenie Mezhdunarodnye Otnosheniya","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77701024","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
“Sun Yat-sen Culture” – Socio-Cultural Brand for the Greater Bay Area of China and the World Consolidation “孙中山文化”——中国大湾区乃至世界巩固的社会文化品牌
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.15
Polina E. Strukova
Introduction. This article is devoted to the description of the phenomenon named after the Chinese revolutionary and thinker Sun Yat-sen, who lived at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The image of this outstanding representative of the South Chinese Lingnan (Cantonese) culture has been actively used by the Chinese government for more than 15 years to unite the population of the urban cluster of the Greater Bay Area (Guangdong, Hong Kong, and Macau) of South China. The paper discusses the cultural and historical context, the personality of the politician himself, the prerequisites for his personal “culture” formation, as well as the methods and goals of popularizing the “Sun Yat-sen culture.” Methods and Materials. A wide range of recently published works by Chinese and foreign researchers and publicists on related topics were reviewed, analyzed, and theoretically compiled. Analysis. The author fills in the gaps in understanding the connection between the features of Sun Yat-sen’s image and the current tasks of the Chinese state. The characteristic features of the personality and the “Sun Yat-sen figure” have been determined, and its functions have been identified. Results. As a result of the application of general scientific methods, the author comes to the conclusion that the “Sun Yat-sen culture” is introduced as a regional brand, a role model, a showcase, and a personal cultural brand of South China. This brand is being transformed from local to regional and wider by means of state popularization. This happens with the aim of strengthening socio-cultural ties in the Greater Bay Area, with the prospect of further uniting representatives of the “Chinese world” and more. The article also shows examples of the means of socio-cultural brand popularization and touches upon its correlation with the idea of “discursive power” in modern China.
介绍。这篇文章致力于描述以中国革命家和思想家孙中山命名的现象,他生活在19世纪和20世纪之交。这一华南岭南(广东)文化的杰出代表形象,在过去15年多的时间里,一直被中国政府积极用于团结华南粤港澳大湾区城市群的人口。本文论述了孙中山的文化历史背景、孙中山本人的性格特点、孙中山个人“文化”形成的前提条件以及孙中山文化大众化的方法和目标。方法与材料。本文回顾、分析和整理了近年来国内外研究人员和公关工作者在相关领域发表的大量著作。分析。作者填补了理解孙中山形象特征与中国国家当前任务之间联系的空白。确定了人格特征和“孙中山形象”的特征,并对其功能进行了识别。结果。运用一般的科学方法,得出“孙中山文化”作为华南地区的地域品牌、榜样、展示和个人文化品牌的结论。通过国家普及,该品牌正从地方性向区域化、扩大化转变。这样做的目的是加强大湾区的社会文化联系,进一步团结“华人世界”等代表。文章还举例说明了社会文化品牌大众化的手段,并探讨了其与现代中国“话语权”理念的关系。
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引用次数: 0
The Transformation of Neo-Ottomanism Under Justice and Development Party (JDP) Rule in Turkey (2002–2022): The Central Asian Vector 土耳其正义与发展党(JDP)统治下的新奥斯曼主义转型(2002-2022):中亚矢量
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.16
T. Marmontova, M. Zhiyenbayev, E. Vaseneva
Introduction. The paper describes aspects of the transformation of neo-Ottomanism under Justice and Development Party (JDP) rule in Turkey (2002–2022), with a focus on the situation in Central Asia. Methods and materials. The article employs the case study method and examines the Central Asian vector of Turkish foreign policy from 2002 to 2022. Analysis. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, filling the political power void in Central Asia has been one of Turkey’s key foreign policy interests. This interest was reinvigorated by the domestic political transformation in light of the accession of the Justice and Development Party in 2002. The neo-Ottomanism that formed the basis of JDP’s foreign policy, on the one hand, elaborated on the Ottomanism of the last century and, on the other hand, mirrored the changes in the political system of the country after 2013, such as the authoritarianization of the ruling regime and the rise of Islam as a tool for public support consolidation. Results. As a result, the conclusion was drawn that over the past twenty years, neo-Ottomanism has come to represent a broadly circumscribed liberal economic approach combined with an appeal not only to the common Ottoman past and pan-Turkic sentiments but also to the Muslim present. Meanwhile, Turkey’s cultural and religious rapprochement with the region is driven by its strategic economic interests, for which Central Asia is an integral component of Turkey’s new international role. Thus, Turkey’s policy towards Central Asian states reverberates the outcome of the transformation of the neo-Ottoman discourse as a product of the country’s changing domestic political landscape while shedding light on the strategic priorities it encompasses: becoming a regional hub and a proactive regional power. Authors’ contributions. T.V. Marmontova – preparation of the structure of the article, methodology, and review of literature, M.B. Zhiyenbayev – “Regionalization” of foreign policy of Turkey and the place of Central Asia in the pan-Turkic picture of the world, E.A. Vaseneva – assessment of the policy of the Justice and Development Party in Turkey in 2002–2022.
介绍。本文描述了在土耳其正义与发展党(JDP)统治下(2002-2022)新奥斯曼主义转型的各个方面,重点是中亚局势。方法和材料。本文采用个案研究的方法,考察了2002年至2022年土耳其外交政策的中亚向量。分析。自苏联解体以来,填补中亚的政治权力空白一直是土耳其的主要外交政策利益之一。随着2002年正义与发展党(Justice and Development Party)的加入,国内政治转型重新激发了这种兴趣。构成JDP外交政策基础的新奥斯曼主义,一方面阐述了上个世纪的奥斯曼主义,另一方面反映了2013年后该国政治制度的变化,如执政政权的威权化和伊斯兰教的兴起作为巩固民意的工具。结果。因此,得出的结论是,在过去的二十年里,新奥斯曼主义代表了一种广泛的自由主义经济方式,它不仅对共同的奥斯曼过去和泛突厥情绪有吸引力,而且对现在的穆斯林也有吸引力。与此同时,土耳其与该地区的文化和宗教和解受到其战略经济利益的推动,对其而言,中亚是土耳其新的国际角色不可或缺的组成部分。因此,土耳其对中亚国家的政策反映了新奥斯曼话语转变的结果,这是该国不断变化的国内政治格局的产物,同时也揭示了它所包含的战略重点:成为地区中心和积极主动的地区大国。作者的贡献。T.V. Marmontova -准备文章的结构,方法和文献回顾,M.B. Zhiyenbayev -土耳其外交政策的“区域化”和中亚在泛突厥世界图片中的位置,E.A. Vaseneva -对2002-2022年土耳其正义与发展党政策的评估。
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引用次数: 0
The US Climate Agenda as an Opportunity for American Society’s Socio-Political Transformation 美国气候议程是美国社会社会政治转型的机遇
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.8
I. Sokov
The article’s introduction includes a justification of the climate policy’s dependence and socioeconomic transformation in American society. The research’s purpose is to substantiate that the climate crisis is a complex infrastructural issue that requires solutions from all institutions and spheres of American society to achieve sustainable development and leadership. The article’s materials consist of international treaties, laws, and protocols that are adopted by the US Congress, the US government’s orders and plans, US politicians’ speeches and correspondence, research articles and monographs by famous scientists from various countries, the political practice’s analysis of the presidential administration of J. Biden in the conditions of fulfilling the obligations assumed by the United States under the Paris Climate Agreement, as well as new social and economic problems related to the hydrocarbons’ use. The article analyzes the Environmental Protection Agency’s activities and the supporters’ and opponents’ actions regarding the use of fossil fuels. The methodology is based on the principles of scientific historical research; a rationalistic approach is used as a methodological approach, and two special historical methods are used as research methods: systemic and genetic. The study’s results were updated plans and actions by the American government to address the climate agenda for the 2016–2020 period. As a result, the article’s author comes to several conclusions, which are that the struggle for a fair energy transition during the 2016–2022 period made American society more polarized and divided taken the measures according to ideas and actions. The so-called BIPOC community began to play a special role in this movement as the main force in a period of change and as a hope for the creation of a more fair society in America. The Inflation Reduction Act (2022) created the conditions for American society’s consolidation. The changes should be expected in 2023 as visible trends in socio-political modernization after the adoption of this law: for example, in healthcare, greater availability of medicines and lower prices for them, especially for insulin-dependent people; greater availability for more citizens in the health insurance sphere; reduction of citizens’ costs for electricity and energy efficiency of household appliances; reduction of taxes for low- and medium-income citizens; a tangible reduction in harmful pollution from fossil fuels; and the expected reduction in cancer diseases among Americans.
文章的导言部分包括对气候政策的依赖和美国社会经济转型的论证。这项研究的目的是证明气候危机是一个复杂的基础设施问题,需要美国社会所有机构和领域的解决方案来实现可持续发展和领导力。文章的材料包括美国国会通过的国际条约、法律和议定书,美国政府的命令和计划,美国政治家的演讲和信件,各国著名科学家的研究文章和专著,拜登政府在履行美国在《巴黎气候协定》下承担的义务的情况下的政治实践分析,以及与碳氢化合物的使用有关的新的社会和经济问题。文章分析了美国环境保护署在化石燃料使用方面的活动以及支持者和反对者的行动。方法论以科学的历史研究原则为基础;方法论采用理性主义方法,研究方法采用两种特殊的历史方法:系统方法和遗传方法。这项研究的结果是美国政府为应对2016-2020年期间的气候议程而制定的最新计划和行动。因此,文章的作者得出了几个结论,即2016-2022年期间为公平的能源转型而进行的斗争使美国社会更加两极化,并根据思想和行动采取了措施。所谓的BIPOC社区开始在这场运动中发挥特殊作用,作为变革时期的主要力量,并希望在美国建立一个更公平的社会。《减少通货膨胀法》(2022)为美国社会的巩固创造了条件。在通过这项法律之后,这些变化有望在2023年成为社会政治现代化的明显趋势:例如,在医疗保健方面,药品供应增加,价格降低,特别是对依赖胰岛素的人;为更多公民提供更多的医疗保险;降低市民用电成本,提高家电能效;为中低收入公民减税;切实减少化石燃料的有害污染;以及美国人癌症发病率的预期下降。
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引用次数: 0
Russia in Contemporary Architecture of International Relations: Forecast Scenarios and Limits of Acceptable Restructuring 当代国际关系建筑中的俄罗斯:可接受重组的预测情景和限制
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.20
Sergey A. Pankratov, Elena Klinshans
Introduction. The article is devoted to the characterization and substantiation of the basic principles and priority areas of the foreign policy activity of the Russian Federation in the context of the transformation of the modern system of international relations. Scenario approaches to the development of the Russian state and its functional role in the context of increased conflict potential between countries of Western and non-Western civilizations that are most frequently articulated within the political science discourse are interpreted. The study's relevance stems from the need to reconsider the dominant grounds for restructuring the contemporary world order, which lacks security and stability, while compromising the development interests of most states and societies at national, regional, and global levels. Methods and materials. The authors rely on the conceptual statements of the political organization of the contemporary world, developed by M.M. Lebedeva within the framework of a system approach. In identifying the sources of global turbulence experienced by the current system of international relations, the theoretical constructions by I. Wallerstein, S. Huntington, G. Kissinger, and O.V. Gaman-Golutvina were used. The elucidation of the functional specifics of Russia as a civilization state in the system of the world order of the past and present is based on a civilizational approach. The empirical base of the article was the normative and legal documents of the Russian Federation and the results of surveys conducted by leading centers: VCIOM, FOM, and Levada Center (this organization is included in the unified register of individuals and organizations recognized as foreign agents in the Russian Federation). Analysis and results. In the course of the study, the dominant factors that contribute to the radicalization of the conflict potential of the existing system of international relations were revealed and interpreted. The relationship between the escalation of the conflict between the Western bloc countries and Russia, the multifaceted objectification of Russophobia in all spheres of life, and the strategic vectors of Russia’s foreign policy formulated in The Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (2023) is traced. At the same time, attention is focused not only on the principles of the new Russian statehood and the place of the Russian Federation in the contemporary world but also on the historical continuity of Russia as a civilization state. Authors’ contribution. S.A. Pankratov developed the theoretical basis of the study, analyzed the dominant trends in the transformation of the modern system of international relations, and carried out the general scientific editing of the article. E.V. Klinshans summarized and analyzed the empirical data related to the priorities of the implementation of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation and formulated the main conclusions of the work.
介绍。这篇文章专门讨论在改变现代国际关系体系的背景下,俄罗斯联邦外交政策活动的基本原则和优先领域的特点和实质。俄罗斯国家发展的情景方法及其在西方和非西方文明国家之间潜在冲突增加的背景下的功能角色,在政治科学话语中最常被阐述。这项研究的意义在于,需要重新考虑重构当代世界秩序的主要依据。目前的世界秩序缺乏安全和稳定,同时在国家、地区和全球层面上损害了大多数国家和社会的发展利益。方法和材料。作者依靠当代世界政治组织的概念陈述,由M.M.列别德瓦在系统方法的框架内发展。在确定当前国际关系体系所经历的全球动荡的根源时,采用了沃勒斯坦、亨廷顿、基辛格和加曼-戈卢特维纳的理论构建。阐明俄罗斯作为一个文明国家在过去和现在的世界秩序体系中的功能特点是基于文明的方法。本文的实证基础是俄罗斯联邦的规范性和法律文件,以及由VCIOM、FOM和列瓦达中心(该组织被列入俄罗斯联邦承认的外国代理人的个人和组织的统一登记册)等主要中心进行的调查结果。分析和结果。在研究过程中,揭示和解释了导致现有国际关系制度的潜在冲突极端化的主要因素。本文追踪了西方集团国家与俄罗斯之间冲突的升级、生活各领域对俄罗斯恐惧症的多方面客观化与《俄罗斯联邦外交政策构想》(2023)中制定的俄罗斯外交政策的战略向量之间的关系。与此同时,人们的注意力不仅集中在新俄罗斯国家地位的原则和俄罗斯联邦在当代世界的地位上,而且集中在俄罗斯作为一个文明国家的历史连续性上。作者的贡献。S.A. Pankratov发展了研究的理论基础,分析了现代国际关系体系转型的主导趋势,并对文章进行了总体的科学编辑。E.V. Klinshans总结和分析了与俄罗斯联邦外交政策实施优先事项有关的经验数据,并制定了工作的主要结论。
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引用次数: 0
Transformation of Policy of the Southern Russian Regions Under the Conditions of External Shocks 外部冲击条件下俄罗斯南部地区的政策转型
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.18
I. Mitrofanova, O. Chernova
Introduction. The need to respond to external shocks determines the adjustment of state policy in order to maintain a stable socio-economic situation in the regions. This study aims to determine how the political strategy of solving the problems of increasing political stability and economic security is changing in the regions in the face of growing economic pressure from Western countries, as well as evaluate the effectiveness of the measures taken. Methodology and methods. The object of the study was the Volgograd and Rostov regions. Research methods included: a systematic approach to the analysis of the economic policy of the region as an integral component of ensuring national security in the face of external shocks; context analysis of documents adopted by the legislative authorities of the regions in relation to the implementation of economic policy; and a comparative analysis of indicators of economic security in the regions. As indicators characterizing the effectiveness of economic policy measures, indicators of the economic security of the region, formed in the context of the goals and directions laid down in the Economic Security Strategy of the Russian Federation, were used. Analysis. The results of the analysis showed that, from the point of view of maintaining economic security, the measures to support capitalist relations associated with the increment of the total assets of the region showed the greatest effectiveness. At the same time, there is a clear shortage of state support instruments in the social sphere. Results. It was found that the political goals of the authorities in the face of increasing current shocks have shifted from “adaptation as a way of survival”, characteristic of the period of the COVID-19 pandemic, to “ensuring economic security through renewal.” At the same time, a significant role in the implementation of political strategies of public administration in the regions was assigned to new practices of subsidiarity with a focus on strengthening cooperation between authorities, local communities, and the private sector. It is concluded that the ways of adapting the South Russian regions to current challenges involve the further development of intra-regional interactions among a wide range of agents, with special attention to the role of formal and informal institutions in solving the problems of ensuring economic security. Authors’ contribution. I.V. Mitrofanova: development and substantiation of the concept, interpretation and generalization of research results, formulation of conclusions, design and editing of the manuscript; O.A. Chernova: formation of methodology, development of research design, context analysis of documents accepted by regional authorities, design and editing of the manuscript.
介绍。应对外部冲击的需要决定了国家政策的调整,以便维持各区域稳定的社会经济状况。本研究旨在确定面对西方国家日益增长的经济压力,该地区解决日益增长的政治稳定和经济安全问题的政治战略是如何变化的,并评估所采取措施的有效性。方法论和方法。这项研究的对象是伏尔加格勒和罗斯托夫地区。研究方法包括:系统地分析该区域的经济政策,作为在面对外部冲击时确保国家安全的一个组成部分;对各地区立法当局在执行经济政策方面通过的文件进行背景分析;并对各地区经济安全指标进行了比较分析。作为表征经济政策措施有效性的指标,在俄罗斯联邦经济安全战略所规定的目标和方向范围内形成的区域经济安全指标被使用。分析。分析结果表明,从维护经济安全的角度来看,支持与区域总资产增加相关的资本主义关系的措施显示出最大的有效性。与此同时,在社会领域明显缺乏国家支持工具。结果。研究发现,面对当前日益加剧的冲击,当局的政治目标已经从新冠肺炎大流行时期的“适应生存”转变为“通过更新确保经济安全”。与此同时,在执行各区域公共行政政治战略方面,新的辅助性做法发挥了重要作用,其重点是加强当局、地方社区和私营部门之间的合作。结论是,使俄罗斯南部各地区适应当前挑战的方法是进一步发展各种机构之间的区域内相互作用,特别注意正式和非正式机构在解决确保经济安全问题方面的作用。作者的贡献。I.V. Mitrofanova:概念的发展和证实,研究结果的解释和概括,结论的制定,手稿的设计和编辑;O.A. Chernova:方法论的形成,研究设计的发展,地区当局接受的文件的上下文分析,手稿的设计和编辑。
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引用次数: 0
Post-Soviet Societies and the World of the Everyday Life of the Udis: Features of Formation of New Identity 后苏联社会与乌迪人的日常生活世界:新身份形成的特征
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.3.6
Richard Danakari, V.Yu. Podurueva-Miloevich
Introduction. The radical transformations of recent decades have significantly changed the lives of ethnic groups like the Udis. Due to their small numbers and poor degree of protection, ethnic groups are the first to feel tension, crises, and conflicts in society, the sequelae of political, social, economic, and cultural modernization, and growing risks and threats in the global world. Methods. The systematic method made it possible to determine the contradictory and conflicting nature of modernization taking place in post-Soviet societies. The dialectical approach, the principle of unity in diversity, as well as the synergetic approach have revealed ambiguity, dynamism, and conflict in the emergence of both ethnic and general cultural identity. Analysis. Studies of the real state of post-Soviet societies have shown the unbalanced and diffuse nature of modernization, the ambiguity of the present, and uncertainty of the future. Considering the Volgograd region, the authors point out relatively stable interethnic and interdenominational relations. Simultaneously, it was revealed that the absence of a national ideology and common objectives and values problematize the issues of the joint existence of nations and ethnic groups, and hamper the search for a common cultural identity. Results. The paper reveals the complex nature of the dynamics of heterogeneous Russian society and the inadequacy of calls for unity and integration of peoples while the society continues to be fragmented, polarized, and its citizens being alienated and atomized. The agenda for national minorities and ethnic groups includes issues of determining genuine national interests by the authorities, the formation of an all-Russian identity, and patriotism as the basis of stability and sustainable development of the country. The complex environment of social communication is replete with various multifaceted processes and influences that will allow representatives of ethnic groups to become carriers of common rules, common moral norms, and cultural meanings, values, traditions and customs. Authors’ contribution. As a representative of the Udis ethnic group, R.A. Danakari considered the sociopolitical existence of his native ethnic group. The author argues convincingly that modern forms and types of modernization destroy the “life world” and traditions of most Udis, leading to marginalization, i.e., loss of origins and roots, as well as assimilation and acculturation. V.Yu. Podurueva-Miloevich focused on the political dynamics and psychological characteristics of the rapid transformation of the modern world. As a result, the author reveals the inability of most minor ethnic groups to adapt to postmodernity, to make the transition to a new identity, and to achieve self-realization.
介绍。近几十年来的剧烈变化极大地改变了乌迪族等少数民族的生活。由于少数民族人数少、保护程度低,他们是最先感受到社会紧张、危机和冲突的群体,是政治、社会、经济和文化现代化的后遗症,也是全球风险和威胁日益增加的群体。方法。系统的方法使人们有可能确定后苏联社会中现代化的矛盾和冲突性质。辩证方法、多元统一原则和协同方法揭示了民族性和普遍性文化认同产生过程中的模糊性、动态性和冲突性。分析。对后苏联社会真实状态的研究表明现代化的不平衡和分散的本质,现在的模糊性和未来的不确定性。就伏尔加格勒地区而言,作者指出了相对稳定的种族间和教派间关系。同时,人们还发现,缺乏一种民族意识形态和共同的目标和价值观,就会使民族和族裔群体共同存在的问题成问题,并妨碍寻求共同的文化特性。结果。本文揭示了异质俄罗斯社会动态的复杂性,以及在社会继续分裂、两极分化、公民被异化和原子化的情况下,对人民团结和融合的呼吁是不够的。少数民族和族裔群体的议程包括由当局确定真正的民族利益、形成全俄罗斯认同以及作为国家稳定和可持续发展基础的爱国主义等问题。社会交往的复杂环境充满了各种多方面的过程和影响,这些过程和影响将使少数民族的代表成为共同规则、共同道德规范以及文化意义、价值观、传统和习俗的载体。作者的贡献。作为乌迪斯族的代表,R.A.达纳卡里考虑到他的本民族的社会政治存在。作者令人信服地指出,现代化的形式和类型破坏了大多数尤迪斯人的“生活世界”和传统,导致边缘化,即失去起源和根源,以及同化和文化适应。V.Yu。波杜列娃-米洛耶维奇专注于现代世界快速转型的政治动态和心理特征。因此,作者揭示了大多数少数民族无法适应后现代性,无法过渡到新的身份,无法实现自我实现。
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引用次数: 0
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Volgogradskii Gosudarstvennyi Universitet-Vestnik-Seriya 4-Istoriya Regionovedenie Mezhdunarodnye Otnosheniya
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