The main aim of this paper is to examine, on the basis of relevant and so far unpublished documents from Belgrade archives, the stance of Yugoslav communists towards the Italian left after Yugoslavia’s expulsion from the Cominform in 1948. Since the break up with the Cominform in the same time meant the termination of cooperation with the closest party until then – the Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI), Yugoslavia was very active in trying to win support of other Italian left-wing parties, movements or individuals. This required the widest possible basis for gathering all left-wing members into a broad spectrum which would encompass everybody, from communists to social democrats. The initial attempts to win the support of the Partito Socialista Italiano (PSI) through the existing sympathies of its leaders did not give the expected results, because this party after some time took the same attitude as the PCI and the Cominform. In the same time they also failed to gain a stronghold with some other parties of the Italian left, like the Partito Socialista Unitario. The Yugoslav attempt to organize a so-called “progressive movement” in Italy, composed of various pro-Yugoslav party dropouts, also had a very modest effect. A bit more significant stronghold was obtained only after the emergence of the two pro-Yugoslav dissidents – Valdo Magnani and Aldo Cucchi – who withdrew from the PCI in 1951 and organized their own Movimento Lavoratori Italiani, which soon grew into the Unione Socialista Indipendente, both movements enjoying the Yugoslav support. After the reconciliation with the USSR, Yugoslavia resumed the relations with the leading Italian left-wing parties – in 1956 with the PCI and the next year, 1957, with the PSI.
{"title":"Per non rimanere soli : la Jugoslavia e la sinistra italiana, 1948-1957","authors":"Saša Mišić","doi":"10.1400/257100","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/257100","url":null,"abstract":"The main aim of this paper is to examine, on the basis of relevant and so far unpublished documents from Belgrade archives, the stance of Yugoslav communists towards the Italian left after Yugoslavia’s expulsion from the Cominform in 1948. Since the break up with the Cominform in the same time meant the termination of cooperation with the closest party until then – the Partito Comunista Italiano (PCI), Yugoslavia was very active in trying to win support of other Italian left-wing parties, movements or individuals. This required the widest possible basis for gathering all left-wing members into a broad spectrum which would encompass everybody, from communists to social democrats. The initial attempts to win the support of the Partito Socialista Italiano (PSI) through the existing sympathies of its leaders did not give the expected results, because this party after some time took the same attitude as the PCI and the Cominform. In the same time they also failed to gain a stronghold with some other parties of the Italian left, like the Partito Socialista Unitario. The Yugoslav attempt to organize a so-called “progressive movement” in Italy, composed of various pro-Yugoslav party dropouts, also had a very modest effect. A bit more significant stronghold was obtained only after the emergence of the two pro-Yugoslav dissidents – Valdo Magnani and Aldo Cucchi – who withdrew from the PCI in 1951 and organized their own Movimento Lavoratori Italiani, which soon grew into the Unione Socialista Indipendente, both movements enjoying the Yugoslav support. After the reconciliation with the USSR, Yugoslavia resumed the relations with the leading Italian left-wing parties – in 1956 with the PCI and the next year, 1957, with the PSI.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"102 1","pages":"133-162"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After the death of King Charles II of Spain, the battle for the succession between Philip of Bourbon and Charles of Habsburg is based on official and secret relationship, and on the intertwining of military solutions, diplomatic strategies and legal claims. In the provinces belonging to the Two Century-old Spanish Empire, the ruling elites are forced to take sides and to choose which contender to support. In the Kingdom of Naples begins to spread the independence mirage, proposed by the possible succession of Charles of Habsburg, who promises to the Neapolitans a radical mutation of status, with the creation of a “national king” to Naples. So, an “aristocratic party”, already existing in Naples and aspiring to a res publica aristocratica, is transformed into “Habsburg party”, at the beginning of the conflict between the Habsburgs and the Bourbons, and is dedicated to plan a pro-Habsburg conspiracy. In September 1701, it is concocted the so-called “conspiracy of Macchia”, accompanied by a revolt that intends to encourage the conquest of the kingdom by Charles of Habsburg. Many important Neapolitan nobles take part in the conspiracy and, after its failure, they are condemned and forced to flee to Vienna. Among these noble men, there is the Prince of Caserta Gaetano Francesco Caetani. The research is based on unpublished sources, preserved in Italian and Austrian archives.
{"title":"Il Giglio borbonico e L’Aquila imperiale. Scontro politico, congiura e progetti autonomistici nel Regno di Napoli agli albori del Settecento","authors":"M. A. Noto","doi":"10.1400/257097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/257097","url":null,"abstract":"After the death of King Charles II of Spain, the battle for the succession between Philip of Bourbon and Charles of Habsburg is based on official and secret relationship, and on the intertwining of military solutions, diplomatic strategies and legal claims. In the provinces belonging to the Two Century-old Spanish Empire, the ruling elites are forced to take sides and to choose which contender to support. In the Kingdom of Naples begins to spread the independence mirage, proposed by the possible succession of Charles of Habsburg, who promises to the Neapolitans a radical mutation of status, with the creation of a “national king” to Naples. So, an “aristocratic party”, already existing in Naples and aspiring to a res publica aristocratica, is transformed into “Habsburg party”, at the beginning of the conflict between the Habsburgs and the Bourbons, and is dedicated to plan a pro-Habsburg conspiracy. In September 1701, it is concocted the so-called “conspiracy of Macchia”, accompanied by a revolt that intends to encourage the conquest of the kingdom by Charles of Habsburg. Many important Neapolitan nobles take part in the conspiracy and, after its failure, they are condemned and forced to flee to Vienna. Among these noble men, there is the Prince of Caserta Gaetano Francesco Caetani. The research is based on unpublished sources, preserved in Italian and Austrian archives.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"102 1","pages":"97-132"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article I identify the author of the well-known and often quoted clandestine manuscript Porta Veritatis that amply circulated in England from 1650-1700, while at the same time I attempt at identifying its date of composition, and its original language. This article also aims at placing the author and the text in the context of their time, the decades around 1620-1650, a fundamental period of the history of the Jews and the New Christians, but also a time of controversies in terms of confessions, which brought a large instability in all the places relevant to the Porta Veritatis and its author: from Portugal to Tuscany, from Venice to Jerusalem, from Holland to England.
{"title":"Mysteries at the Gate of Truth : a Reappraisal of the Porta Veritatis (1634-1640)","authors":"P. Bernardini","doi":"10.1400/250049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/250049","url":null,"abstract":"In this article I identify the author of the well-known and often quoted clandestine manuscript Porta Veritatis that amply circulated in England from 1650-1700, while at the same time I attempt at identifying its date of composition, and its original language. This article also aims at placing the author and the text in the context of their time, the decades around 1620-1650, a fundamental period of the history of the Jews and the New Christians, but also a time of controversies in terms of confessions, which brought a large instability in all the places relevant to the Porta Veritatis and its author: from Portugal to Tuscany, from Venice to Jerusalem, from Holland to England.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"101 1","pages":"65-82"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624382","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the last 15-20 years, there has been a general rediscovery of the colonial past of Italy in the Italian historical debate; a reflection that focused both on the work of conquest and construction of the Italian colonial Empire, and on the memory that this empire had in the post-war period. These studies focused on specific geographic areas or privileged an interpretative profile that responded to the interests of individual authors, or they sought to hold together more aspects of colonial experience, considering cultural, political, military, diplomatic and cultural issues, social an unicum to understand the Italian Empire. If you look at these studies, there is no reflection on the Italian colonial presence during the Great War. This historiographic gap is undoubtedly dependent on the low economic and military burden that the colonial Empire had in supporting the Italian war effort and, therefore, in the vision of an “European war”. Just to try to fill, at least partially, this gap «Nuova Rivista Storica» wanted to devote a special dossier on war in Africa, entitled The Great War in Colony.
{"title":"La Grande Guerra italiana sul fronte coloniale","authors":"A. Ungari","doi":"10.1400/255012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/255012","url":null,"abstract":"In the last 15-20 years, there has been a general rediscovery of the colonial past of Italy in the Italian historical debate; a reflection that focused both on the work of conquest and construction of the Italian colonial Empire, and on the memory that this empire had in the post-war period. These studies focused on specific geographic areas or privileged an interpretative profile that responded to the interests of individual authors, or they sought to hold together more aspects of colonial experience, considering cultural, political, military, diplomatic and cultural issues, social an unicum to understand the Italian Empire. If you look at these studies, there is no reflection on the Italian colonial presence during the Great War. This historiographic gap is undoubtedly dependent on the low economic and military burden that the colonial Empire had in supporting the Italian war effort and, therefore, in the vision of an “European war”. Just to try to fill, at least partially, this gap «Nuova Rivista Storica» wanted to devote a special dossier on war in Africa, entitled The Great War in Colony.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"101 1","pages":"791-796"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Montferrat under Gonzaga can be used as an interesting case study to investigate early modern Italy. The complexity of a non-homogenous geographical context impacts the Italian geo-political scenery with important outcomes connected to the wider European context during the Thirty Years’ War. The article considers the economic and social situations deriving from the militarization of this area and follows the evolution of the institutional framework. The complex jurisdiction of the area (Republic of Genoa, Duchy of Mantua, Farnese’s duchy, Duchy of Savoy and Imperial Feuds, on top of the Spanish/Milanese influence) requires an investigation looking at the connection between political institutions and economy. The development of the different components is described from the point of view of Alvise Donato, who explains the many issues connected to the multiple loyalties of feuds, cities and territories. The research highlights the different causes that impact on this context and the multifaceted aims that often produce alliances, but most frequently cause clashes.
{"title":"Strategie di guerra e logiche economiche : alcune considerazioni sul Monferrato gonzaghesco","authors":"M. Cavallera","doi":"10.1400/250048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/250048","url":null,"abstract":"Montferrat under Gonzaga can be used as an interesting case study to investigate early modern Italy. The complexity of a non-homogenous geographical context impacts the Italian geo-political scenery with important outcomes connected to the wider European context during the Thirty Years’ War. The article considers the economic and social situations deriving from the militarization of this area and follows the evolution of the institutional framework. The complex jurisdiction of the area (Republic of Genoa, Duchy of Mantua, Farnese’s duchy, Duchy of Savoy and Imperial Feuds, on top of the Spanish/Milanese influence) requires an investigation looking at the connection between political institutions and economy. The development of the different components is described from the point of view of Alvise Donato, who explains the many issues connected to the multiple loyalties of feuds, cities and territories. The research highlights the different causes that impact on this context and the multifaceted aims that often produce alliances, but most frequently cause clashes.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"49 1","pages":"33-63"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624336","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this paper is to show how, during the 15th and the 16th Centuries, the institutional life in the most important cities of the Venetian mainland was not exclusively subject to the prerogatives of knights and jurists. Although these two poles have been an active role in organizing the political life of a city like Brescia, the specific object of this work, it should not be forgotten that law and the profession of arms were not the only ways to increase the political education. Recent archival discoveries, in fact, show that both knights and doctors in law from Brescia were not strangers to the practice of trade, through which it was possible to integrate the preparation for the res publica.
{"title":"Cavalierato, professioni giuridiche e mercatura : binomi plurisecolari per la formazione e la vita politica a Brescia in età veneta","authors":"Enrico Valseriati","doi":"10.1400/252210","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/252210","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to show how, during the 15th and the 16th Centuries, the institutional life in the most important cities of the Venetian mainland was not exclusively subject to the prerogatives of knights and jurists. Although these two poles have been an active role in organizing the political life of a city like Brescia, the specific object of this work, it should not be forgotten that law and the profession of arms were not the only ways to increase the political education. Recent archival discoveries, in fact, show that both knights and doctors in law from Brescia were not strangers to the practice of trade, through which it was possible to integrate the preparation for the res publica.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"101 1","pages":"371-390"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66623943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The sovereign of the Italian dynastic states during the century and a half that elapsed between the peace of the Pyrenees and the first Napoleonic campaign in the Peninsula (1659-1796) were surrounded by ministers, favourites and confidants who left a significant mark in the political life of the various potentates. The second half of the seventeenth century was characterized by the widespread presence of the figure of the «Prime Minister», which was usually in possession of a title of nobility and sometimes had solid legal or financial skills and experiences. The wars of the early eighteenth century brought about major changes in the Italian political system and contribute to the rise of skilful diplomats, who entered the inner circle of the advisers of the princes, while the indispensability of the personal «favour» of the monarch in promoting careers at court was confirmed also by the French modes of sociability. The restoration of lasting peace after 1748 opened the season of the internal reforms implemented by vigorous prime ministers with the support of the great powers of Catholic Europe. In the seventies, however, these ministers had to retreat in front of the willingness expressed by the respective sovereigns to proceed with greater individual autonomy and with new employees to the economic, political and often military strengthen of their States.
{"title":"Ministri, favoriti, confidenti : l'entourage dei sovrani secolari italiani nell'Antico Regime, 1659-1796","authors":"Alessandro Cont","doi":"10.1400/252211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/252211","url":null,"abstract":"The sovereign of the Italian dynastic states during the century and a half that elapsed between the peace of the Pyrenees and the first Napoleonic campaign in the Peninsula (1659-1796) were surrounded by ministers, favourites and confidants who left a significant mark in the political life of the various potentates. The second half of the seventeenth century was characterized by the widespread presence of the figure of the «Prime Minister», which was usually in possession of a title of nobility and sometimes had solid legal or financial skills and experiences. The wars of the early eighteenth century brought about major changes in the Italian political system and contribute to the rise of skilful diplomats, who entered the inner circle of the advisers of the princes, while the indispensability of the personal «favour» of the monarch in promoting careers at court was confirmed also by the French modes of sociability. The restoration of lasting peace after 1748 opened the season of the internal reforms implemented by vigorous prime ministers with the support of the great powers of Catholic Europe. In the seventies, however, these ministers had to retreat in front of the willingness expressed by the respective sovereigns to proceed with greater individual autonomy and with new employees to the economic, political and often military strengthen of their States.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"101 1","pages":"391-430"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66623979","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The extent of the First World War was tremendous because its affects reached out so far so fast that it affected every single civilization on the planet: from the western coasts of Alaska to the eastern coasts of Australia, from Africa to Melanesia and China. «The War to End All War» widened from Atlantic and Pacific to Mediterranean Sea and Dardanelles, from West to East Europe, from Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire to the border of British Raj, from Anatolia to Caucasus. While most of the important battles took place in Europe, as its name suggests the First World War was a truly «global conflict», with fighting in almost every corner of the globe. On various parts of Asia and Africa, Germany’s colonial possessions came under attack. The Japanese quickly overran German outposts in China. They also captured Germany’s Pacific island colonies. English and French troops attacked Germany’s African possessions. They seized control of the Deutsch-Ostafrika (Burundi, Ruanda, Tanganyika, and Zanzibar), Cameroon, Togo, and Namibia. Elsewhere in Asia and Africa, the British and French recruited subjects in their colonies for struggle. Fighting troops as well as labourers came from South Africa, Australia, New Zeeland, British India, Senegal, Egypt, Algeria and Indochina. Many fought and died on the battlefield. Others worked in the war industries, to build fortifications and to keep the front lines provided. Although member of the Triple Alliance, the Kingdom of Italy not join the Central Powers, when the war started in August 1914. Almost a year after the war’s commencement, after secret parallel negotiations with both sides (with the Allies in which Italy negotiated for territory if victorious, and with the Central Powers to gain territory if neutral) Italy entered the war on the side of the France and Great Britain. Italy fought mostly against Austria-Hungary along his northern border, including high up in the now-Italian Alps and along the Isonzo River. Some Italian divisions were also sent to support the Entente on the Western Front. In 1918 Italian troops saw intense combat during the German Spring Offensive (March – July 1918) Their most prominent engagement on this front was their role in the Second Battle of the Marne (15 July - 6 August). Italian troops played a major role in the defence of Albania against AustriaHungary. The Regio Esercito occupied the port of Vlore on December 1914, but had to withdraw after the Austrian-Hungarian invasion in late 1915 - early 1916, and the fall of Durres on 27 February 1916. In May 1916, the Italian XVI Corps, composed of 100.000 men, returned and occupied the region of southern Albania by the autumn 1916, while the French army occupied Korce and its surrounding areas. The Italian (in Gjirokaster) and French forces (in Korce), according mainly to the development of the Balkan Front, entered the area of Northern Epirus (controlled by the Greek minority) in autumn 1916, after approval of the Triple Ent
第一次世界大战的影响范围是巨大的，因为它的影响范围是如此之广，如此之快，它影响了地球上的每一个文明:从阿拉斯加的西海岸到澳大利亚的东海岸，从非洲到美拉尼西亚和中国。“结束所有战争的战争”从大西洋和太平洋扩大到地中海和达达尼尔海峡，从西欧扩大到东欧，从奥斯曼帝国的阿拉伯省份扩大到英国统治的边界，从安纳托利亚扩大到高加索。虽然大多数重要的战役发生在欧洲，但正如它的名字所暗示的那样，第一次世界大战是一场真正的“全球冲突”，几乎在全球的每个角落都有战斗。在亚洲和非洲的许多地方，德国的殖民领地受到了攻击。日军迅速占领了德国在中国的前哨基地。他们还占领了德国在太平洋上的殖民地。英法联军进攻德国在非洲的领地。他们控制了德-奥斯塔弗里卡(布隆迪、卢旺达、坦噶尼喀和桑给巴尔)、喀麦隆、多哥和纳米比亚。在亚洲和非洲的其他地方，英国和法国在他们的殖民地招募臣民进行斗争。许多人战死在战场上。其他人则在军工部门工作，建造防御工事，为前线提供补给。虽然是三国同盟的成员，但当1914年8月战争开始时，意大利王国没有加入同盟国。战争开始近一年后，在与双方进行秘密谈判后(意大利与协约国谈判，如果胜利，意大利与协约国谈判领土;如果中立，意大利与同盟国谈判领土)，意大利加入了法国和英国一方的战争。意大利主要是沿着奥匈帝国的北部边境与之作战，包括现在意大利境内的阿尔卑斯高地和伊松佐河沿岸。一些意大利师也被派往西线支援协约国。1918年，意大利军队在德国春季攻势(1918年3月至7月)中经历了激烈的战斗。他们在这条战线上最突出的战斗是第二次马恩河战役(7月15日至8月6日)。意大利军队在阿尔巴尼亚抵抗奥匈帝国的防御中发挥了重要作用。埃塞西托军团于1914年12月占领了弗洛雷港，但在1915年底至1916年初奥匈帝国入侵和1916年2月27日都拉斯陷落后不得不撤退。1916年5月，由10万人组成的意大利第十六军返回并于1916年秋季占领了阿尔巴尼亚南部地区，而法国军队则占领了Korce及其周边地区。意大利军队(在吉洛卡斯特)和法国军队(在韩国)，主要根据巴尔干阵线的发展，在三国协约的批准下，于1916年秋进入北伊庇鲁斯地区(由希腊少数民族控制)。意大利武装部队也参与了西线和中东战区的战争。从1916年开始，意大利第35师作为东方盟军的一部分在萨洛尼卡前线作战。意大利第十六军团(一个独立于东方军团的独立实体)参加了在阿尔巴尼亚对抗奥匈帝国军队的行动，并于1917年6月23日在该地区建立了意大利保护国。1917年，意大利在西奈和巴勒斯坦战役中扮演了象征性的角色，派遣了一支由500名士兵组成的分遣队协助那里的英国人。赛努西驱逐意大利人的目标与奥斯曼帝国的战争目标一致。1914年，英国选择安抚塞努西，但1915年5月意大利加入协约国导致英国向塞努西施压，要求其承认意大利的占领并停止跨境贸易。赛努西人变得更加依赖德国和奥斯曼帝国的进口，不得不四处寻找食物。因此，英国的禁运把塞努西推向了战争。奥斯曼苏丹支持塞努西骑士团首领Aḥmad al- sarurf的游击战，并发布了针对不信教的英国及其盟友的Gihād哈里发法令。意大利在其殖民领土上的战争努力更加强大，受到伊斯兰叛乱的威胁，由伊斯坦布尔和柏林组织和支持，并派遣军官和特种部队，武器，弹药，装备，食品供应和资金。当意大利于1915年5月23日参战时，其在非洲殖民地的军队形势危急。东部的意属索马里兰还远未平定，在昔兰尼加，意大利军队被限制在海岸上的一些分离的地点。1914年8月，在邻近的的黎波里塔尼亚和费赞，意大利军队到达了加特，也就是说，征服了利比亚西部的大部分地区。 但在1914年11月，这一推进变成了总撤退，4月7日和4月28日，他们分别在Wadi Marsit(米兹达附近)和al-Qurdabiya(苏尔特附近)遭遇两次挫败。到1915年8月，的黎波里塔尼亚的局势与昔兰尼加的情况类似。总参谋长路易吉·卡多纳(Luigi Cadorna)选择牺牲非洲战线，将Esercito地区的部队集中在意大利战线上。利比亚的恢复直到1922年1月才恢复，该地区的和平直到1932年才结束。最后，意大利远征军在1918年至1923年间被派往俄罗斯北部安纳托利亚的伊斯坦布尔。此外，在战争结束后，意大利军事特派团立即到达外高加索和匈牙利，以稳定在这些地区造成的困难的政治局势。意大利的军事努力使我国付出了68万人死亡、100万人受伤、数万人失踪的代价，1917年至1918年期间的开支达206亿欧元，并因此严重消耗了国家财富，盟国却没有给予回报。意大利在战场上赢得了战争，但却输给了凡尔赛和会。“残缺的胜利”是Gabriele D 'Annunzio创造的一个术语，用来描述意大利对第一次世界大战后果的不满。1915年4月26日，由联合王国、法兰西第三共和国、俄罗斯帝国和萨兰德拉政府在冲突开始前签署的《伦敦条约》(Treaty of London)，实际上并没有在冲突结束时得到充分执行。1917年1月，英国外交大臣亚瑟·詹姆斯·巴尔福给美国总统托马斯·伍德罗·威尔逊写了一封信，表达了他对把亚得里亚海领土交给意大利的承诺的反对。在随后的5月对美国的外交使团中，巴尔福明确表示，英国对奥匈帝国并没有特别的敌意，而将斯拉夫土地移交给意大利的计划只会制造更多的问题。虽然在和平会议之前，美国和意大利并没有就这一主张进行外交对话，但威尔逊在他的《十四点意见》中明确了自己在这一问题上的立场，他敦促意大利与奥地利的边界按照“明确可识别的国籍线”重新划定。他的第一点是敦促不要秘密谈判国际协议，因此他拒绝承认根据该协议作出的安排。意大利外交部长西德尼·松尼诺(Sidney Sonnino)为确保亚得里亚海的安全而制定的计划，以及意大利在安纳托利亚、巴尔干半岛、东地中海和东非的战争目标，都被忽视了。
{"title":"L'Italia e il primo conflitto globale, 1914-1918","authors":"E. D. Rienzo","doi":"10.1400/255011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/255011","url":null,"abstract":"The extent of the First World War was tremendous because its affects reached out so far so fast that it affected every single civilization on the planet: from the western coasts of Alaska to the eastern coasts of Australia, from Africa to Melanesia and China. «The War to End All War» widened from Atlantic and Pacific to Mediterranean Sea and Dardanelles, from West to East Europe, from Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire to the border of British Raj, from Anatolia to Caucasus. While most of the important battles took place in Europe, as its name suggests the First World War was a truly «global conflict», with fighting in almost every corner of the globe. On various parts of Asia and Africa, Germany’s colonial possessions came under attack. The Japanese quickly overran German outposts in China. They also captured Germany’s Pacific island colonies. English and French troops attacked Germany’s African possessions. They seized control of the Deutsch-Ostafrika (Burundi, Ruanda, Tanganyika, and Zanzibar), Cameroon, Togo, and Namibia. Elsewhere in Asia and Africa, the British and French recruited subjects in their colonies for struggle. Fighting troops as well as labourers came from South Africa, Australia, New Zeeland, British India, Senegal, Egypt, Algeria and Indochina. Many fought and died on the battlefield. Others worked in the war industries, to build fortifications and to keep the front lines provided. Although member of the Triple Alliance, the Kingdom of Italy not join the Central Powers, when the war started in August 1914. Almost a year after the war’s commencement, after secret parallel negotiations with both sides (with the Allies in which Italy negotiated for territory if victorious, and with the Central Powers to gain territory if neutral) Italy entered the war on the side of the France and Great Britain. Italy fought mostly against Austria-Hungary along his northern border, including high up in the now-Italian Alps and along the Isonzo River. Some Italian divisions were also sent to support the Entente on the Western Front. In 1918 Italian troops saw intense combat during the German Spring Offensive (March – July 1918) Their most prominent engagement on this front was their role in the Second Battle of the Marne (15 July - 6 August). Italian troops played a major role in the defence of Albania against AustriaHungary. The Regio Esercito occupied the port of Vlore on December 1914, but had to withdraw after the Austrian-Hungarian invasion in late 1915 - early 1916, and the fall of Durres on 27 February 1916. In May 1916, the Italian XVI Corps, composed of 100.000 men, returned and occupied the region of southern Albania by the autumn 1916, while the French army occupied Korce and its surrounding areas. The Italian (in Gjirokaster) and French forces (in Korce), according mainly to the development of the Balkan Front, entered the area of Northern Epirus (controlled by the Greek minority) in autumn 1916, after approval of the Triple Ent","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"101 1","pages":"745-790"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Going beyond the Western-oriented historiographical and political framing of the Cold War, this work identifies a different “genetic reason” of the latter, providing an original general interpretation. Examining the Cold War in a global and long-term perspective, this essay traces back its structural genesis in Asia, and concretely in the Sino-Soviet alliance of 1950. The strategic connection between Moscow and Beijing altered the global strategic balance of power and therefore shattered – at the geopolitical level – the Roosevelt’s Grand Design, thus jamming the “localization mechanisms” of the confrontation between the members of the former Grand Alliance which had worked, albeit imperfectly, until 1949. Focusing on the Asian theater and the multipolar dynamics of the international relations, allows to unravel the concept of Cold War within a broader framework of a centuries-old hegemonic transition, a process in which the international system reorganized itself to cope with the rise of a new center: the “Middle Kingdom”
{"title":"Guerra Fredda o transizione egemonica? : la diplomazia atlantica, l'asse Mosca-Pechino e l'alterazione dell'equilibrio strategico","authors":"M. Berrettini","doi":"10.1400/250047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/250047","url":null,"abstract":"Going beyond the Western-oriented historiographical and political framing of the Cold War, this work identifies a different “genetic reason” of the latter, providing an original general interpretation. Examining the Cold War in a global and long-term perspective, this essay traces back its structural genesis in Asia, and concretely in the Sino-Soviet alliance of 1950. The strategic connection between Moscow and Beijing altered the global strategic balance of power and therefore shattered – at the geopolitical level – the Roosevelt’s Grand Design, thus jamming the “localization mechanisms” of the confrontation between the members of the former Grand Alliance which had worked, albeit imperfectly, until 1949. Focusing on the Asian theater and the multipolar dynamics of the international relations, allows to unravel the concept of Cold War within a broader framework of a centuries-old hegemonic transition, a process in which the international system reorganized itself to cope with the rise of a new center: the “Middle Kingdom”","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"101 1","pages":"11-32"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624318","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite the fact that attempts to make this type of collaboration permanent failed during the years which followed, the Euro-Arab Dialogue was a significant moment in the field of international relations and of the history of the European Community, especially analyzing the global scenario and the American opposition. Thought by the Quai d’Orsay to be an alternative strategy to the Washington deals during the 1973 oil crisis, it certainly represented an important attempt to develop an EC foreign policy that did not necessarily imply – as it turned out –incompatibility with the wishes of the White House. The purpose of this paper is to examine the development of the EAD and to compare it with the Trans-Atlantic dealings. Nevertheless, the typology and the methods of Washington opposition changed over time; in some circumstances Kissinger seemed to control the evolution of the EAD, pressing the Western European governments to confront and oppose the Arab intention to transform the dialogue into a base for political claims. This manuscript aims at investing the beginning of the EAD and the relations with the Trans-Atlantic limits and constraints, mainly using archival documents available at the Historical Archives of the European Union, at the National Archive, at the National Archives and Record Administration. There is not much literature about the EAD and this is mainly focused on the poor results. Beside the first academic works with a political science approach (i.e.: Al-Dajani, 1976; Allen, 1977; Taylor, 1978; Jawad, 1992), in the new articles the EAD is not always the main subject (i.e.: Miller, 2014; Mockli, 2009). Furthermore, Bat Ye’or (2005) attaches too much importance to the political issues, while Zakariah (2013) focuses its analysis on the ‘real’ attitude of the British policy towards the EAD.
尽管在随后的几年中使这种合作永久化的努力失败了，但欧洲-阿拉伯对话是国际关系领域和欧洲共同体历史上的一个重要时刻，特别是分析了全球局势和美国的反对。奥赛外交部认为这是1973年石油危机期间华盛顿协议的另一种策略，它当然代表了欧共体发展外交政策的重要尝试，这种外交政策并不一定意味着——正如事实证明的那样——与白宫的愿望不相容。本文的目的是考察EAD的发展，并将其与跨大西洋交易进行比较。然而，华盛顿反对的类型和方法随着时间的推移而改变;在某些情况下，基辛格似乎控制着EAD的演变，迫使西欧各国政府面对并反对阿拉伯将对话转变为政治主张基础的意图。本文主要利用欧盟历史档案馆、美国国家档案馆、美国国家档案和记录管理局提供的档案文件，旨在研究欧洲经委会的开始以及与跨大西洋限制和约束的关系。关于EAD的文献不多，这主要集中在糟糕的结果上。除了第一批采用政治科学方法的学术著作(即:Al-Dajani, 1976;艾伦,1977;泰勒,1978;Jawad, 1992)，在新的文章中EAD并不总是主要的主题(例如:Miller, 2014;Mockli, 2009)。此外，Bat Ye ' or(2005)过于重视政治问题，而Zakariah(2013)则侧重于分析英国对EAD政策的“真实”态度。
{"title":"The beginning of the Euro-Arab Dialogue and the Trans-Atlantic relations (1973-1975)","authors":"Silvio Labbate","doi":"10.1400/252209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/252209","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the fact that attempts to make this type of collaboration permanent failed during the years which followed, the Euro-Arab Dialogue was a significant moment in the field of international relations and of the history of the European Community, especially analyzing the global scenario and the American opposition. Thought by the Quai d’Orsay to be an alternative strategy to the Washington deals during the 1973 oil crisis, it certainly represented an important attempt to develop an EC foreign policy that did not necessarily imply – as it turned out –incompatibility with the wishes of the White House. The purpose of this paper is to examine the development of the EAD and to compare it with the Trans-Atlantic dealings. Nevertheless, the typology and the methods of Washington opposition changed over time; in some circumstances Kissinger seemed to control the evolution of the EAD, pressing the Western European governments to confront and oppose the Arab intention to transform the dialogue into a base for political claims. This manuscript aims at investing the beginning of the EAD and the relations with the Trans-Atlantic limits and constraints, mainly using archival documents available at the Historical Archives of the European Union, at the National Archive, at the National Archives and Record Administration. There is not much literature about the EAD and this is mainly focused on the poor results. Beside the first academic works with a political science approach (i.e.: Al-Dajani, 1976; Allen, 1977; Taylor, 1978; Jawad, 1992), in the new articles the EAD is not always the main subject (i.e.: Miller, 2014; Mockli, 2009). Furthermore, Bat Ye’or (2005) attaches too much importance to the political issues, while Zakariah (2013) focuses its analysis on the ‘real’ attitude of the British policy towards the EAD.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"101 1","pages":"347-370"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66623933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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