By the end of the Fifties, economic and ideological competition between the USSR and the USA had become intense, and new channels of communication were opened. On 27 January 1958 the two countries signed an agreement about exchanges in the fields of culture, technology and education, and on 10 September a truly ground-breaking decision was taken: to exchange national exhibitions in the summer of the following year. It was a major opportunity for the people of both countries to get to know each other, at least in part, and for the two superpowers to carry out their propaganda. The Soviet exhibition, or “Exhibition of the Soviet achievements in the field of science, technology and culture”, remained open from 29 June till 10 August 1959 at the New York “Coliseum” showing the best of the Soviet capabilities. In this respect, comments left in the exhibition visitors’ book, hold in the Russian State Archive of Economics (RGAE) and analysed in this article, give us an idea of the effect of the Soviet “offensive”.
{"title":"Visitors to the 1959 Soviet exhibition in New York : Peaceful competition and consumption","authors":"G. Moretto","doi":"10.1400/277151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/277151","url":null,"abstract":"By the end of the Fifties, economic and ideological competition between the USSR and the USA had become intense, and new channels of communication were opened. On 27 January 1958 the two countries signed an agreement about exchanges in the fields of culture, technology and education, and on 10 September a truly ground-breaking decision was taken: to exchange national exhibitions in the summer of the following year. It was a major opportunity for the people of both countries to get to know each other, at least in part, and for the two superpowers to carry out their propaganda. The Soviet exhibition, or “Exhibition of the Soviet achievements in the field of science, technology and culture”, remained open from 29 June till 10 August 1959 at the New York “Coliseum” showing the best of the Soviet capabilities. In this respect, comments left in the exhibition visitors’ book, hold in the Russian State Archive of Economics (RGAE) and analysed in this article, give us an idea of the effect of the Soviet “offensive”.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"104 1","pages":"221-237"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624643","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Immediately after the signature of the Peace Treaty (10 February 1947), theItalian Foreign Minister, Carlo Sforza, undertook a new Mediterranean policy forhis country, in sharp contrast to the old Fascist politics of domination. After her defeatin the WWII, in fact, Italy strove to return to play a leading role into EasternMediterranean Sea promoting her friendship towards the States present in this area,where the Cold War was starting. With this aim, Italian diplomacy worked to fosteracommercial and economic cooperation with other States, such as Greece and Turkey,reaching the signature of the Treaties of Friendship in Sanremo (5 November 1948)and in Rome (24 March 1950).This essay deals with the Greek particular case and the commercial and economicpolicy lead by Italy towards a still resentful Nation after the Italian aggression (28October 1940). However, at the same time, the Greek Government, engaged in theCivil War against the pro-communist militants of the Hellenic National LiberationFront, needed a new friendship with the Italian Republic in order to let Greece comeout from the isolation in the Balkan area. Not just in a geopolitical perspective, butalso in an economic one, trying to break partially the monopoly of Great Britain andUSA: in fact, tightening a friendship with the Italians would have meant to give tothe Greeks a new commercial partner, exporting to them for example tobacco, themost important production of the country. Actually, the Government of Athens desired to have Italy as the main importingmarket of the Hellenic tobacco, replacing so Germany in this role after her defeat inthe war. Despite Palazzo Chigi and Italian diplomacy were very interested in thisperspective, State Monopoly and the Foreign Commerce Ministry affirmed the unsustainabilityfor Italy to import large volumes of tobacco. So, put aside the tobacco, theItalian Foreign Office attempted to penetrate economically into Greece through the warreparations; more precisely, Italy would have paid to Greece 105 million dollars (Art.74 -Italian Peace Treaty) taking part to the reconstruction of this country, specifically in the field of his electrification. The Economic Collaboration Agreement signed inRome on 31 August 1949 between Italy and Greece assigned so Vodas and Ladonrivers electrification to Italian Companies. However, the Italian Companies shouldhave necessarily worked within the limits imposed by the Americans, having becomethe USA the true hegemonic Power in Greece after the British Empire withdrawalfrom Mediterranean Sea and the launch of the Truman Doctrine.
{"title":"Tornare protagonisti nel Levante : la politica economico commerciale dell'Italia verso la Grecia nell'immediato Secondo dopoguerra, tra ambizioni e limiti","authors":"M. Rinaldi","doi":"10.1400/280391","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/280391","url":null,"abstract":"Immediately after the signature of the Peace Treaty (10 February 1947), theItalian Foreign Minister, Carlo Sforza, undertook a new Mediterranean policy forhis country, in sharp contrast to the old Fascist politics of domination. After her defeatin the WWII, in fact, Italy strove to return to play a leading role into EasternMediterranean Sea promoting her friendship towards the States present in this area,where the Cold War was starting. With this aim, Italian diplomacy worked to fosteracommercial and economic cooperation with other States, such as Greece and Turkey,reaching the signature of the Treaties of Friendship in Sanremo (5 November 1948)and in Rome (24 March 1950).This essay deals with the Greek particular case and the commercial and economicpolicy lead by Italy towards a still resentful Nation after the Italian aggression (28October 1940). However, at the same time, the Greek Government, engaged in theCivil War against the pro-communist militants of the Hellenic National LiberationFront, needed a new friendship with the Italian Republic in order to let Greece comeout from the isolation in the Balkan area. Not just in a geopolitical perspective, butalso in an economic one, trying to break partially the monopoly of Great Britain andUSA: in fact, tightening a friendship with the Italians would have meant to give tothe Greeks a new commercial partner, exporting to them for example tobacco, themost important production of the country. Actually, the Government of Athens desired to have Italy as the main importingmarket of the Hellenic tobacco, replacing so Germany in this role after her defeat inthe war. Despite Palazzo Chigi and Italian diplomacy were very interested in thisperspective, State Monopoly and the Foreign Commerce Ministry affirmed the unsustainabilityfor Italy to import large volumes of tobacco. So, put aside the tobacco, theItalian Foreign Office attempted to penetrate economically into Greece through the warreparations; more precisely, Italy would have paid to Greece 105 million dollars (Art.74 -Italian Peace Treaty) taking part to the reconstruction of this country, specifically in the field of his electrification. The Economic Collaboration Agreement signed inRome on 31 August 1949 between Italy and Greece assigned so Vodas and Ladonrivers electrification to Italian Companies. However, the Italian Companies shouldhave necessarily worked within the limits imposed by the Americans, having becomethe USA the true hegemonic Power in Greece after the British Empire withdrawalfrom Mediterranean Sea and the launch of the Truman Doctrine.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"104 1","pages":"1011-1080"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66625296","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Croce initially supported Mussolini’s Fascist government that took power in 1922. However, the assassination of the socialist politician Giacomo Matteotti by Fascists, in June 1924, shook Croce’s support for Mussolini. In May 1925, Croce was one of the signatories to the Manifesto of the Anti-Fascist Intellectuals which had been written by Croce himself. However, in June of the previous year, he had voted in the Senate in support of the Mussolini government. He later explained that he had hoped that the support for Mussolini in parliament would weaken the more extreme Fascists who, he believed, were responsible for Matteotti’s murder, and absorb the Fascist movement into the liberal system. After 1925, Croce voted against the so-called “leggi fascistissime” which effectively abolished the liberal system of government, born in 1861, and frequently provided moral assistance to anti-Fascist writers and dissidents, as well as those who wanted to maintain intellectual and political independence from the regime, and covertly helped them get published. Croce’s house in Naples became a popular destination for anti-Fascists, and after the war, even some leaders of Communists Party reflected that Croce offered aid and encouragement to both Liberal and Marxist resistance members during the crucial years of regime. Croce was seriously threatened by Mussolini’s regime, though the only act of physical violence he suffered at the hands of the fascists was the ransacking of his home and library in Naples in November 1926. Although he managed to stay outside prison thanks to his reputation, he remained subject to surveillance, and his academic work was kept in obscurity by the government, to the extent that no mainstream newspaper or academic publication ever referred to him. When Mussolini’s government adopted anti-Semitic policies in 1938, Croce was the only non-Jewish intellectual who refused to complete a government questionnaire designed to collect information on the so-called “racial background” of Italian intellectuals. Croce later coined the term onagrocrazia (literally “government by asses”) to emphasize the anti-intellectual and boorish tendencies of parts of the Fascist regime and also described Fascism as malattia morale (literally “moral illness”). However, turning Gobetti’s interpretation - the Fascism as “autobiography of the Nation – Croce claimed that the Fascism had been a parenthesis on Italy’s history, likening the “coup d’etat” of 28 October 1922 to the invasion of the Hyksos. In fact, the Mussolini rise to power was the liberal elite’s response to the forces that animated the revolutionary pressure of 1919- 1920. Far from being a parenthesis or aberration, Fascism was the dominant coalition’s reaction to the grave threat to extant social order
{"title":"Le scelte di un liberale conservatore : Benedetto Croce e il fascismo : una rilettura","authors":"E. D. Rienzo","doi":"10.1400/277146","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/277146","url":null,"abstract":"Croce initially supported Mussolini’s Fascist government that took power in 1922. However, the assassination of the socialist politician Giacomo Matteotti by Fascists, in June 1924, shook Croce’s support for Mussolini. In May 1925, Croce was one of the signatories to the Manifesto of the Anti-Fascist Intellectuals which had been written by Croce himself. However, in June of the previous year, he had voted in the Senate in support of the Mussolini government. He later explained that he had hoped that the support for Mussolini in parliament would weaken the more extreme Fascists who, he believed, were responsible for Matteotti’s murder, and absorb the Fascist movement into the liberal system. After 1925, Croce voted against the so-called “leggi fascistissime” which effectively abolished the liberal system of government, born in 1861, and frequently provided moral assistance to anti-Fascist writers and dissidents, as well as those who wanted to maintain intellectual and political independence from the regime, and covertly helped them get published. Croce’s house in Naples became a popular destination for anti-Fascists, and after the war, even some leaders of Communists Party reflected that Croce offered aid and encouragement to both Liberal and Marxist resistance members during the crucial years of regime. Croce was seriously threatened by Mussolini’s regime, though the only act of physical violence he suffered at the hands of the fascists was the ransacking of his home and library in Naples in November 1926. Although he managed to stay outside prison thanks to his reputation, he remained subject to surveillance, and his academic work was kept in obscurity by the government, to the extent that no mainstream newspaper or academic publication ever referred to him. When Mussolini’s government adopted anti-Semitic policies in 1938, Croce was the only non-Jewish intellectual who refused to complete a government questionnaire designed to collect information on the so-called “racial background” of Italian intellectuals. Croce later coined the term onagrocrazia (literally “government by asses”) to emphasize the anti-intellectual and boorish tendencies of parts of the Fascist regime and also described Fascism as malattia morale (literally “moral illness”). However, turning Gobetti’s interpretation - the Fascism as “autobiography of the Nation – Croce claimed that the Fascism had been a parenthesis on Italy’s history, likening the “coup d’etat” of 28 October 1922 to the invasion of the Hyksos. In fact, the Mussolini rise to power was the liberal elite’s response to the forces that animated the revolutionary pressure of 1919- 1920. Far from being a parenthesis or aberration, Fascism was the dominant coalition’s reaction to the grave threat to extant social order","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"104 1","pages":"1-137"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Giorgio Vasari in his Vite (published in 1568) described Agnolo Bronzino as the perfect courtier of duke Cosimo I de’ Medici. The article analyses how Vasari selected information about Bronzino, avoiding all aspects would be politically controversial. Firstly, Vasari downsized the tuition of Pontormo and the artistic period lived by Bronzino to the Court of Della Rovere. Furthermore, Vasari forgot the friendship and artistic liaison of Bronzino with Benedetto Varchi, who had been exiled from 1537 to 1543. Then, Vasari ignored the portrayal done by Bronzino to his friend Lodovico Capponi, devoted to the Dominican Tertiary sister Caterina de’ Ricci and to the legacy of Savonarola. Therefore, Vasari proposed a profile of Bronzino, shaped on political and religious orthodoxy to the Medicean power.
{"title":"Il profilo mediceo di Bronzino nelle Vite di Giorgio Vasari : tra sviste e adattamenti","authors":"F. Vitali","doi":"10.1400/278720","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/278720","url":null,"abstract":"Giorgio Vasari in his Vite (published in 1568) described Agnolo Bronzino as the perfect courtier of duke Cosimo I de’ Medici. The article analyses how Vasari selected information about Bronzino, avoiding all aspects would be politically controversial. Firstly, Vasari downsized the tuition of Pontormo and the artistic period lived by Bronzino to the Court of Della Rovere. Furthermore, Vasari forgot the friendship and artistic liaison of Bronzino with Benedetto Varchi, who had been exiled from 1537 to 1543. Then, Vasari ignored the portrayal done by Bronzino to his friend Lodovico Capponi, devoted to the Dominican Tertiary sister Caterina de’ Ricci and to the legacy of Savonarola. Therefore, Vasari proposed a profile of Bronzino, shaped on political and religious orthodoxy to the Medicean power.","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"104 1","pages":"577-600"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66625197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the Eighteenth Century, commercial relations between Naples and Stockholm were intense. Neapolitan Ports hosted numerous ships loaded with goods and raw materials destined for Neapolitan naval construction. From the Commerce Agreement entered into in 1743 exchanges proceeded at full speed, and during Tanucci’s Regency the restock of goods and raw materials for military and naval construction was further stimulated. Economic and political relationships between the two kingdoms became stronger during the Reign of Gustav III. The need to expand each country’s commercial borders led in 1793 to the conclusion of a General Trading Plan between Ferdinand IV and Swedish ambassador in Naples, Baron d’Armfelt. The execution of the plan was obstructed by the prosecution of a conspiracy that overwhelmed the Diplomatic Official. Furthermore, the conspiracy compromised the relationship between the two States
{"title":"Entre Mediterráneo Y Báltico : el partenariado comercial Nápoles-Estocolmo en la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII","authors":"Claudia Pingaro","doi":"10.1400/278721","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/278721","url":null,"abstract":"During the Eighteenth Century, commercial relations between Naples and Stockholm were intense. Neapolitan Ports hosted numerous ships loaded with goods and raw materials destined for Neapolitan naval construction. From the Commerce Agreement entered into in 1743 exchanges proceeded at full speed, and during Tanucci’s Regency the restock of goods and raw materials for military and naval construction was further stimulated. Economic and political relationships between the two kingdoms became stronger during the Reign of Gustav III. The need to expand each country’s commercial borders led in 1793 to the conclusion of a General Trading Plan between Ferdinand IV and Swedish ambassador in Naples, Baron d’Armfelt. The execution of the plan was obstructed by the prosecution of a conspiracy that overwhelmed the Diplomatic Official. Furthermore, the conspiracy compromised the relationship between the two States","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"104 1","pages":"601-626"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66625203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper deals with the fate of Italian troops stationed in Yugoslavia in theperiod from the 8 September 1943 Armistice between Italy and the Allies to the endof World War II. Based on Italian and foreign historiography, memoirs and documentsdrawn from Italian and foreign archives, the paper aims at examining the roleplayed by Italian troops fighting alongside the partisan units in Yugoslavia after thearmistice, and at closing some gaps in the historiography of World War II, specific tothis issue. It will also concentrate on the fate of the thousands of Italians taken byTito’s army as prisoners of war who suffered a very harsh treatment. Among the latterand the Italians fighting alongside the partisans, an antifascist propaganda activitywas carried out with the aim of re-educating them into antifascists. Thefinal partwill deal with the servicemen’s repatriation and will show how the Italian prisonersof war were used by Tito as a bargaining chip in order to obtain some advantages,such as the recognition by the Italian government of the new Yugoslav State
{"title":"The hard way home: Italian troops in Yugoslavia after the 8 September 1943 Armistice","authors":"M. Giusti","doi":"10.1400/268161","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/268161","url":null,"abstract":"The paper deals with the fate of Italian troops stationed in Yugoslavia in theperiod from the 8 September 1943 Armistice between Italy and the Allies to the endof World War II. Based on Italian and foreign historiography, memoirs and documentsdrawn from Italian and foreign archives, the paper aims at examining the roleplayed by Italian troops fighting alongside the partisan units in Yugoslavia after thearmistice, and at closing some gaps in the historiography of World War II, specific tothis issue. It will also concentrate on the fate of the thousands of Italians taken byTito’s army as prisoners of war who suffered a very harsh treatment. Among the latterand the Italians fighting alongside the partisans, an antifascist propaganda activitywas carried out with the aim of re-educating them into antifascists. Thefinal partwill deal with the servicemen’s repatriation and will show how the Italian prisonersof war were used by Tito as a bargaining chip in order to obtain some advantages,such as the recognition by the Italian government of the new Yugoslav State","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"103 1","pages":"1-27"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624751","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The death of Charles II of Habsburg and the designation of Philip of Anjou asthe legitimate heir caused - in any territory belonging to the Spanish monarchy –the definition of new political languages and the creation of new networks of political andsocial relationships. This happened also in the Kingdom of Sicily, where the internaland international dynamics were strictly connected. In this context, the role played bythe island was not passive, but allowed – respecting the hierarchies of power - tobuildnetworks of relationships, to achieve specific goals and to rethink the participation ofthe Kingdom within the larger context of Spanish monarchy.The paper aims to highlight as well as the Kingdom of Sicily, although it was in amarginal position in relation to the area of conflict, was affected by problems related tothe defense, the financial contributions and the redefinition of the practices of loyalty
{"title":"“Come se non si fosse cambiato padrone”. Il regno di Sicilia dagli Asburgo ai Borbone, tra politica internazionale e dinamiche locali (1700-1703)","authors":"Valentina Favarò","doi":"10.1400/268162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/268162","url":null,"abstract":"The death of Charles II of Habsburg and the designation of Philip of Anjou asthe legitimate heir caused - in any territory belonging to the Spanish monarchy –the definition of new political languages and the creation of new networks of political andsocial relationships. This happened also in the Kingdom of Sicily, where the internaland international dynamics were strictly connected. In this context, the role played bythe island was not passive, but allowed – respecting the hierarchies of power - tobuildnetworks of relationships, to achieve specific goals and to rethink the participation ofthe Kingdom within the larger context of Spanish monarchy.The paper aims to highlight as well as the Kingdom of Sicily, although it was in amarginal position in relation to the area of conflict, was affected by problems related tothe defense, the financial contributions and the redefinition of the practices of loyalty","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"103 1","pages":"29-54"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624759","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"New American Perspectives on the China Threat Issue : Peter Navarro and the Thucydides's Trap","authors":"Valentina Sommella","doi":"10.1400/269837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/269837","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"103 1","pages":"377-416"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The issues of intervention and non-intervention played a significant role in diplomatichistory and became popular topics of political-legal debates as well as scholarlyworks. It is all the more surprising that no complex analysis of France’s application ofthe non-intervention principle after the July Revolution in 1830 has been written,at least in connection with the Italian countries. This principle became an importantdoctrine in French foreign policy during the early 1830s that served as a weaponagainstAustria’s predominance in Italy; the cabinet in Vienna as well as those of Italiancountries were warned from Paris that any military intervention of the former in theinternal affairs of the latter, even if formally requested by their monarchs, would beregarded by the French government as a violation of the non-intervention principle,even as a casus belli. As this article attempts to prove, with this approach the Frenchpolitical and diplomatic elites in no way wished to support the liberalisation of Italyby offering a shield to local political radicals against Austria’s intervention but merelyto establish a sphere of influence in designated states of secondary power. The practicaloutcome of this geopolitical game would have been the restriction of the sovereigntyof some Italian states if the non-intervention principle had been accepted, a similaroutcome as witnessed later by history with Brezhnev’s famous Doctrine of 1968 aboutthe limited sovereignty of the socialist countries in Europe
{"title":"The Principle of Non-Intervention Reconsidered: the French July Monarchy, the Public Law of Europe and the Limited Sovereignty of Secondary Countries","authors":"M. Šedivý","doi":"10.1400/268164","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/268164","url":null,"abstract":"The issues of intervention and non-intervention played a significant role in diplomatichistory and became popular topics of political-legal debates as well as scholarlyworks. It is all the more surprising that no complex analysis of France’s application ofthe non-intervention principle after the July Revolution in 1830 has been written,at least in connection with the Italian countries. This principle became an importantdoctrine in French foreign policy during the early 1830s that served as a weaponagainstAustria’s predominance in Italy; the cabinet in Vienna as well as those of Italiancountries were warned from Paris that any military intervention of the former in theinternal affairs of the latter, even if formally requested by their monarchs, would beregarded by the French government as a violation of the non-intervention principle,even as a casus belli. As this article attempts to prove, with this approach the Frenchpolitical and diplomatic elites in no way wished to support the liberalisation of Italyby offering a shield to local political radicals against Austria’s intervention but merelyto establish a sphere of influence in designated states of secondary power. The practicaloutcome of this geopolitical game would have been the restriction of the sovereigntyof some Italian states if the non-intervention principle had been accepted, a similaroutcome as witnessed later by history with Brezhnev’s famous Doctrine of 1968 aboutthe limited sovereignty of the socialist countries in Europe","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"103 1","pages":"75-108"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624885","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Among the Italian merchant communities settled in the Crown of Castile Venetiansare the least known. It seems clear that in the last decades of the 15thcenturythey were only a few acting from Seville. To approach this group, scholars have mainlystudied the information held in Castilian archives –notarial deeds, royal and municipaldocuments–which are limited both in number and chronology. The discoveryof the testament of Andrea de Razi (1477), which we publish and study for the firsttime, sheds new light on the reality of the Venetian Nation in the Iberian Peninsulaand allows to enlarge our knowledge of the mercantile network and the commercialstrategies developed. At the same time, it reveals more solid connections of Sevillewith the Eastern Mediterranean, related to the exports of oil (Venice), and antimonysulphate (Alexandria).
{"title":"Del Guadalquivir al Nilo: el testamento de Andrea de Razi (1477) y la comunidad veneciana de Sevilla a finales del siglo XV","authors":"Raúl González Arévalo","doi":"10.1400/269838","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1400/269838","url":null,"abstract":"Among the Italian merchant communities settled in the Crown of Castile Venetiansare the least known. It seems clear that in the last decades of the 15thcenturythey were only a few acting from Seville. To approach this group, scholars have mainlystudied the information held in Castilian archives –notarial deeds, royal and municipaldocuments–which are limited both in number and chronology. The discoveryof the testament of Andrea de Razi (1477), which we publish and study for the firsttime, sheds new light on the reality of the Venetian Nation in the Iberian Peninsulaand allows to enlarge our knowledge of the mercantile network and the commercialstrategies developed. At the same time, it reveals more solid connections of Sevillewith the Eastern Mediterranean, related to the exports of oil (Venice), and antimonysulphate (Alexandria).","PeriodicalId":42962,"journal":{"name":"NUOVA RIVISTA STORICA","volume":"103 1","pages":"417-450"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66624468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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