In the course of the Eighteenth Century the relations between Europe and Indiaevolved towards an increasing European interference in the internal affairs ofthe Indian potentates: this development brought about significant changes in theperception of the Indians by the Europeans. In particular, the end of the EighteenthCentury was a turning point in the interest of the cultured French elites for theIndian world: this period saw a movement from the universalism of Enlightenmentauthors and antiquaries towards the orientalism of specialist scholars. Fascinationand curiosity towards the Indian customs and religions were revisited by the works ofthe two French pioneers of modern Oriental studies, the antiquary and adventurerAbraham-Hyacinthe Anquetil-Duperron (1731-1805) and the Jesuit Gaston-LaurentCoeurdoux (1691-1779)
{"title":"The French Encounter with India in the late Eighteenth Century: Anquetil-Duperron and Coeurdoux","authors":"Massimiliano Vaghi","doi":"10.1400/268163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/268163","url":null,"abstract":"In the course of the Eighteenth Century the relations between Europe and Indiaevolved towards an increasing European interference in the internal affairs ofthe Indian potentates: this development brought about significant changes in theperception of the Indians by the Europeans. In particular, the end of the EighteenthCentury was a turning point in the interest of the cultured French elites for theIndian world: this period saw a movement from the universalism of Enlightenmentauthors and antiquaries towards the orientalism of specialist scholars. Fascinationand curiosity towards the Indian customs and religions were revisited by the works ofthe two French pioneers of modern Oriental studies, the antiquary and adventurerAbraham-Hyacinthe Anquetil-Duperron (1731-1805) and the Jesuit Gaston-LaurentCoeurdoux (1691-1779)","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"255 1","pages":"55-74"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Drawing inspiration from a recent book of Chris Wickham about the rise ofmedieval Italian Comuni, the aim of this essay is to specify some important elementsabout the rise of the Comuniof Ravenna and Ferrara, which definitely predate theage supposed by Wickham. While in the English medievalist’s opinion the Comuniof Ravennaand Ferrara appear only in the second half of the twelfth century, thisessay, based on fundamental Augusto Vasina’s and Antonio Pini’s studies nowadaysprobably forgotten, shows that the rise of the communal movements in Ravenna andFerrara is situated in the early years of the Twelfth Century.These Comuniwere certainly weak and subjects to the ecclesiastical archbishop’sand bishop’s power but however existed in their community authorities. For Ravennaand Ferrara, towns part of the ancient Exarchate of Ravenna, the year 1100 wasprobably decisive, because deep instability occurred in the traditional political andinstitutional system; these events led to the search for new structures in the conductof public affairs.
{"title":"Ravenna e Ferrara nel XII secolo: due comuni davvero \"latenti\" e \"casuali\"?","authors":"L. Mascanzoni","doi":"10.1400/272359","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/272359","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing inspiration from a recent book of Chris Wickham about the rise ofmedieval Italian Comuni, the aim of this essay is to specify some important elementsabout the rise of the Comuniof Ravenna and Ferrara, which definitely predate theage supposed by Wickham. While in the English medievalist’s opinion the Comuniof Ravennaand Ferrara appear only in the second half of the twelfth century, thisessay, based on fundamental Augusto Vasina’s and Antonio Pini’s studies nowadaysprobably forgotten, shows that the rise of the communal movements in Ravenna andFerrara is situated in the early years of the Twelfth Century.These Comuniwere certainly weak and subjects to the ecclesiastical archbishop’sand bishop’s power but however existed in their community authorities. For Ravennaand Ferrara, towns part of the ancient Exarchate of Ravenna, the year 1100 wasprobably decisive, because deep instability occurred in the traditional political andinstitutional system; these events led to the search for new structures in the conductof public affairs.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"103 1","pages":"893-916"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The essay analyses the case of the Vatican diplomatic position vis-a-vis the Anglo-Argentinian conflict for the Falkland Islands in 1982. This problem intersects the question of the Papal visit to the United Kingdom, scheduled right that year at the end of May. Her Majesty’s Government, led by Margaret Thatcher, fearing that John Paul II could be led to an undefined peace-loving position regardless of two UN Security Council Resolutions condemning Argentina’s occupation, made it clear that the conditioning of the Papal visit to a ceasefire in the Falkland Islands should be considered as an appeasement to Argentina’s unlawful acts. In order to avoid this and to allow the Pope to come to the UK, Ms. Thatcher accepted to deprive Papal visit of every possible political significance. On this Anglo-Vatican agreed line, John Paul II accepted to confirm his own visit. However, he secretly instructed Cardinal Casaroli, the Vatican Secretary of State, to arrange a meeting with Ms. Thatcher on the Falklands question. The secret Thatcher-Casaroli talk took place the very day of Wojtyla’s arrival to the UK, as soon as the Pope got ready to start his official pastoral visit. This work is based on primary British, American and Argentinian sources and on Cardinal Casaroli’s private papers filed in the Vatican archives
{"title":"Vaticano e Gran Bretagna nella crisi delle Falkland: appunti di storia diplomatica","authors":"M. Napolitano","doi":"10.1400/257094","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/257094","url":null,"abstract":"The essay analyses the case of the Vatican diplomatic position vis-a-vis the Anglo-Argentinian conflict for the Falkland Islands in 1982. This problem intersects the question of the Papal visit to the United Kingdom, scheduled right that year at the end of May. Her Majesty’s Government, led by Margaret Thatcher, fearing that John Paul II could be led to an undefined peace-loving position regardless of two UN Security Council Resolutions condemning Argentina’s occupation, made it clear that the conditioning of the Papal visit to a ceasefire in the Falkland Islands should be considered as an appeasement to Argentina’s unlawful acts. In order to avoid this and to allow the Pope to come to the UK, Ms. Thatcher accepted to deprive Papal visit of every possible political significance. On this Anglo-Vatican agreed line, John Paul II accepted to confirm his own visit. However, he secretly instructed Cardinal Casaroli, the Vatican Secretary of State, to arrange a meeting with Ms. Thatcher on the Falklands question. The secret Thatcher-Casaroli talk took place the very day of Wojtyla’s arrival to the UK, as soon as the Pope got ready to start his official pastoral visit. This work is based on primary British, American and Argentinian sources and on Cardinal Casaroli’s private papers filed in the Vatican archives","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"7 1","pages":"1-65"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The foundation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1918 was the first attempt to politically unify the Western Balkans from the peoples who lived there. Yugoslavia as a monarchy and then as a federation had a history of attempts to allow political coexistence among the nations that composed it. After being one of the poorest countries in Europe, in the 1960s and 70s Yugoslavia had a rapid economic and social modernization and achieved a remarkable level of international authority as a leader of the Non-Aligned Movement. The death of Josip Broz Tito in 1980 had closed this positive cycle. The collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 coincided with the political and economic transformation of the world and the historical experience of Yugoslavia today seems difficult to propose
{"title":"Cent'anni di Jugoslavia, 1918-2018","authors":"Egidio Ivetic","doi":"10.1400/266185","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/266185","url":null,"abstract":"The foundation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1918 was the first attempt to politically unify the Western Balkans from the peoples who lived there. Yugoslavia as a monarchy and then as a federation had a history of attempts to allow political coexistence among the nations that composed it. After being one of the poorest countries in Europe, in the 1960s and 70s Yugoslavia had a rapid economic and social modernization and achieved a remarkable level of international authority as a leader of the Non-Aligned Movement. The death of Josip Broz Tito in 1980 had closed this positive cycle. The collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 coincided with the political and economic transformation of the world and the historical experience of Yugoslavia today seems difficult to propose","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"102 1","pages":"841-861"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the Late Middle Ages, “robba” was a general term used in documents to reference clothes, ornaments and objects such as caps, doublets, candles, knives, buttons, trimmings, and so on. The letters written by Margherita Datini to her husband Francesco, a wealthy merchant of Prato, between 1384 and 1410, inform us precisely of what consisted this so-called “robba”. If the first section of this paper will reason about the objects recorded in the Datini correspondence, a second part will reflected instead on the excellent surveillance, management and administration of these goods that made Margherita a good administrator and also a capable economic operator. Once acknowledged Margherita’s abilities, in this paper one intends to focuse on the goods described by the merchant’s wife. Through a lexical analysis, said things and their different acquisition forms of registry will be studied: for example, sometimes she urged her husband to buy directly some of these items, while others, they were simply moved from one of their homes to another, since Francesco and Margherita did not live together. Besides this lexical aspect, this research will also try to shed light on the Datini’s practices and logistics in acquiring goods, especially on the time required for buying and receiving these objects, and on who was in charge to do this. Particularly regarding these purchases, the recipients of such merchandise as well as the prices of acquired goods will be, when possible, reported, as well as their origins and possible places where they were kept. After examining the “robba”, the third part of this paper will be dedicated to their administration and also to how Margherita managed the family’s financial resources. To better contextualize her role as an economic operator, this study, at last, will reason on the relationship between women and work in the Late Middle Ages.
{"title":"Aremo grandissimo bisogno de… : la robba nelle lettere di Margherita Datini al marito Francesco (1384-1410)","authors":"G. Biondi","doi":"10.1400/266186","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/266186","url":null,"abstract":"During the Late Middle Ages, “robba” was a general term used in documents to reference clothes, ornaments and objects such as caps, doublets, candles, knives, buttons, trimmings, and so on. The letters written by Margherita Datini to her husband Francesco, a wealthy merchant of Prato, between 1384 and 1410, inform us precisely of what consisted this so-called “robba”. If the first section of this paper will reason about the objects recorded in the Datini correspondence, a second part will reflected instead on the excellent surveillance, management and administration of these goods that made Margherita a good administrator and also a capable economic operator. Once acknowledged Margherita’s abilities, in this paper one intends to focuse on the goods described by the merchant’s wife. Through a lexical analysis, said things and their different acquisition forms of registry will be studied: for example, sometimes she urged her husband to buy directly some of these items, while others, they were simply moved from one of their homes to another, since Francesco and Margherita did not live together. Besides this lexical aspect, this research will also try to shed light on the Datini’s practices and logistics in acquiring goods, especially on the time required for buying and receiving these objects, and on who was in charge to do this. Particularly regarding these purchases, the recipients of such merchandise as well as the prices of acquired goods will be, when possible, reported, as well as their origins and possible places where they were kept. After examining the “robba”, the third part of this paper will be dedicated to their administration and also to how Margherita managed the family’s financial resources. To better contextualize her role as an economic operator, this study, at last, will reason on the relationship between women and work in the Late Middle Ages.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"102 1","pages":"863-903"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624573","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
By the end of the 19 th century, the rise of the United States to world power was an undisputable fact. Within this context, one of the pillars of the American foreign policy became the Open Door Doctrine. The three Republican presidents – William McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, and William H. Taft – all implemented this doctrine, which was strategic for the growth of the American trade and investments throughout the world, including the Mediterranean and the Middle East. Italy had to face this situation and, eventually, accepted it, though the Italian government opposed the United States when the Open Door Doctrine seemed to threaten the Italian interests in the colonial world.
{"title":"Riflessioni sull'imperialismo italiano e americano all'alba del XX secolo","authors":"G. Ferraioli","doi":"10.1400/262841","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/262841","url":null,"abstract":"By the end of the 19 th century, the rise of the United States to world power was an undisputable fact. Within this context, one of the pillars of the American foreign policy became the Open Door Doctrine. The three Republican presidents – William McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, and William H. Taft – all implemented this doctrine, which was strategic for the growth of the American trade and investments throughout the world, including the Mediterranean and the Middle East. Italy had to face this situation and, eventually, accepted it, though the Italian government opposed the United States when the Open Door Doctrine seemed to threaten the Italian interests in the colonial world.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"102 1","pages":"595-610"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article deals with a specific segment of the history of the Cold War in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean. The coup, organized in 1967 by rightwing officers, introduced Greece to the seven-year period of military dictatorship. The relations of the rigid, anti-Communist regime of Greek colonels with Yugoslavia and other Balkan communist neighbors were marked by the freezing down of political relations, by interrupting or by its deterioration in many areas. New situation caused in relations between Athens and Belgrade Yugoslavia, among other problems, the radicalization of the differences connected with the Macedonian issue. By 1974, the government in Belgrade had distanced itself from direct political relations on the highest level, supporting the Greek opposition in the country and abroad. On the other hand, Yugoslav authorities firmly refused any support for direct violent and propaganda action against Greece from Yugoslav territory. Support to the government of the Cypriot archbishop Makarios was also one of the points of sharp disagreement with the regime in Athens. Overthrowing of the colonel‘s regime after the protests of students and workers and the loss of support in the military circles was welcomed in Yugoslavia with enthusiasm and relief as an announcement of a normalization of relations.
{"title":"Distrustful Neighborhood : Yugoslavia and Greek Colonels, 1967-1974","authors":"Milan Ristovič","doi":"10.1400/262833","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/262833","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with a specific segment of the history of the Cold War in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean. The coup, organized in 1967 by rightwing officers, introduced Greece to the seven-year period of military dictatorship. The relations of the rigid, anti-Communist regime of Greek colonels with Yugoslavia and other Balkan communist neighbors were marked by the freezing down of political relations, by interrupting or by its deterioration in many areas. New situation caused in relations between Athens and Belgrade Yugoslavia, among other problems, the radicalization of the differences connected with the Macedonian issue. By 1974, the government in Belgrade had distanced itself from direct political relations on the highest level, supporting the Greek opposition in the country and abroad. On the other hand, Yugoslav authorities firmly refused any support for direct violent and propaganda action against Greece from Yugoslav territory. Support to the government of the Cypriot archbishop Makarios was also one of the points of sharp disagreement with the regime in Athens. Overthrowing of the colonel‘s regime after the protests of students and workers and the loss of support in the military circles was welcomed in Yugoslavia with enthusiasm and relief as an announcement of a normalization of relations.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"168 1","pages":"521-542"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624446","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The essay deals with William Gladstone’s political and scholarly contacts with three of the leading public figures of post-unification Italy: Marco Minghetti, Pasquale Villari and Quintino Sella. Gladstone’s short correspondence with them is here published and critically commented. It concerns mainly the relationship between State and Church in Italy and Great Britain. Other topics are also mentioned in these letters, such as financial and economical questions, or the issue of social legislation. They contain some remarks on cultural interests, shared by Gladstone and by his Italian correspondents.
{"title":"«We are all debtors of Italy in the mental order. She it was who trained us up to the modern civilization». Gladstone and some of his Italian contacts","authors":"Anna Maria Voci","doi":"10.1400/266188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/266188","url":null,"abstract":"The essay deals with William Gladstone’s political and scholarly contacts with three of the leading public figures of post-unification Italy: Marco Minghetti, Pasquale Villari and Quintino Sella. Gladstone’s short correspondence with them is here published and critically commented. It concerns mainly the relationship between State and Church in Italy and Great Britain. Other topics are also mentioned in these letters, such as financial and economical questions, or the issue of social legislation. They contain some remarks on cultural interests, shared by Gladstone and by his Italian correspondents.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"102 1","pages":"949-992"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624615","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The essay investigates the diplomatic relationships between the apostolic See and the Kingdoms of Spain, during the pontificate of Paul V Borghese, with a particular focus on the 1611-1617 period. In those years, the intolerance of the pope and the cardinal nephew, Scipione Borghese, towards Francisco de Castro, the Spanish ambassador in Rome, was growing firmly. The papal family was worried about the excessive closeness of the ambassador’s family (the Lemos) with the former cardinal nephew Pietro Aldobrandini, who was considered their enemy. The Borgheses also condemned the ambassador’s policy, who, in cooperation with his brother, Fernando de Lemos, viceroy of Naples, was believed to pursue his personal interests in order to strengthen their presence in Italy, also known as the Lemos’ own «Neapolitan Empire». This situation was the cause of the origin of a real obsession for the Borgheses, so that they requested the substitution of Castro with a more favorably disposed ambassador, in order to protect their political success. As a consequence, the request became a conditio sine qua non that strongly influenced other negotiations between the courts of Rome and Madrid.
这篇文章调查了保罗·V·博尔盖塞(Paul V Borghese)担任教皇期间，宗座和西班牙王国之间的外交关系，特别关注1611-1617年期间。在那些年里，教皇和枢机主教侄子西皮奥内·博尔盖塞(Scipione Borghese)对西班牙驻罗马大使弗朗西斯科·德·卡斯特罗(Francisco de Castro)的不宽容态度日益强烈。教皇家族担心大使家族(莱莫斯家族)与被视为敌人的前枢机主教侄子彼得罗·阿尔多布兰迪尼(Pietro Aldobrandini)过于亲密。博尔赫斯还谴责了大使的政策，认为他与他的兄弟费尔南多·德·莱莫斯(那不勒斯总督)合作，追求个人利益，以加强他们在意大利的存在，也就是莱莫斯自己的“那不勒斯帝国”。这种情况是博尔盖塞人真正困扰的根源，所以他们要求用一个更有利的大使代替卡斯特罗，以保护他们的政治成功。结果，这一要求成为一个必要条件，强烈影响了罗马法院和马德里法院之间的其他谈判。
{"title":"Mettere fine al loro «Imperio Napolitano». L’ossessione di Paolo V per la rimozione di Francisco de Castro, ambasciatore spagnolo a Roma (1611-1616)","authors":"Paolo Periati","doi":"10.1400/257096","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/257096","url":null,"abstract":"The essay investigates the diplomatic relationships between the apostolic See and the Kingdoms of Spain, during the pontificate of Paul V Borghese, with a particular focus on the 1611-1617 period. In those years, the intolerance of the pope and the cardinal nephew, Scipione Borghese, towards Francisco de Castro, the Spanish ambassador in Rome, was growing firmly. The papal family was worried about the excessive closeness of the ambassador’s family (the Lemos) with the former cardinal nephew Pietro Aldobrandini, who was considered their enemy. The Borgheses also condemned the ambassador’s policy, who, in cooperation with his brother, Fernando de Lemos, viceroy of Naples, was believed to pursue his personal interests in order to strengthen their presence in Italy, also known as the Lemos’ own «Neapolitan Empire». This situation was the cause of the origin of a real obsession for the Borgheses, so that they requested the substitution of Castro with a more favorably disposed ambassador, in order to protect their political success. As a consequence, the request became a conditio sine qua non that strongly influenced other negotiations between the courts of Rome and Madrid.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"102 1","pages":"67-96"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624794","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Food professions in Tours grows rapidly during the fifteenth century, especially in the second half, thanks to the presence of the King and his court. Under the reign of Louis XI the economic development of the city encourages the activity of merchants and craftsmen. Many archival documents of the late Middle Ages, kept at the departmental and municipal Archives of the town, provide information on food corporations, their organization, their relationship with the authorities, as well as their place in the market. In the municipal accountes one finds, for instance, several contracts concerning butchers, bakers, fishmongers, innkeepers, salt and wine merchants and pastry cooks. The last profession becomes very important during the fifteenth century in Paris and in many other French cities. They are specialized in savoury and sweet tarts, which were frequently offered during banquets and official ceremonies, organized for the King and his court, or for French and foreign diplomats and politicians.
{"title":"Les métiers de bouche à Tours dans la deuxième moitié du XVe siècle","authors":"F. Donati","doi":"10.1400/262837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/262837","url":null,"abstract":"Food professions in Tours grows rapidly during the fifteenth century, especially in the second half, thanks to the presence of the King and his court. Under the reign of Louis XI the economic development of the city encourages the activity of merchants and craftsmen. Many archival documents of the late Middle Ages, kept at the departmental and municipal Archives of the town, provide information on food corporations, their organization, their relationship with the authorities, as well as their place in the market. In the municipal accountes one finds, for instance, several contracts concerning butchers, bakers, fishmongers, innkeepers, salt and wine merchants and pastry cooks. The last profession becomes very important during the fifteenth century in Paris and in many other French cities. They are specialized in savoury and sweet tarts, which were frequently offered during banquets and official ceremonies, organized for the King and his court, or for French and foreign diplomats and politicians.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"102 1","pages":"543-580"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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