Alba Huidobro, Yeimy Ospina, Marta Curto-Grau, Aina Gallego
This research note presents a new database at the local level about the political parties that supported the formation of local Governments in Spanish municipalities of more than 1000 inhabitants in the legislatures 2003-2007 and 2007-2011. The research note describes the information-gathering process, the data obtained and some initial descriptive results. The dataset is publicly available and will allow to improve the knowledge about local governments in Spain. It will also facilitate carrying out quantitative studies that require a large number of municipalities within a common institutional context.
{"title":"La formación de Gobiernos municipales: una nueva base de datos","authors":"Alba Huidobro, Yeimy Ospina, Marta Curto-Grau, Aina Gallego","doi":"10.21308/RECP.49.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.49.05","url":null,"abstract":"This research note presents a new database at the local level about the political parties that supported the formation of local Governments in Spanish municipalities of more than 1000 inhabitants in the legislatures 2003-2007 and 2007-2011. The research note describes the information-gathering process, the data obtained and some initial descriptive results. The dataset is publicly available and will allow to improve the knowledge about local governments in Spain. It will also facilitate carrying out quantitative studies that require a large number of municipalities within a common institutional context.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67684740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Understanding how the Spanish state and the Canary Islands dealt with the cayuco crisis and its aftermath is instructional for the current migrant crisis facing Europe. Employing the theoretical lenses of liberal intergovernmentalism and neo-institutionalism, this article studies how the EU has shaped the governance of migration policy using both hard and soft governance. Hard governance refers to coercive legally imposed mechanisms, whereas soft governance may be cooperation or voluntary adoption of EU models. During the cayuco crisis, as thousands of African migrants arrived to the Canary Islands, the Spanish government sought assistance from the EU and its member states via Frontex, and adopted the EU’s externalization of migration policy with Plan Africa, an aid package to stop immigration at its source. Both Frontex and Plan Africa were EU policy prescriptions, that exhibit EU soft governance and the Europeanization of migration policy. As a result, Spain achieved its goal of stopping the flow of irregular migrants, yet the state remained the main actor in migration policy, as liberal intergovernmentalists assert. However, the EU-inspired policies that Spain ultimately adopted during the cayuco crisis have been emulated in the current migrant crisis, inspiring a model for present and future migration policies in Europe.
{"title":"Canarios en una mina: la crisis migratoria de los cayucos y la europeización de la política migratoria","authors":"Carolyn Marie Dudek, Carmen Pestano","doi":"10.21308/RECP.49.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.49.04","url":null,"abstract":"Understanding how the Spanish state and the Canary Islands dealt with the cayuco crisis and its aftermath is instructional for the current migrant crisis facing Europe. Employing the theoretical lenses of liberal intergovernmentalism and neo-institutionalism, this article studies how the EU has shaped the governance of migration policy using both hard and soft governance. Hard governance refers to coercive legally imposed mechanisms, whereas soft governance may be cooperation or voluntary adoption of EU models. During the cayuco crisis, as thousands of African migrants arrived to the Canary Islands, the Spanish government sought assistance from the EU and its member states via Frontex, and adopted the EU’s externalization of migration policy with Plan Africa, an aid package to stop immigration at its source. Both Frontex and Plan Africa were EU policy prescriptions, that exhibit EU soft governance and the Europeanization of migration policy. As a result, Spain achieved its goal of stopping the flow of irregular migrants, yet the state remained the main actor in migration policy, as liberal intergovernmentalists assert. However, the EU-inspired policies that Spain ultimately adopted during the cayuco crisis have been emulated in the current migrant crisis, inspiring a model for present and future migration policies in Europe.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67684659","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
T This article develops a methodological critique of a widespread measurement of national identity through surveys, the so-called “Linz-Moreno question” (LMQ) and of its epistemological foundation, the theory of “dual identity”. We chose Spain as a case study for our research because of its internal variability in terms of identity feelings between its regions and the availability of quality data. We have divided the seventeen Spanish Autonomous Communities (ACs) into four groups, in accordance to their identity structure. We present two big groups of ACs, one including the ACs with primacy of nationwide nationalistic feelings, and the other one containing those ACs with significant presence of sub-state nationalisms. Then, we divide each of these categories into two, attending to the strength of their identity feelings. Using qualitative methodologies, we found differences in the reproduction process of nationalism for each group of ACs, what strengthens the validity of our classification. Finally, we tested our main hypothesis with a multinomial logistic regression that provides empirical evidence showing that the LMQ is not a good indicator of national identity for weakly nationalized ACs. We conclude that the dual identity theory hides relevant differences related to the hierarchy and nature of collective identities in modern societies. Consequently, we should problematize merely descriptive analyses of collective identities and begin to treat national identity as an ideological expression of nationalism. The critique of the LMQ presented in this article wants to contribute to a better measurement of identities in modern societies.
{"title":"¿Identidad dual? Una crítica metodológica a la pregunta Linz-Moreno como indicador estadístico de la identidad nacional","authors":"Arturo De Nieves, C. Diz","doi":"10.21308/RECP.49.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.49.01","url":null,"abstract":"T This article develops a methodological critique of a widespread measurement of national identity through surveys, the so-called “Linz-Moreno question” (LMQ) and of its epistemological foundation, the theory of “dual identity”. We chose Spain as a case study for our research because of its internal variability in terms of identity feelings between its regions and the availability of quality data. We have divided the seventeen Spanish Autonomous Communities (ACs) into four groups, in accordance to their identity structure. We present two big groups of ACs, one including the ACs with primacy of nationwide nationalistic feelings, and the other one containing those ACs with significant presence of sub-state nationalisms. Then, we divide each of these categories into two, attending to the strength of their identity feelings. Using qualitative methodologies, we found differences in the reproduction process of nationalism for each group of ACs, what strengthens the validity of our classification. Finally, we tested our main hypothesis with a multinomial logistic regression that provides empirical evidence showing that the LMQ is not a good indicator of national identity for weakly nationalized ACs. We conclude that the dual identity theory hides relevant differences related to the hierarchy and nature of collective identities in modern societies. Consequently, we should problematize merely descriptive analyses of collective identities and begin to treat national identity as an ideological expression of nationalism. The critique of the LMQ presented in this article wants to contribute to a better measurement of identities in modern societies.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49531651","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research note aims to analyze the determinants of terrorism saliency in elites’ political discourse by means of a content analysis of the Spanish Presidents’ speeches at the investiture sessions and the debates on the general political situation of Spain in the Spanish Parliament. Thus, it is shown the quantitative weight terrorism has had in these speeches. Apart from describing the weight of this issue, the article points out a series of hypotheses regarding changes of the saliency in these speeches and it also tries to check them provisionally. The text first states that ceasefires declared by terrorist gangs have some influence, raising the importance politicians give to this phenomenon. Second, especially relevant attacks also make terrorism grow its presence in political speeches. Third, formal agreements to exclude terrorism from party competition (such as the Ajuria-Enea Pact) have the opposite influence, for they reduce the saliency of this issue. Finally, public opinion matters: The more people consider terrorism as a problem, the more Spanish Presidents talk about it. The note tries to fill a gap in research, because the quantitative analysis of political elites’ discourse about terrorism has been largely neglected. Methodologically, it combines content analysis of political texts, survey data and contextual data regarding ETA’s terrorist attacks and ceasefires.
{"title":"El impacto del terrorismo en el discurso político en España: un análisis de contenido de los discursos de los presidentes de Gobierno en los debates parlamentarios","authors":"Rafael Leonisio","doi":"10.21308/RECP.49.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.49.06","url":null,"abstract":"This research note aims to analyze the determinants of terrorism saliency in elites’ political discourse by means of a content analysis of the Spanish Presidents’ speeches at the investiture sessions and the debates on the general political situation of Spain in the Spanish Parliament. Thus, it is shown the quantitative weight terrorism has had in these speeches. Apart from describing the weight of this issue, the article points out a series of hypotheses regarding changes of the saliency in these speeches and it also tries to check them provisionally. The text first states that ceasefires declared by terrorist gangs have some influence, raising the importance politicians give to this phenomenon. Second, especially relevant attacks also make terrorism grow its presence in political speeches. Third, formal agreements to exclude terrorism from party competition (such as the Ajuria-Enea Pact) have the opposite influence, for they reduce the saliency of this issue. Finally, public opinion matters: The more people consider terrorism as a problem, the more Spanish Presidents talk about it. The note tries to fill a gap in research, because the quantitative analysis of political elites’ discourse about terrorism has been largely neglected. Methodologically, it combines content analysis of political texts, survey data and contextual data regarding ETA’s terrorist attacks and ceasefires.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67684763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
El objetivo de este articulo es explicar el diferente papel e influencia de los ministerios de relaciones exteriores (o cancillerias) de Brasil y Chile durante la formulacion e implementacion de la politica exterior. Para ello, se examina un caso relevante en cada pais, aplicando un modelo de analisis basado en la politica burocratica. Tres son las dimensiones a las que se presta especial atencion: la mayor o menor capacidad de estos ministerios de centralizar y coordinar la agenda de politica internacional; su grado de integracion o aislamiento frente al resto de la administracion publica, y la profesionalizacion del servicio diplomatico. Se concluye que las dos primeras son las variables explicativas principales, si bien la tercera puede potenciar a las anteriores. La aplicacion de este marco explicativo al estudio comparado de los ejemplos muestra interesantes contrastes en el modo en que Chile y Brasil formulan sus respectivas politicas exteriores.
{"title":"Presidentes frente a cancillerías: la formulación de la política exterior en Brasil y Chile entre 1990 y 2010","authors":"P. Valenzuela","doi":"10.21308/RECP.49.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.49.03","url":null,"abstract":"El objetivo de este articulo es explicar el diferente papel e influencia de los ministerios de relaciones exteriores (o cancillerias) de Brasil y Chile durante la formulacion e implementacion de la politica exterior. Para ello, se examina un caso relevante en cada pais, aplicando un modelo de analisis basado en la politica burocratica. Tres son las dimensiones a las que se presta especial atencion: la mayor o menor capacidad de estos ministerios de centralizar y coordinar la agenda de politica internacional; su grado de integracion o aislamiento frente al resto de la administracion publica, y la profesionalizacion del servicio diplomatico. Se concluye que las dos primeras son las variables explicativas principales, si bien la tercera puede potenciar a las anteriores. La aplicacion de este marco explicativo al estudio comparado de los ejemplos muestra interesantes contrastes en el modo en que Chile y Brasil formulan sus respectivas politicas exteriores.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67684594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
C Coalition theory is one of the fields that has extensively benefited from formal modelling in political science. Since the publication of William Riker’s (1962) seminal book, a variety of coalition models has been developed to explain government formation and breakdown. Nevertheless, despite the diversity of models, the literature seems to judge their predictability solely in terms of empirical tests, usually deriving hypotheses from their propositions and testing via statistics. In this work, I survey classical and more recent formal models in coalition theory, demonstrating how they serve different purposes. I build a taxonomy of models that acknowledges these purposes, and, more importantly, the roles they play in building explanations about coalitions. I identify three types of models: conceptual models, whose conceptual and theoretical value relies on the mathematical deductions entailed in the model; quasi-conceptual models, which formalise explanations of regularities in the real world; and extrapolative models, which allow for an empirical test of formal models via a variety of statistical methods. All of these types of models coexist, generating explanations and setting research agendas.
{"title":"Hacia una explicación de las coaliciones: una taxonomía de modelos formales de formación y colapso de los Gobiernos","authors":"Enzo Lenine","doi":"10.21308/RECP.49.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.49.02","url":null,"abstract":"C Coalition theory is one of the fields that has extensively benefited from formal modelling in political science. Since the publication of William Riker’s (1962) seminal book, a variety of coalition models has been developed to explain government formation and breakdown. Nevertheless, despite the diversity of models, the literature seems to judge their predictability solely in terms of empirical tests, usually deriving hypotheses from their propositions and testing via statistics. In this work, I survey classical and more recent formal models in coalition theory, demonstrating how they serve different purposes. I build a taxonomy of models that acknowledges these purposes, and, more importantly, the roles they play in building explanations about coalitions. I identify three types of models: conceptual models, whose conceptual and theoretical value relies on the mathematical deductions entailed in the model; quasi-conceptual models, which formalise explanations of regularities in the real world; and extrapolative models, which allow for an empirical test of formal models via a variety of statistical methods. All of these types of models coexist, generating explanations and setting research agendas.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67684530","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tras aprobarse la estrategia de mainstreaming de genero en la IV Conferencia Mundial de la Mujer de Naciones Unidas (Beijing, 1995), la igualdad de genero ha ido tomando cada vez mas peso como un elemento clave que incluir no solo en la fase de diseno y formulacion de las politicas, sino tambien en su evaluacion. A este respecto, en las ultimas decadas diferentes propuestas teorico-metodologicas se han ido desarrollando en materia de evaluacion e igualdad de genero. Esta nota de investigacion persigue contribuir a la literatura y practica emergente sobre evaluacion de politicas de igualdad de genero. En concreto, a partir de una revision de la literatura existente sobre evaluacion y genero, reflexiona sobre que implica evaluar el exito y como hacerlo en estas politicas concretas. Los resultados ponen sobre la mesa la pertinencia de definir el «exito» de dichas politicas y los criterios especificos de evaluacion de las mismas, de modo contextualizado y negociado. Asimismo, sugieren la utilizacion de diversas herramientas —desarrolladas en el campo de las politicas de genero y de la evaluacion— para captar la complejidad del cambio en materia de igualdad de genero.
{"title":"¿Cómo evaluamos el éxito de las políticas de igualdad de género? Criterios y herramientas metodológicas","authors":"Julia Espinosa-Fajardo, María Bustelo","doi":"10.21308/RECP.49.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.49.07","url":null,"abstract":"Tras aprobarse la estrategia de mainstreaming de genero en la IV Conferencia Mundial de la Mujer de Naciones Unidas (Beijing, 1995), la igualdad de genero ha ido tomando cada vez mas peso como un elemento clave que incluir no solo en la fase de diseno y formulacion de las politicas, sino tambien en su evaluacion. A este respecto, en las ultimas decadas diferentes propuestas teorico-metodologicas se han ido desarrollando en materia de evaluacion e igualdad de genero. Esta nota de investigacion persigue contribuir a la literatura y practica emergente sobre evaluacion de politicas de igualdad de genero. En concreto, a partir de una revision de la literatura existente sobre evaluacion y genero, reflexiona sobre que implica evaluar el exito y como hacerlo en estas politicas concretas. Los resultados ponen sobre la mesa la pertinencia de definir el «exito» de dichas politicas y los criterios especificos de evaluacion de las mismas, de modo contextualizado y negociado. Asimismo, sugieren la utilizacion de diversas herramientas —desarrolladas en el campo de las politicas de genero y de la evaluacion— para captar la complejidad del cambio en materia de igualdad de genero.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67684880","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
El objetivo del presente trabajo es valorar la capacidad del marco normativo en materia de transparencia para lograr la deseada transparencia en la gestion de las Administraciones publicas. Para ello se revisa la literatura existente referida a experiencias internacionales, identificando aquellos trabajos que refieren una ley o conjunto de leyes y miden el grado de transparencia en una fecha posterior a su entrada en vigor. Posteriormente se analiza el caso de los municipios espanoles de tamano grande en relacion con la Ley 19/2013 de Transparencia, Acceso a la Informacion Publica y Buen Gobierno. Para ello usamos los niveles de transparencia publicados, principalmente por el Indice SIELOCAL para 2014 (ano de entrada en vigor de la ley) y 2017. Estos datos se contrastan tambien con el indice elaborado y publicado por Transparencia Internacional Espana. Los resultados muestran una relacion significativa entre la ley y los logros en materia de transparencia, si bien las conclusiones de nuestra investigacion presentan la evolucion de la transparencia no solo como consecuencia del marco normativo, sino como resultado de una suma de factores.
{"title":"Influencia del marco normativo en la transparencia: análisis de los ayuntamientos españoles, 2014-2017","authors":"Leonor Mora, M. Delgado, J. A. Rivero","doi":"10.21308/RECP.48.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.48.08","url":null,"abstract":"El objetivo del presente trabajo es valorar la capacidad del marco normativo en materia de transparencia para lograr la deseada transparencia en la gestion de las Administraciones publicas. Para ello se revisa la literatura existente referida a experiencias internacionales, identificando aquellos trabajos que refieren una ley o conjunto de leyes y miden el grado de transparencia en una fecha posterior a su entrada en vigor. Posteriormente se analiza el caso de los municipios espanoles de tamano grande en relacion con la Ley 19/2013 de Transparencia, Acceso a la Informacion Publica y Buen Gobierno. Para ello usamos los niveles de transparencia publicados, principalmente por el Indice SIELOCAL para 2014 (ano de entrada en vigor de la ley) y 2017. Estos datos se contrastan tambien con el indice elaborado y publicado por Transparencia Internacional Espana. Los resultados muestran una relacion significativa entre la ley y los logros en materia de transparencia, si bien las conclusiones de nuestra investigacion presentan la evolucion de la transparencia no solo como consecuencia del marco normativo, sino como resultado de una suma de factores.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47075614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article offers a theorization of the international conflict in the gray zone, a recent term within the literature of strategic studies. To this end, the concept is settled by identifying its defining features based on a review of the existing literature. Secondly, the conflict in the gray zone is framed in John Mearsheimer’s theory of Offensive Realism. It studies the conflictual politics between great powers politics and the strategies they use to increase their power relative to one another. Thirdly, the strategic lines of action developed in the gray zone are identified, and their pros and cons are also analyzed. This third objective complements and extends Mearsheimer’s theoretical proposal, which explains the origin of the rivalry between great powers but pays less attention to the development of this rivalry. Thus, the concept of gray zone finds accommodation within the realist theory of international politics and, at the same time, enriches it.
{"title":"El conflicto internacional en la zona gris: una propuesta teórica desde la perspectiva del realismo ofensivo","authors":"J. Jordán","doi":"10.21308/RECP.48.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.48.05","url":null,"abstract":"This article offers a theorization of the international conflict in the gray zone, a recent term within the literature of strategic studies. To this end, the concept is settled by identifying its defining features based on a review of the existing literature. Secondly, the conflict in the gray zone is framed in John Mearsheimer’s theory of Offensive Realism. It studies the conflictual politics between great powers politics and the strategies they use to increase their power relative to one another. Thirdly, the strategic lines of action developed in the gray zone are identified, and their pros and cons are also analyzed. This third objective complements and extends Mearsheimer’s theoretical proposal, which explains the origin of the rivalry between great powers but pays less attention to the development of this rivalry. Thus, the concept of gray zone finds accommodation within the realist theory of international politics and, at the same time, enriches it.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47020870","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents an original research based on a set of interviews that includes both almost all the chiefs of staff of the office of the President of Government and one of the previous presidents of the Spanish Government. It tries to understand, from this double point of view, the two vertexes of the relationship between the prime minister and his main adviser. The study deals with the profile, the emergence and expansion of this political figure and its evolution, with unpublished documents from Moncloa archives. It also shows the double power of exclusion and connection the chief of office has accumulated and it develops a comparative analysis of the power exercised by the various occupants of the post since the transition to democracy.
{"title":"El poder en Moncloa: el jefe de Gabinete del presidente del Gobierno","authors":"A. Garrido, M. Martínez","doi":"10.21308/RECP.48.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.48.03","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents an original research based on a set of interviews that includes both almost all the chiefs of staff of the office of the President of Government and one of the previous presidents of the Spanish Government. It tries to understand, from this double point of view, the two vertexes of the relationship between the prime minister and his main adviser. The study deals with the profile, the emergence and expansion of this political figure and its evolution, with unpublished documents from Moncloa archives. It also shows the double power of exclusion and connection the chief of office has accumulated and it develops a comparative analysis of the power exercised by the various occupants of the post since the transition to democracy.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67684617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：