Pub Date : 2020-03-01DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000011
Stefan Dollinger
{"title":"Historische formelhafte Sprache: Theoretische Grundlagen und methodische Herausforderungen. By Natalia Filatkina. (Formelhafte Sprache 1.) Berlin: de Gruyter, 2018. Pp. x + 423. Hardcover. US$ 126.99.","authors":"Stefan Dollinger","doi":"10.1017/S1470542719000011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1470542719000011","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42927,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Germanic Linguistics","volume":"32 1","pages":"96 - 102"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1470542719000011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48438012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-01DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000138
Oliver Schallert
This paper deals with the misplacement of the infinitival marker zu ‘to’ in German. While this phenomenon only occurs in certain config-urations in the standard language, such as auxiliary fronting, it is common in dialects and shows quite a high degree of variability. I discuss the misplacement of zu in Standard German due to auxiliary fronting, as well as other types of zu-misplacement found in dialects. I propose two parsimonious options for the analysis of the standard language as well as dialect cases, namely, i) precedence rules and ii) a special kind of infixing operation that was first proposed in the framework of Categorial Morphology (Bach 1984, Hoeksema 1985). I show that even though the first approach has its merits, the second one is more advantageous.*
{"title":"A Note on Misplaced or Wrongly Attached zu in German","authors":"Oliver Schallert","doi":"10.1017/S1470542719000138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1470542719000138","url":null,"abstract":"This paper deals with the misplacement of the infinitival marker zu ‘to’ in German. While this phenomenon only occurs in certain config-urations in the standard language, such as auxiliary fronting, it is common in dialects and shows quite a high degree of variability. I discuss the misplacement of zu in Standard German due to auxiliary fronting, as well as other types of zu-misplacement found in dialects. I propose two parsimonious options for the analysis of the standard language as well as dialect cases, namely, i) precedence rules and ii) a special kind of infixing operation that was first proposed in the framework of Categorial Morphology (Bach 1984, Hoeksema 1985). I show that even though the first approach has its merits, the second one is more advantageous.*","PeriodicalId":42927,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Germanic Linguistics","volume":"32 1","pages":"43 - 82"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1470542719000138","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41754909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-01DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000060
Christopher D. Sapp
ed. by Ana Deumert & Wim Vandenbussche, 211–244. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Stein, Stephan. 1995. Formelhafte Sprache: Untersuchungen zu ihren pragmatischen und kognitiven Funktionen im gegenwärtigen Deutsch. Frankfurt am Main: Lang. Wierzbicka, Anna. 2013. Imprisoned in English: The hazards of English as a default language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Wray, Alison. 2002. Formulaic language and the lexicon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
{"title":"Clause structure and word order in the history of German. By Jäger Agnes, Gisella Ferraresi, & Helmut Weiß. (Oxford Studies in Diachronic and Historical Linguistics 28.) Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. Pp. xvi + 402. Hardcover. $115.00.","authors":"Christopher D. Sapp","doi":"10.1017/S1470542719000060","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1470542719000060","url":null,"abstract":"ed. by Ana Deumert & Wim Vandenbussche, 211–244. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Stein, Stephan. 1995. Formelhafte Sprache: Untersuchungen zu ihren pragmatischen und kognitiven Funktionen im gegenwärtigen Deutsch. Frankfurt am Main: Lang. Wierzbicka, Anna. 2013. Imprisoned in English: The hazards of English as a default language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Wray, Alison. 2002. Formulaic language and the lexicon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.","PeriodicalId":42927,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Germanic Linguistics","volume":"32 1","pages":"102 - 106"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1470542719000060","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41778126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-01DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000126
Sarah M. B. Fagan
This squib provides evidence from the superlative in support of Wiese’s (1996) position that s (sibilant) + stop sequences in German behave as complex segments. With the exception of the sequence /sk/, the consonants that require schwa epenthesis before the superlative suffix are all coronal obstruents: nettest- [ˈnɛtəst] ‘nicest’, süßest- [ˈzyːsəst] ‘sweetest’, frischest- [ˈfrɪʃəst] ‘freshest’, brüskest- [ˈbrʏskəst] ‘most abrupt’. If one assumes that the sequence /sk/ is a single, complex segment with the feature [coronal] as well as [dorsal], the formation of the superlative can be accounted for with a simple rule of schwa epenthesis.*
这个哑巴从最高级提供了支持Wiese(1996)的立场的证据,即德语中的s(音节)+停止序列表现为复杂的片段。除了序列/sk/之外,在最高级后缀前需要弱读音的辅音都是冠状音:nettest- [[n æ t æ st] ' finest ', s ßest- [[j j æ s æ st] '最甜的',frischest- [j j æ t æ st] ' freshest ', br skest- [j j æ k æ st] ' most sudden '。如果假设序列/sk/是一个具有[冠状]和[背状]特征的单一复杂片段,最高级的形成可以用一个简单的弱读扩展规则来解释
{"title":"Evidence for sk in German as a Complex Segment","authors":"Sarah M. B. Fagan","doi":"10.1017/S1470542719000126","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1470542719000126","url":null,"abstract":"This squib provides evidence from the superlative in support of Wiese’s (1996) position that s (sibilant) + stop sequences in German behave as complex segments. With the exception of the sequence /sk/, the consonants that require schwa epenthesis before the superlative suffix are all coronal obstruents: nettest- [ˈnɛtəst] ‘nicest’, süßest- [ˈzyːsəst] ‘sweetest’, frischest- [ˈfrɪʃəst] ‘freshest’, brüskest- [ˈbrʏskəst] ‘most abrupt’. If one assumes that the sequence /sk/ is a single, complex segment with the feature [coronal] as well as [dorsal], the formation of the superlative can be accounted for with a simple rule of schwa epenthesis.*","PeriodicalId":42927,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Germanic Linguistics","volume":"32 1","pages":"83 - 95"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1470542719000126","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45950960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-01DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000114
Nicole Dehé, Bettina Braun
We investigate the intonation of information-seeking and rhetorical questions in Icelandic. The results for the information-seeking questions largely confirm observations in previous literature based mostly on introspective data: Polar questions are mostly realized with late rise nuclear accents where the peak aligns after a stressed syllable (L*+H), wh-questions with peak accents (H*); wh-questions often start high (%H, H*). Illocution types (that is, information-seeking versus rhetorical questions) differ in nuclear pitch accent types and in the type and frequency of prenuclear accents. The default boundary tone is low (L%) across question types and illocution types. The results are discussed against the background of previous findings with respect to the relationship between question and illocution type, and prosody.*
{"title":"The Intonation of Information-Seeking and Rhetorical Questions in Icelandic","authors":"Nicole Dehé, Bettina Braun","doi":"10.1017/S1470542719000114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1470542719000114","url":null,"abstract":"We investigate the intonation of information-seeking and rhetorical questions in Icelandic. The results for the information-seeking questions largely confirm observations in previous literature based mostly on introspective data: Polar questions are mostly realized with late rise nuclear accents where the peak aligns after a stressed syllable (L*+H), wh-questions with peak accents (H*); wh-questions often start high (%H, H*). Illocution types (that is, information-seeking versus rhetorical questions) differ in nuclear pitch accent types and in the type and frequency of prenuclear accents. The default boundary tone is low (L%) across question types and illocution types. The results are discussed against the background of previous findings with respect to the relationship between question and illocution type, and prosody.*","PeriodicalId":42927,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Germanic Linguistics","volume":"32 1","pages":"1 - 42"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1470542719000114","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45565931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000023
Jens Fleischhauer
It is a long-standing debate whether or not old Germanic languages, such as Old High German, Gothic or Old English, had a category of grammatical aspect. The position that the old Germanic languages possessed grammatical means of expressing perfective aspect as in the (contemporary) Slavic languages has been defended and criticized by various authors. Defenders of this view usually propose that verbal prefixes, especially gain Gothic and giin Old High German, were markers of perfective aspect. Olga Heindl takes up this issue in arguing that the Old High German prefix gidid indeed have an aspectual function. A second issue in the analysis of Old High German and Middle High German grammar is the genitive case marking of object arguments. Under certain conditions, object arguments either have to receive the genitive rather than the accusative case marker or the two cases can alternate. An interrelationship between grammatical aspect and case is known in various languages (for an overview on this topic, see Richardson 2012). In some Slavic languages, for example, Polish, Russian, and Czech, an alternation between accusative and genitive case marking of object arguments is well attested. An example from Polish is given in 1. As the contrast between 1a and 1b shows, the case alternation is restricted to perfective verbs. Thus, the case alternation is aspectually constrained.
{"title":"Aspekt und Genitivobjekt. Eine kontrastiv-typologische Untersuchung zweier Phänomene der historischen germanischen Syntax. By Olga Heindl. Tübingen: Stauffenburg Verlag, 2017. Pp 266. Paperback. €49,80.","authors":"Jens Fleischhauer","doi":"10.1017/S1470542719000023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1470542719000023","url":null,"abstract":"It is a long-standing debate whether or not old Germanic languages, such as Old High German, Gothic or Old English, had a category of grammatical aspect. The position that the old Germanic languages possessed grammatical means of expressing perfective aspect as in the (contemporary) Slavic languages has been defended and criticized by various authors. Defenders of this view usually propose that verbal prefixes, especially gain Gothic and giin Old High German, were markers of perfective aspect. Olga Heindl takes up this issue in arguing that the Old High German prefix gidid indeed have an aspectual function. A second issue in the analysis of Old High German and Middle High German grammar is the genitive case marking of object arguments. Under certain conditions, object arguments either have to receive the genitive rather than the accusative case marker or the two cases can alternate. An interrelationship between grammatical aspect and case is known in various languages (for an overview on this topic, see Richardson 2012). In some Slavic languages, for example, Polish, Russian, and Czech, an alternation between accusative and genitive case marking of object arguments is well attested. An example from Polish is given in 1. As the contrast between 1a and 1b shows, the case alternation is restricted to perfective verbs. Thus, the case alternation is aspectually constrained.","PeriodicalId":42927,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Germanic Linguistics","volume":"31 1","pages":"409 - 420"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1470542719000023","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41510508","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.1017/S1470542719000035
Dorian Roehrs
This paper discusses three typological differences between the North Germanic DP and the West Germanic DP. While North Germanic has suffixal definite articles leading to cases of double definiteness, weak adjective endings regulated by definiteness, and doubly-filled definite DPs, West Germanic does not. These three properties cluster together in that they all have to do with definiteness. It is claimed that they can be subsumed under one more general difference. Assuming various subcomponents of definiteness, it is proposed that these components originate low in the structure. North Germanic arranges these components into several individual feature bundles. Some of these bundles move to D, while others remain lower in the structure. Consequently, definiteness components are spelled out separately in different positions. In contrast, West Germanic involves one complex feature bundle containing all definiteness components. In this language family, all of the components move to D as one bundle and, as a consequence, they are all spelled out as one determiner.
{"title":"Three Typological Differences Between the North and the West Germanic DPs","authors":"Dorian Roehrs","doi":"10.1017/S1470542719000035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1470542719000035","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses three typological differences between the North Germanic DP and the West Germanic DP. While North Germanic has suffixal definite articles leading to cases of double definiteness, weak adjective endings regulated by definiteness, and doubly-filled definite DPs, West Germanic does not. These three properties cluster together in that they all have to do with definiteness. It is claimed that they can be subsumed under one more general difference. Assuming various subcomponents of definiteness, it is proposed that these components originate low in the structure. North Germanic arranges these components into several individual feature bundles. Some of these bundles move to D, while others remain lower in the structure. Consequently, definiteness components are spelled out separately in different positions. In contrast, West Germanic involves one complex feature bundle containing all definiteness components. In this language family, all of the components move to D as one bundle and, as a consequence, they are all spelled out as one determiner.","PeriodicalId":42927,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Germanic Linguistics","volume":"31 1","pages":"363 - 408"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/S1470542719000035","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46996096","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}