Using the Foreign Policy Analysis framework and the concept of Authoritative Decision Units, this article analyzes three cases that required an Iranian response: the Arab Uprisings, the nuclear negotiations, and the 2017 GCC Crisis. The article argues that it was not a single actor taking the foreign policy decisions in those cases, but a combination of individual and collective actors that formed the decision units that designed and implemented Iranian foreign policy. It also contends that those decisions were in line with the overall Iranian foreign policy objective —which is to convert Iran into a regional power— and, to that aim, variations of non-alignment strategies were implemented.
{"title":"The Iranian foreign policy in turbulent times: The Arab uprisings, the nuclear deal and the GCC crisis","authors":"Luciano Zaccara","doi":"10.21308/recp.56.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/recp.56.02","url":null,"abstract":"Using the Foreign Policy Analysis framework and the concept of Authoritative Decision Units, this article analyzes three cases that required an Iranian response: the Arab Uprisings, the nuclear negotiations, and the 2017 GCC Crisis. The article argues that it was not a single actor taking the foreign policy decisions in those cases, but a combination of individual and collective actors that formed the decision units that designed and implemented Iranian foreign policy. It also contends that those decisions were in line with the overall Iranian foreign policy objective —which is to convert Iran into a regional power— and, to that aim, variations of non-alignment strategies were implemented.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47070292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"La política exterior de Arabia Saudí: equilibrio entre factores domésticos y externos","authors":"Itxaso Domínguez de Olazábal, D. Martínez","doi":"10.21308/recp.56.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/recp.56.01","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47078165","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
espanolEn este articulo se analiza en profundidad uno de los principales problemas relacionados con las democracias actuales: el equilibrio entre beneficios epistemicos y libertad individual. Profundizamos en este debate partiendo de las diversas criticas que historicamente se han planteado contra la democracia y presentando la democracia deliberativa como alternativa. Dentro del extenso debate democratico deliberativo, varios autores como Christiano Mansbridge o Helene Landemore han propuesto puntos de vista que no cumplen con los estandares logicos y participativos que se esperan de un sistema democratico. Realizamos un analisis de estas propuestas reflexionando sobre sus puntos debiles y consecuencias. Ademas, vinculamos estos puntos de vista a la discusion sobre el papel que los ciudadanos deberian jugar en cualquier sistema democratico. Concluimos que la perspectiva epistemica, la mas comun en la democracia deliberativa, pasa por alto los derechos basicos inherentes a cualquier individuo y socava la capacidad de una poblacion de prosperar y desarrollar su cultura de manera conjunta. Por ello, proponemos un modelo flexible donde cualquier conjunto de ciudadanos tenga una sustancial igualdad de oportunidades para proponer alternativas a las normas vigentes y convencer a la mayoria de la poblacion de modificarlas. Este modelo se centra principalmente en las interacciones entre los individuos y las instituciones estatales. EnglishIn this article we thoroughly analyse one of the major problems related to current democracies, the balance between epistemic benefits and individual freedom. We dive into this debate departing form the various criticisms historically made against democracy and presenting deliberative democracy as an alternative. This article thoroughly analyzes one of the major problems of current democracies, the balance between epistemic benefits and individual freedom. We dive into this debate departing from the various criticisms that have been historically made against democracy and presenting deliberative democracy as an alternative. Within the long deliberative democratic debate, several authors such as Christiano Mansbridge or Helene Landemore have proposed views that fail to meet the logical and participatory standards expected from a democratic system. We carry out an analysis on these proposals reflecting on their weak points and consequences. In addition, we link these views to the discussion about the role citizens should play in any democratic system. It is concluded that the most common view held about democracy, the epistemic centred one, overlooks basic rights inherent to any individual and undermines the ability of a population to jointly thrive and develop its culture. This is the reason why we propose a flexible model where any group of citizens has substantial equality of opportunities to propose alternatives to the current norms and laws and convince the majority of the population to change them. This model has be
{"title":"Beyond epistemology and freedom: A deliberative democratic model to promote popular participation","authors":"Osvaldo González-Reyes","doi":"10.21308/recp.56.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/recp.56.05","url":null,"abstract":"espanolEn este articulo se analiza en profundidad uno de los principales problemas relacionados con las democracias actuales: el equilibrio entre beneficios epistemicos y libertad individual. Profundizamos en este debate partiendo de las diversas criticas que historicamente se han planteado contra la democracia y presentando la democracia deliberativa como alternativa. Dentro del extenso debate democratico deliberativo, varios autores como Christiano Mansbridge o Helene Landemore han propuesto puntos de vista que no cumplen con los estandares logicos y participativos que se esperan de un sistema democratico. Realizamos un analisis de estas propuestas reflexionando sobre sus puntos debiles y consecuencias. Ademas, vinculamos estos puntos de vista a la discusion sobre el papel que los ciudadanos deberian jugar en cualquier sistema democratico. Concluimos que la perspectiva epistemica, la mas comun en la democracia deliberativa, pasa por alto los derechos basicos inherentes a cualquier individuo y socava la capacidad de una poblacion de prosperar y desarrollar su cultura de manera conjunta. Por ello, proponemos un modelo flexible donde cualquier conjunto de ciudadanos tenga una sustancial igualdad de oportunidades para proponer alternativas a las normas vigentes y convencer a la mayoria de la poblacion de modificarlas. Este modelo se centra principalmente en las interacciones entre los individuos y las instituciones estatales. EnglishIn this article we thoroughly analyse one of the major problems related to current democracies, the balance between epistemic benefits and individual freedom. We dive into this debate departing form the various criticisms historically made against democracy and presenting deliberative democracy as an alternative. This article thoroughly analyzes one of the major problems of current democracies, the balance between epistemic benefits and individual freedom. We dive into this debate departing from the various criticisms that have been historically made against democracy and presenting deliberative democracy as an alternative. Within the long deliberative democratic debate, several authors such as Christiano Mansbridge or Helene Landemore have proposed views that fail to meet the logical and participatory standards expected from a democratic system. We carry out an analysis on these proposals reflecting on their weak points and consequences. In addition, we link these views to the discussion about the role citizens should play in any democratic system. It is concluded that the most common view held about democracy, the epistemic centred one, overlooks basic rights inherent to any individual and undermines the ability of a population to jointly thrive and develop its culture. This is the reason why we propose a flexible model where any group of citizens has substantial equality of opportunities to propose alternatives to the current norms and laws and convince the majority of the population to change them. This model has be","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49130170","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
espanolLa politica exterior de los Emiratos Arabes Unidos (EAU) ha experimentado un cambio sustancial desde el inicio de la denominada Primavera Arabe en 2011. Este articulo describe las caracteristicas y razones principales de esta transformacion, asi como las posibles consecuencias de una proyeccion militar que rebasa los limites del golfo Arabe/Persico, hasta hace poco el principal ambito de accion de la diplomacia emirati. El enfoque toma en consideracion, en primer lugar, la vinculacion tradicional de EE. UU. con EAU y el cambio de percepcion de las ultimas Administraciones estadounidenses sobre la seguridad regional en el Golfo; la consagracion del emir Mohammad ben Zayed como maximo dirigente de facto en el pais y su alianza con el principe heredero saudi, Mohammed ben Salman; el animo de neutralizar la corriente democratizadora emanada de las revoluciones arabes y, a partir de ahi, la percepcion emirati de que el islam politico, y en concreto la vertiente representada por los Hermanos Musulmanes, se estaba convirtiendo en el principal beneficiado de la erosion del regimen arabe tradicional. El articulo tambien propone que, a pesar de la convergencia con Arabia Saudi en numerosos escenarios, EAU ha mantenido una politica exterior independiente basada en sus propios intereses, lo que ha reforzado su rol como principal contendiente en Oriente Medio. EnglishThe United Arab Emirates’ (UAE) foreign policy has experienced substantial changes since the beginning of the so-called Arab Spring in 2011. This paper describes the characteristics and main reasons of this transformation, as well as the possible consequences of a visible militaristic projection that goes beyond the limits of the Gulf region, the main scenario of Emirati diplomatic action until recently. Our framework takes into account, first of all, the traditional link between the United States and the UAE and how recent US administrations changed their perception about security in the Gulf; how Emir Mohammed bin Zayed has secured his grip over the country, and the relevance of his alliance with the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman; the aim of neutralizing the democratic stream that emerged from the Arab revolutions and, from there on, the Emirati perception about how political Islam and particularly the current best represented by the Muslim Brotherhood was becoming the main beneficiary of the erosion of the traditional Arab regime. Moreover, this paper proposes that despite the convergence with Saudi Arabia in a number of scenarios, the UAE has kept a foreign policy based on its own interests, which strengthened its increasing role as a regional main contender in the Middle East.
{"title":"Emiratos Emiratos Árabes Unidos en Oriente Medio. Antiislamismo, militarismo y estrategia de presión múltiple","authors":"J. Guirado, Ignacio Gutiérrez de Terán","doi":"10.21308/recp.56.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/recp.56.03","url":null,"abstract":"espanolLa politica exterior de los Emiratos Arabes Unidos (EAU) ha experimentado un cambio sustancial desde el inicio de la denominada Primavera Arabe en 2011. Este articulo describe las caracteristicas y razones principales de esta transformacion, asi como las posibles consecuencias de una proyeccion militar que rebasa los limites del golfo Arabe/Persico, hasta hace poco el principal ambito de accion de la diplomacia emirati. El enfoque toma en consideracion, en primer lugar, la vinculacion tradicional de EE. UU. con EAU y el cambio de percepcion de las ultimas Administraciones estadounidenses sobre la seguridad regional en el Golfo; la consagracion del emir Mohammad ben Zayed como maximo dirigente de facto en el pais y su alianza con el principe heredero saudi, Mohammed ben Salman; el animo de neutralizar la corriente democratizadora emanada de las revoluciones arabes y, a partir de ahi, la percepcion emirati de que el islam politico, y en concreto la vertiente representada por los Hermanos Musulmanes, se estaba convirtiendo en el principal beneficiado de la erosion del regimen arabe tradicional. El articulo tambien propone que, a pesar de la convergencia con Arabia Saudi en numerosos escenarios, EAU ha mantenido una politica exterior independiente basada en sus propios intereses, lo que ha reforzado su rol como principal contendiente en Oriente Medio. EnglishThe United Arab Emirates’ (UAE) foreign policy has experienced substantial changes since the beginning of the so-called Arab Spring in 2011. This paper describes the characteristics and main reasons of this transformation, as well as the possible consequences of a visible militaristic projection that goes beyond the limits of the Gulf region, the main scenario of Emirati diplomatic action until recently. Our framework takes into account, first of all, the traditional link between the United States and the UAE and how recent US administrations changed their perception about security in the Gulf; how Emir Mohammed bin Zayed has secured his grip over the country, and the relevance of his alliance with the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman; the aim of neutralizing the democratic stream that emerged from the Arab revolutions and, from there on, the Emirati perception about how political Islam and particularly the current best represented by the Muslim Brotherhood was becoming the main beneficiary of the erosion of the traditional Arab regime. Moreover, this paper proposes that despite the convergence with Saudi Arabia in a number of scenarios, the UAE has kept a foreign policy based on its own interests, which strengthened its increasing role as a regional main contender in the Middle East.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67685820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
espanolEl objetivo de este articulo es examinar como afecta el proceso de toma de decisiones en la politica exterior a la conducta de los Estados en el sistema internacional y como responden estos a las amenazas externas en funcion de factores internos, en especial las percepciones de amenaza y la capacidad de las instituciones para movilizar poder. A pesar de su escaso tamano y reducida poblacion, Catar ha alcanzado en las ultimas decadas una enorme proyeccion regional. Nuestra hipotesis es que la Primavera Arabe obligo a Catar y al resto de monarquias de la region a reestructurar su politica exterior. El rol mediador-integrador desempenado hasta entonces por Doha dejo paso a un rol activo-independiente en el que las herramientas del hard power sustituyeron paulatinamente a las del soft power precedente. Este cambio agravo las tensiones con Arabia Saudi y Emiratos Arabes Unidos, que en 2017 decidieron imponer un bloqueo sobre Catar. EnglishThe aim of this article is to examine how the process of foreign policy decision-making affects the conduct of states in the international system and how states respond to external threats according to internal factors, notably elite threat perceptions and the capacity of institutions to mobilize power. Despite its small size and population, Qatar has achieved enormous regional projection in the last decades. Our hypothesis is that the Arab Spring forced Qatar and the rest of the monarchies in the Gulf to restructure their foreign policies. The mediator-integrator role that Doha had played till then gave way to a more active, independent role in which the tools of hard power gradually replaced those of previous soft power. These changes aggravated tensions with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates which, in 2017, decided to impose a blockade on Qatar.
{"title":"The foreign policy of Qatar: From a mediating role to an active one","authors":"Ignacio Álvarez-Ossorio, Leticia Rodríguez García","doi":"10.21308/recp.56.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/recp.56.04","url":null,"abstract":"espanolEl objetivo de este articulo es examinar como afecta el proceso de toma de decisiones en la politica exterior a la conducta de los Estados en el sistema internacional y como responden estos a las amenazas externas en funcion de factores internos, en especial las percepciones de amenaza y la capacidad de las instituciones para movilizar poder. A pesar de su escaso tamano y reducida poblacion, Catar ha alcanzado en las ultimas decadas una enorme proyeccion regional. Nuestra hipotesis es que la Primavera Arabe obligo a Catar y al resto de monarquias de la region a reestructurar su politica exterior. El rol mediador-integrador desempenado hasta entonces por Doha dejo paso a un rol activo-independiente en el que las herramientas del hard power sustituyeron paulatinamente a las del soft power precedente. Este cambio agravo las tensiones con Arabia Saudi y Emiratos Arabes Unidos, que en 2017 decidieron imponer un bloqueo sobre Catar. EnglishThe aim of this article is to examine how the process of foreign policy decision-making affects the conduct of states in the international system and how states respond to external threats according to internal factors, notably elite threat perceptions and the capacity of institutions to mobilize power. Despite its small size and population, Qatar has achieved enormous regional projection in the last decades. Our hypothesis is that the Arab Spring forced Qatar and the rest of the monarchies in the Gulf to restructure their foreign policies. The mediator-integrator role that Doha had played till then gave way to a more active, independent role in which the tools of hard power gradually replaced those of previous soft power. These changes aggravated tensions with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates which, in 2017, decided to impose a blockade on Qatar.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49144631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
espanolEl sorteo, historicamente empleado en la Grecia clasica, parece estar ante un proceso de resurgimiento, en un intento de paliar la desafeccion ciudadana y mejorar el funcionamiento de los sistemas representativos. El objetivo principal del presente articulo radica precisamente en reflexionar sobre el uso del sorteo y el potencial de los minipublicos deliberativos, y analizar si tienen o no la capacidad de aumentar el grado de confianza de la ciudadania en sus representantes e instituciones. Se concluye que existen ciertas condiciones, que pasan por la implementacion de minipublicos deliberativos aleatorios, bajo las cuales el sorteo podria combinarse con las elecciones para intentar paliar la desafeccion ciudadana y mejorar el funcionamiento de los sistemas representativos. EnglishThe sortition, historically used in classical Greece, seems to be facing a process of resurgence, in an attempt to alleviate citizen disaffection and to improve the functioning of representative systems. The main objective of this article is, precisely, to reflect on the use of the sortition and the potential of deliberative mini-publics, and to analyze whether or not they have the capacity to increase the degree of citizens’ in their representatives and institutions. It is concluded that there are certain conditions, which go through the implementation of random deliberative mini-publics, under which sortition could be combined with elections to try to alleviate citizen disaffection and to improve the functioning of representative systems.
{"title":"El sorteo como herramienta de innovación democrática: el potencial de los minipúblicos deliberativos","authors":"Gabriel Camarelles","doi":"10.21308/recp.56.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/recp.56.06","url":null,"abstract":"espanolEl sorteo, historicamente empleado en la Grecia clasica, parece estar ante un proceso de resurgimiento, en un intento de paliar la desafeccion ciudadana y mejorar el funcionamiento de los sistemas representativos. El objetivo principal del presente articulo radica precisamente en reflexionar sobre el uso del sorteo y el potencial de los minipublicos deliberativos, y analizar si tienen o no la capacidad de aumentar el grado de confianza de la ciudadania en sus representantes e instituciones. Se concluye que existen ciertas condiciones, que pasan por la implementacion de minipublicos deliberativos aleatorios, bajo las cuales el sorteo podria combinarse con las elecciones para intentar paliar la desafeccion ciudadana y mejorar el funcionamiento de los sistemas representativos. EnglishThe sortition, historically used in classical Greece, seems to be facing a process of resurgence, in an attempt to alleviate citizen disaffection and to improve the functioning of representative systems. The main objective of this article is, precisely, to reflect on the use of the sortition and the potential of deliberative mini-publics, and to analyze whether or not they have the capacity to increase the degree of citizens’ in their representatives and institutions. It is concluded that there are certain conditions, which go through the implementation of random deliberative mini-publics, under which sortition could be combined with elections to try to alleviate citizen disaffection and to improve the functioning of representative systems.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67685879","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Public policy analysis (PPA) is a disciplinary field where multiple theories and methodological procedures converge. This research note addresses whether it is possible to organize knowledge in a way that philosophical assumptions, analytical frameworks and methods could be aligned. To this aim, Patrick Jackson’s typology is used as an organizational scheme of the debates in philosophy of science. Based on this, we propose a distribution of PPA macro theories in corre-spondence with the four methodologies defined in Jackson’s scheme: neopositivism, realism, analyticism and reflexivity. The purpose of this exercise is to make PPA theoretical proposals more accessible for researchers and, this way, to highlight their distinctive elements and prac-tical implications for research methodologies. This will allow to visualize the potential paths that could lead towards more consistent, coherent and congruent research designs.
{"title":"Ordenando el caos: cuatro enfoques metodológicos para investigar en políticas públicas","authors":"Alejandro Hernández-Luis, Camila Carrasco, Sarai García-Guerra","doi":"10.21308/recp.56.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/recp.56.07","url":null,"abstract":"Public policy analysis (PPA) is a disciplinary field where multiple theories and methodological procedures converge. This research note addresses whether it is possible to organize knowledge in a way that philosophical assumptions, analytical frameworks and methods could be aligned. To this aim, Patrick Jackson’s typology is used as an organizational scheme of the debates in philosophy of science. Based on this, we propose a distribution of PPA macro theories in corre-spondence with the four methodologies defined in Jackson’s scheme: neopositivism, realism, analyticism and reflexivity. The purpose of this exercise is to make PPA theoretical proposals more accessible for researchers and, this way, to highlight their distinctive elements and prac-tical implications for research methodologies. This will allow to visualize the potential paths that could lead towards more consistent, coherent and congruent research designs.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67685965","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The 2019 regional elections in Spain were held in a context of political instability and polarization in the country and just 28 days after the national elections. Taking advantage of this unprecedented quasi-simultaneous electoral setting, this article analyzes vote-switching between regional and national elections, both at the aggregate and individual levels. Specifically, it explores whether the 2019 regional elections match the expectations of the secondorder election model. The results show that quasi-simultaneity between regional and national elections did not entail a higher level of election congruence. In addition, while most of the predictions of the second-order election model regarding aggregate election results hold for the 2019 regional elections, our findings suggest that dual voting at the individual level does not respond to the logic of the second-order election model but rather to regional political considerations.
{"title":"Dual voting and second-order effects in the quasi-simultaneous 2019 Spanish regional and national elections","authors":"Laura Cabeza, Matthias Scantamburlo","doi":"10.21308/RECP.55.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.55.01","url":null,"abstract":"The 2019 regional elections in Spain were held in a context of political instability and polarization in the country and just 28 days after the national elections. Taking advantage of this unprecedented quasi-simultaneous electoral setting, this article analyzes vote-switching between regional and national elections, both at the aggregate and individual levels. Specifically, it explores whether the 2019 regional elections match the expectations of the secondorder election model. The results show that quasi-simultaneity between regional and national elections did not entail a higher level of election congruence. In addition, while most of the predictions of the second-order election model regarding aggregate election results hold for the 2019 regional elections, our findings suggest that dual voting at the individual level does not respond to the logic of the second-order election model but rather to regional political considerations.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47939245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
La pandemia COVID-19, con la consiguiente situación de emergencia sanitaria, confinamiento y paralización de la actividad, ha supuesto una crisis de dimensiones no vividas antes por nuestra generación y consecuencias aún no identificables ni medibles. Los riesgos de crisis y catástrofes han aumentado como fruto de la tecnología, globalización y la injerencia del ser humano en el medio ambiente, generando una situación de riesgo e impredecibilidad sin precedentes. Cuando esto ocurre, se ejerce una importante presión sobre las estructuras de la sociedad y los sistemas de valores y normas, que se reajustan como consecuencia de esta alteración de las condiciones del entorno. Esta nota presenta los resultados preliminares de un estudio, a partir de ítems de la Encuesta Europea de Valores, realizada durante las semanas de confinamiento, sobre una serie de dominios de valores sensibles a sufrir reajustes fruto de la crisis y trauma colectivo en España. Los resultados muestran que algunos valores se reajustan a posiciones menos solidarias y más individualistas o una percepción de menor control sobre la vida, mientras que otros valores han mantenido la evolución de las últimas décadas, como las posiciones postmaterialistas crecientes o la preferencia por las garantías de los derechos individuales en detrimento de mayor seguridad y vigilancia.Alternate : The COVID-19 pandemic, and the consequent situation of health emergency, lockdown and paralysation of activities, has led to a crisis of dimensions not experienced before by our generation and effects not yet identifiable or measurable. Risks of crises and catastrophes have increased due to technology, globalization and human interference in the natural environment, what has created an unprecedented situation of risk and unpredictability. When this happens, a great deal of pressure is put on social structures and systems of values and norms, which are in turn readjusted due to this alteration of material conditions. This research note presents the preliminary results of a study using items of the European Values Survey, conductedduring the weeks of lockout in Spain, on a set of value domains, sensitive to readjustment as a consequence of the crisis and collective trauma in Spain. The results show that some values have readjusted to less solidary and more individualistic positions or a perception of lower control over life, whereas other values have maintained their evolution over the last decades, such as growing post-materialist orientations, or a strong preference for the safeguard of individual rights to the detriment of greater security and surveillance.
COVID-19大流行，以及随之而来的卫生紧急情况、限制和活动停止，造成了我们这一代人从未经历过的危机，其后果尚未确定或衡量。由于技术、全球化和人类对环境的干预，危机和灾难的风险增加了，造成了前所未有的风险和不可预测性的情况。当这种情况发生时，社会结构、价值体系和规范就会受到巨大的压力，而这些结构和规范又会随着环境条件的变化而重新调整。本说明介绍了一项研究的初步结果，该研究基于欧洲价值观调查的项目，在监禁周期间进行，对西班牙危机和集体创伤后的一系列价值观敏感领域进行了调整。结果表明有些价值费用少科特和个人主义立场或较掌控生活的感知,而另外一些价值观一直保持着过去几十年的演变,比如postmaterialistas日益增长的立场和重男轻女的保障个人权利损害最大的安保和安全。另一种情况:COVID-19大流行以及由此造成的卫生紧急情况、封锁和活动瘫痪，导致了我们这一代人从未经历过的危机，其影响尚未确定或衡量。由于技术、全球化和人类对自然环境的干扰，危机和灾害的风险增加，造成了前所未有的风险和不可预测的情况。当这种情况发生时，对社会结构、价值体系和规范施加了很大的压力，而这些社会结构和价值体系又因物质条件的变化而重新调整。本研究说明介绍了一项研究的初步结果，该研究使用了欧洲价值观调查的项目，在西班牙停工的几个星期内，对西班牙危机和集体创伤造成的重新调整敏感的一组价值领域进行了研究。结果显示,价值皆readjusted to较solidary and more individualistic职位或低perception of control over life,而另一些价值着但其evolution over The decades,如post-materialist成长》,2003年orientations, or a强劲preference for The个人侦查of rights to The detriment of greater security and surveillance。
{"title":"Valores bajo presión: estudio preliminar sobre el cambio de valores ante la crisis de la COVID-19 en España","authors":"E. Bartolomé","doi":"10.21308/recp.55.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/recp.55.06","url":null,"abstract":"La pandemia COVID-19, con la consiguiente situación de emergencia sanitaria, confinamiento y paralización de la actividad, ha supuesto una crisis de dimensiones no vividas antes por nuestra generación y consecuencias aún no identificables ni medibles. Los riesgos de crisis y catástrofes han aumentado como fruto de la tecnología, globalización y la injerencia del ser humano en el medio ambiente, generando una situación de riesgo e impredecibilidad sin precedentes. Cuando esto ocurre, se ejerce una importante presión sobre las estructuras de la sociedad y los sistemas de valores y normas, que se reajustan como consecuencia de esta alteración de las condiciones del entorno. Esta nota presenta los resultados preliminares de un estudio, a partir de ítems de la Encuesta Europea de Valores, realizada durante las semanas de confinamiento, sobre una serie de dominios de valores sensibles a sufrir reajustes fruto de la crisis y trauma colectivo en España. Los resultados muestran que algunos valores se reajustan a posiciones menos solidarias y más individualistas o una percepción de menor control sobre la vida, mientras que otros valores han mantenido la evolución de las últimas décadas, como las posiciones postmaterialistas crecientes o la preferencia por las garantías de los derechos individuales en detrimento de mayor seguridad y vigilancia.Alternate : The COVID-19 pandemic, and the consequent situation of health emergency, lockdown and paralysation of activities, has led to a crisis of dimensions not experienced before by our generation and effects not yet identifiable or measurable. Risks of crises and catastrophes have increased due to technology, globalization and human interference in the natural environment, what has created an unprecedented situation of risk and unpredictability. When this happens, a great deal of pressure is put on social structures and systems of values and norms, which are in turn readjusted due to this alteration of material conditions. This research note presents the preliminary results of a study using items of the European Values Survey, conductedduring the weeks of lockout in Spain, on a set of value domains, sensitive to readjustment as a consequence of the crisis and collective trauma in Spain. The results show that some values have readjusted to less solidary and more individualistic positions or a perception of lower control over life, whereas other values have maintained their evolution over the last decades, such as growing post-materialist orientations, or a strong preference for the safeguard of individual rights to the detriment of greater security and surveillance.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67685724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This present article investigates the processes of elaboration of gender equality policies under populist governments, focusing on the paradigmatic case of MAS government in Bolivia. Through interviews and documental analysis, the article examines how MAS applied its conceptions of “people” and “elite” to the women’s organizations that intervened in poli-cy-making processes in the field of gender equality, accusing feminist NGOs of being part of “the elite” and praising indigenous women’s social organizations as representatives of “the people”. However, the government included feminist NGOs in the policy-making processes; which shows the existence of a contradiction between the anti-elite populist discourse and pragmatism in policy-making.
{"title":"Between political discourses and pragmatic policy-making: Gender equality policies in Bolivia under Evo Morales (2006-2017)","authors":"P. Castaño","doi":"10.21308/recp.54.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/recp.54.02","url":null,"abstract":"This present article investigates the processes of elaboration of gender equality policies under populist governments, focusing on the paradigmatic case of MAS government in Bolivia. Through interviews and documental analysis, the article examines how MAS applied its conceptions of “people” and “elite” to the women’s organizations that intervened in poli-cy-making processes in the field of gender equality, accusing feminist NGOs of being part of “the elite” and praising indigenous women’s social organizations as representatives of “the people”. However, the government included feminist NGOs in the policy-making processes; which shows the existence of a contradiction between the anti-elite populist discourse and pragmatism in policy-making.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67685175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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