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Historische formelhafte Sprache: Theoretische Grundlagen und methodische Herausforderungen. By Natalia Filatkina. (Formelhafte Sprache 1.) Berlin: de Gruyter, 2018. Pp. x + 423. Hardcover. US$ 126.99. 历史形式语言:理论基础和方法挑战。作者:Natalia Filatkina。(正式语言1.)柏林:德格鲁伊特,2018。第x.423页。精装本126.99美元。
IF 0.5 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000011
Stefan Dollinger
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引用次数: 5
A Note on Misplaced or Wrongly Attached zu in German 关于德语中“zu”的放错或附错的注释
IF 0.5 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000138
Oliver Schallert
This paper deals with the misplacement of the infinitival marker zu ‘to’ in German. While this phenomenon only occurs in certain config-urations in the standard language, such as auxiliary fronting, it is common in dialects and shows quite a high degree of variability. I discuss the misplacement of zu in Standard German due to auxiliary fronting, as well as other types of zu-misplacement found in dialects. I propose two parsimonious options for the analysis of the standard language as well as dialect cases, namely, i) precedence rules and ii) a special kind of infixing operation that was first proposed in the framework of Categorial Morphology (Bach 1984, Hoeksema 1985). I show that even though the first approach has its merits, the second one is more advantageous.*
本文讨论了德语中不定式标记zu’to’的错位问题。虽然这种现象只出现在标准语言的某些配置中,如辅助前置,但它在方言中很常见,并表现出相当高的可变性。我讨论了标准德语中由于辅助前置而造成的zu的错位,以及方言中其他类型的zu错位。我提出了两种用于分析标准语言和方言格的简约选择,即:I)优先规则和ii)一种特殊的内缀运算,它是在范畴形态学的框架下首次提出的(Bach 1984,Hoeksema 1985)。我表明,尽管第一种方法有其优点,但第二种方法更有利*
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引用次数: 5
Clause structure and word order in the history of German. By Jäger Agnes, Gisella Ferraresi, & Helmut Weiß. (Oxford Studies in Diachronic and Historical Linguistics 28.) Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. Pp. xvi + 402. Hardcover. $115.00.
IF 0.5 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000060
Christopher D. Sapp
ed. by Ana Deumert & Wim Vandenbussche, 211–244. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Stein, Stephan. 1995. Formelhafte Sprache: Untersuchungen zu ihren pragmatischen und kognitiven Funktionen im gegenwärtigen Deutsch. Frankfurt am Main: Lang. Wierzbicka, Anna. 2013. Imprisoned in English: The hazards of English as a default language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Wray, Alison. 2002. Formulaic language and the lexicon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
792英尺阿姆斯特丹:史丹,95年方言:对现如今德语的实用和认知功能的研究法兰克福:兰。放马过来英语。牛津大学校刊雷,艾莉森,2002年统一和统一词汇。剑桥大学出版社
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引用次数: 4
JGL volume 32 issue 1 Cover and Front matter JGL第32卷第1期封面和封面问题
IF 0.5 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1470542719000229
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引用次数: 0
Evidence for sk in German as a Complex Segment 德语中sk作为复杂音段的证据
IF 0.5 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000126
Sarah M. B. Fagan
This squib provides evidence from the superlative in support of Wiese’s (1996) position that s (sibilant) + stop sequences in German behave as complex segments. With the exception of the sequence /sk/, the consonants that require schwa epenthesis before the superlative suffix are all coronal obstruents: nettest- [ˈnɛtəst] ‘nicest’, süßest- [ˈzyːsəst] ‘sweetest’, frischest- [ˈfrɪʃəst] ‘freshest’, brüskest- [ˈbrʏskəst] ‘most abrupt’. If one assumes that the sequence /sk/ is a single, complex segment with the feature [coronal] as well as [dorsal], the formation of the superlative can be accounted for with a simple rule of schwa epenthesis.*
这个哑巴从最高级提供了支持Wiese(1996)的立场的证据,即德语中的s(音节)+停止序列表现为复杂的片段。除了序列/sk/之外,在最高级后缀前需要弱读音的辅音都是冠状音:nettest- [[n æ t æ st] ' finest ', s ßest- [[j j æ s æ st] '最甜的',frischest- [j j æ t æ st] ' freshest ', br skest- [j j æ k æ st] ' most sudden '。如果假设序列/sk/是一个具有[冠状]和[背状]特征的单一复杂片段,最高级的形成可以用一个简单的弱读扩展规则来解释
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引用次数: 0
The Intonation of Information-Seeking and Rhetorical Questions in Icelandic 冰岛语信息探询与反问句的语调
IF 0.5 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000114
Nicole Dehé, Bettina Braun
We investigate the intonation of information-seeking and rhetorical questions in Icelandic. The results for the information-seeking questions largely confirm observations in previous literature based mostly on introspective data: Polar questions are mostly realized with late rise nuclear accents where the peak aligns after a stressed syllable (L*+H), wh-questions with peak accents (H*); wh-questions often start high (%H, H*). Illocution types (that is, information-seeking versus rhetorical questions) differ in nuclear pitch accent types and in the type and frequency of prenuclear accents. The default boundary tone is low (L%) across question types and illocution types. The results are discussed against the background of previous findings with respect to the relationship between question and illocution type, and prosody.*
我们研究了冰岛语中信息寻求和修辞问题的语调。信息寻求问题的结果在很大程度上证实了以前文献中主要基于内省数据的观察结果:极性问题大多用后起核重音实现,其中峰值在重音音节(L*+H)后对齐,wh问题用峰值重音(H*);wh问题的起点通常很高(%H,H*)。说明文类型(即信息寻求与修辞问题)在核音高重音类型以及核前重音的类型和频率上有所不同。在问题类型和言外之意类型中,默认的边界音调较低(L%)。研究结果是在先前关于问题与言外类型和韵律之间关系的研究结果的背景下进行讨论的*
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引用次数: 6
Aspekt und Genitivobjekt. Eine kontrastiv-typologische Untersuchung zweier Phänomene der historischen germanischen Syntax. By Olga Heindl. Tübingen: Stauffenburg Verlag, 2017. Pp 266. Paperback. €49,80. 观察方面和机体一种历史日耳曼语律的对立面特征的对立面分析奥尔加·海因里德史陶芬伯格出版社,2017年Pp工作推力.Paperback .€49.80 .
IF 0.5 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000023
Jens Fleischhauer
It is a long-standing debate whether or not old Germanic languages, such as Old High German, Gothic or Old English, had a category of grammatical aspect. The position that the old Germanic languages possessed grammatical means of expressing perfective aspect as in the (contemporary) Slavic languages has been defended and criticized by various authors. Defenders of this view usually propose that verbal prefixes, especially gain Gothic and giin Old High German, were markers of perfective aspect. Olga Heindl takes up this issue in arguing that the Old High German prefix gidid indeed have an aspectual function. A second issue in the analysis of Old High German and Middle High German grammar is the genitive case marking of object arguments. Under certain conditions, object arguments either have to receive the genitive rather than the accusative case marker or the two cases can alternate. An interrelationship between grammatical aspect and case is known in various languages (for an overview on this topic, see Richardson 2012). In some Slavic languages, for example, Polish, Russian, and Czech, an alternation between accusative and genitive case marking of object arguments is well attested. An example from Polish is given in 1. As the contrast between 1a and 1b shows, the case alternation is restricted to perfective verbs. Thus, the case alternation is aspectually constrained.
古老的日耳曼语言,如古高地德语、哥特语或古英语,是否有语法方面的范畴,这是一个长期的争论。古日耳曼语言与(当代)斯拉夫语言一样,拥有表达完成体的语法手段,这一立场受到了不同作者的辩护和批评。这种观点的捍卫者通常认为,动词前缀,尤其是古高地德语中的gain Gothic和giin,是完成体的标志。奥尔加·海因德尔提出了这个问题,认为古高地德语前缀gidid确实具有方面功能。分析古高地德语和中高地德语语法的第二个问题是宾语论点的属格标记。在某些条件下,宾语论点要么必须接受属格,而不是宾格标记,要么这两种情况可以交替出现。语法方面和格之间的相互关系在各种语言中都是已知的(关于这个主题的概述,请参阅Richardson 2012)。在一些斯拉夫语言中,例如波兰语、俄语和捷克语,宾语论证的宾格和属格标记之间的交替得到了很好的证明。波兰语的一个例子在1中给出。如1a和1b之间的对比所示,格交替仅限于完成动词。因此,案例交替在各个方面都受到约束。
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引用次数: 0
JGL volume 31 issue 4 Cover and Back matter JGL第31卷第4期封面和封底
IF 0.5 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1470542719000187
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引用次数: 0
Three Typological Differences Between the North and the West Germanic DPs 北日耳曼与西日耳曼DPs的三种类型差异
IF 0.5 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000035
Dorian Roehrs
This paper discusses three typological differences between the North Germanic DP and the West Germanic DP. While North Germanic has suffixal definite articles leading to cases of double definiteness, weak adjective endings regulated by definiteness, and doubly-filled definite DPs, West Germanic does not. These three properties cluster together in that they all have to do with definiteness. It is claimed that they can be subsumed under one more general difference. Assuming various subcomponents of definiteness, it is proposed that these components originate low in the structure. North Germanic arranges these components into several individual feature bundles. Some of these bundles move to D, while others remain lower in the structure. Consequently, definiteness components are spelled out separately in different positions. In contrast, West Germanic involves one complex feature bundle containing all definiteness components. In this language family, all of the components move to D as one bundle and, as a consequence, they are all spelled out as one determiner.
本文讨论了北日耳曼语和西日耳曼语的三种类型差异。北日耳曼语有后缀定冠词,导致双重确定,由确定调节的弱形容词结尾,以及双重填充的定冠词,而西日耳曼语没有。这三个属性聚在一起是因为它们都与确定性有关。有人声称,它们可以归入一个更普遍的区别。假设确定性有不同的子成分,提出这些成分起源于结构的低层次。North Germanic将这些组件安排到几个独立的功能包中。其中一些束移动到D,而其他束则保持在结构的较低位置。因此,确定性成分在不同的位置被分开说明。相比之下,西日耳曼语涉及一个包含所有确定性组件的复杂特征包。在这个语言家族中,所有组件都作为一个bundle移动到D中,因此,它们都作为一个决定符进行说明。
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引用次数: 3
JGL volume 31 issue 4 Cover and Front matter JGL第31卷第4期封面和封面问题
IF 0.5 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1470542719000175
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Journal of Germanic Linguistics
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