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On the Performative Use of the Past Participle in German 论德语中过去分词的执行用法
IF 0.5 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000205
Bjarne Ørsnes
In German, past participles not only occur in root position with a directive force, as in Stillgestanden! ‘Stop!’ lit. ‘stood still(ptcp)’, but also as performatives in responses: A: Du sagst also nichts zu Papi. ‘So you won’t tell dad.’ B: Versprochen! ‘I promise!’ lit. ‘promised(ptcp)’. Here B performs the speech act denoted by the verb by saying that it has been performed. The propositional argument of the participle (what is promised) is resolved contextually, and the agent and the recipient arguments are restricted to the speaker and the hearer, respectively. This article presents a syntactic analysis of this rarely studied phenomenon, arguing that the construction with a performative participle is not ellipsis but an IP with a participial head and null pronominal complements. The syntactic analysis is formalized within Lexical-Functional Grammar. A pragmatic analysis is proposed arguing that the performative participle in its core use alternates with Yes! to express agreement with an assertion or compliance with a request, that is, to express consent to the effect that a proposition p may safely be added to the Common Ground. This analysis is cast within the dialogue framework of Farkas & Bruce (2010) and extended to response performative participles in monological uses.*
在德语中,过去分词不仅出现在具有指示力的词根位置,如Stillgestanden停下!”点亮。”“站着不动(ptcp)”,但也作为回应的表演:答:杜也不喜欢祖所以你不会告诉爸爸的B: Versprochen!”我保证!”点亮。”承诺(ptcp)。这里,B通过说已经执行了动词所表示的言语行为。分词(承诺的内容)的命题论点是在上下文中解决的,主词和接受者的论点分别限于说话人和听话人。本文对这一鲜为人知的现象进行了句法分析,认为带有表演分词的结构不是省略,而是带有分词头和零代词补语的IP。句法分析是在词汇功能语法中形式化的。提出了一种语用分析,认为核心用法中的表演分词与Yes!表示同意某项主张或遵守某项请求,即表示同意某一主张p可以安全地添加到共同基础中。这一分析是在Farkas和Bruce(2010)的对话框架内进行的,并扩展到单语用法中的反应表演分词*
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引用次数: 1
JGL volume 32 issue 4 Cover and Back matter JGL第32卷第4期封面和封底
IF 0.5 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1470542720000148
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引用次数: 0
Sievers’ Law and the Skåäng Stone 西弗斯定律与斯卡昂石
IF 0.5 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1470542720000045
B. Mees
Early runic inscriptions are the best evidence for the oldest historical development of North Germanic. Yet among the many unexpected features of the inscriptions as they are usually presented is the apparent presence of vowels before glides that seem to occur contrary to Sievers’ Law. These include perhaps most prominently the sequence usually read as on the Skåäng stone where the Vimose comb preserves the expected form . Rather than assume that a Neogrammarian sound law is violated in a runic text, a more profitable approach is usually to assume that it is the interpretation that is at fault. Many of the instances where Sievers’ Law vocalizations seem to occur in an aberrant manner are texts that are better explained in manners other than have traditionally been accepted.
早期的符文铭文是北日耳曼最古老历史发展的最好证据。然而,在铭文通常呈现的许多意想不到的特征中,元音在滑动之前的明显存在似乎违反了西弗斯定律。其中可能包括最突出的序列,通常读作Skåäng石碑上的Vimose梳子保留了预期的形状。与其假设在符文文本中违反了新语法学家的健全法律,一种更有利可图的方法通常是假设是解释有错。西弗斯定律发音似乎以异常的方式发生的许多例子都是以传统上被接受的方式之外的方式更好地解释的文本。
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引用次数: 1
Case Syncretism, Animacy, and Word Order in Continental West Germanic: Neurolinguistic Evidence from a Comparative Study on Standard German, Zurich German, and Fering (North Frisian) 西日耳曼大陆语中的格合、动和语序——来自标准德语、苏黎世德语和弗林语(北弗里斯兰语)比较研究的神经语言学证据
IF 0.5 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000199
Alexander Dröge, Elisabeth Rabs, Jürg Fleischer, Sara K. H. Billion, M. Meyer, Stephan Schmid, M. Schlesewsky, Ina Bornkessel-Schlesewsky
To understand a sentence, it is crucial to understand who is doing what. The interplay of morphological case marking, argument serialization, and animacy provides linguistic cues for the processing system to rapidly identify the thematic roles of the arguments. The present event-related brain potential (ERP) study investigates on-line brain responses during argument identification in Zurich German, a High Alemannic dialect, and in Fering, a North Frisian variety, which both exhibit reduced case systems as compared to Standard German. Like Standard German, Zurich German and Fering are Continental West Germanic varieties, and indeed argument processing in sentences with an object-before-subject order engenders a qualitatively similar ERP pattern of a scrambling negativity followed by a P600 in all tested varieties. However, the P600 component—a late positive ERP response, which has been linked to the categorization of task-relevant stimuli—is selectively affected by the most prominent cue for argument identification in each variety, which is case marking in Standard German, but animacy in Zurich German and Fering. Thus, even closely related varieties may employ different processing strategies based on the language-specific availability of syntactic and semantic cues for argument identification.*
要理解一个句子,了解谁在做什么是至关重要的。形态标记、论点序列化和动画的相互作用为处理系统快速识别论点的主题角色提供了语言线索。当前的事件相关脑电位(ERP)研究调查了苏黎世德语(一种高阿勒曼方言)和弗林德语(一种北弗里斯兰方言)在争论识别过程中的在线大脑反应,这两种语言都表现出与标准德语相比较少的案例系统。和标准德语一样,苏黎世德语和弗林德语都是大陆西日耳曼语的变体,而且确实,在客体先于主体顺序的句子中,论点处理在所有被测试的变体中都产生了一个质量相似的ERP模式,即一个混乱的否定,后面跟着一个P600。然而,P600成分——一种与任务相关刺激分类有关的后期积极ERP反应——在每个变体中都有选择性地受到最突出的论点识别线索的影响,在标准德语中是case标记,但在苏黎世德语和Fering德语中是animacy。因此,即使是密切相关的变体也可能采用不同的处理策略,这些策略基于特定于语言的用于参数识别的语法和语义线索的可用性*
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引用次数: 7
The Languages of Scandinavia: Seven Sisters of the North. By Ruth H. Sanders. Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press, 2017. Pp. ix–211. Hardcover. $35.00. 斯堪的纳维亚语言:北方七姐妹。Ruth H.Sanders著。伊利诺伊州芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,2017年。第ix–211页。硬质封面$35.00。
IF 0.5 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1470542720000033
Lara Schwarz
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引用次数: 0
JGL volume 32 issue 3 Cover and Back matter JGL第32卷第3期封面和封底
IF 0.5 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1470542720000112
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引用次数: 0
JGL volume 32 issue 3 Cover and Front matter JGL第32卷第3期封面和封面问题
IF 0.5 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1470542720000100
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引用次数: 0
Asymmetrical Intercalation in Germanic Complex Verbs 日耳曼复合动词的不对称插语
IF 0.5 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S147054271900014X
T. Berg
A shared feature of the Germanic languages is the occurrence of complex verbs consisting of the verb itself and what I refer to as the adverbal unit (AU). I examine the nature of the units that can be inserted into such complex verbs and compare intercalation patterns in AU-Vs and V-AUs. AU-Vs are found to be much more resistant to intercalation than V-AUs. The former accommodate the past participle marker, the infinitival linker, and—less commonly—verbs, whereas the latter accommodate NPs, ADVPs, and—less commonly—both phrase types concurrently. Thus, V-AUs may be split by more syntactic as well as heavier material than AU-Vs. I argue that this difference in cohesiveness is due to varying degrees of coactivation of Vs and AUs. The constituents of AU-Vs show a higher degree of coactivation than those of V-AUs. Adverbal units depend for their activation on the prior activation of verbs more than verbs depend for their activation on the prior activation of adverbal units. These different activation patterns lead to different degrees of cohesiveness and hence to different intercalation possibilities in the two verb types. Although intercalation is compulsory in some contexts, it proves to be a dispreferred option.*
日耳曼语的一个共同特点是出现由动词本身和我所说的副词单位(AU)组成的复杂动词。我研究了可以插入到这些复杂动词中的单元的性质,并比较了au - v和v - au中的插入模式。au - v被发现比v - au更耐插层。前者包含过去分词标记、不定式连接词和不太常见的动词,而后者同时包含NPs、advp和不太常见的两种短语类型。因此,v - au可能比au - v被更多的语法和更重的材料分割。我认为这种内聚性的差异是由于v和au的协同激活程度不同。au - v的组分比v - au的组分表现出更高的共激活程度。副词单位的激活依赖于动词的先前激活,而动词的激活依赖于副词单位的先前激活。这些不同的激活模式导致了不同程度的衔接,从而导致了两种动词类型不同的插入可能性。虽然插入在某些上下文中是强制性的,但事实证明这是一个不受欢迎的选择
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引用次数: 0
Adjective Intensifiers in German 德语中的形容词强化词
IF 0.5 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000163
James M. Stratton
While the study of English intensifiers has been a topic of much empirical discussion (Bolinger 1972, Paradis 1997, Ito & Tagliamonte 2003, Xiao & Tao 2007, Fuchs 2017), intensification in the German language is underexplored. The present study operationalizes variationist methods to comprehensively examine the syntactic intensification of adjectives in German by investigating how adjective intensifiers rank empirically in terms of frequency and whether their use is sensitive to the social factors gender and age. Results indicate that in German, amplifiers are more frequent than downtoners, boosters are more frequent than maximizers, and the gender and the age of the speaker are factors that influence their use. These findings corroborate crosslinguistic findings (Peters 1994, Broekhuis 2013, D’Arcy 2015, Fuchs 2017). Broadly speaking, the present study suggests that the syntactic intensification of adjectives in German is, in many ways, similar to what has been observed previously in other Germanic languages.*
尽管英语强化词的研究一直是一个实证讨论的话题(Bolinger 1972,Paradis 1997,Ito&Tagliamonte 2003,Xiao&Tao 2007,Fuchs 2017),但德语中的强化词却没有得到充分的探索。本研究采用变分论方法,通过调查形容词强化词在频率方面的经验排名,以及它们的使用是否对社会因素性别和年龄敏感,来全面考察德语形容词的句法强化。结果表明,在德语中,扩音器比低音扩音器更频繁,高音扩音器比高音扩音器更频繁。扬声器的性别和年龄是影响其使用的因素。这些发现证实了跨语言的发现(Peters 1994,Broekhuis 2013,D’Arcy 2015,Fuchs 2017)。从广义上讲,本研究表明,德语中形容词的句法强化在很多方面与以前在其他日耳曼语言中观察到的相似*
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引用次数: 7
JGL volume 32 issue 2 Cover and Front matter JGL第32卷第2期封面和封面问题
IF 0.5 3区 文学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/s147054272000001x
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Journal of Germanic Linguistics
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