This article assesses the possible populist discourse contagion experienced by the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) due to the irruption of Podemos. To this end, a content analysis has been carried out on a selection of PSOE manifestos for national and European elections, published between 2004 and 2019. The results show that the evolution of PSOE’s anti-elitism is not necessarily related to the competition with Podemos but to the party’s opposition status, especially in contexts of citizen discontent. Therefore, the main results suggest that the political decline of traditional parties could be a more decisive factor than the emergence and rise of new parties, when explaining the shifts in party identity. In addition, the article shows that populist messages have played three main functions in PSOE’s manifestos: i) to show empathy with and understanding of people’s unrest in contexts of citizen dissatisfaction; ii) to attack the main political competitor when the party is in opposition; and iii) to use economic powers and other elites as scapegoats, especially when the party is in government.
{"title":"Populist contagion or anti-elitism in opposition? PSOE’s response to the emergence of Podemos","authors":"Belén Fernández-García, Ó. Luengo","doi":"10.21308/recp.54.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/recp.54.01","url":null,"abstract":"This article assesses the possible populist discourse contagion experienced by the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) due to the irruption of Podemos. To this end, a content analysis has been carried out on a selection of PSOE manifestos for national and European elections, published between 2004 and 2019. The results show that the evolution of PSOE’s anti-elitism is not necessarily related to the competition with Podemos but to the party’s opposition status, especially in contexts of citizen discontent. Therefore, the main results suggest that the political decline of traditional parties could be a more decisive factor than the emergence and rise of new parties, when explaining the shifts in party identity. In addition, the article shows that populist messages have played three main functions in PSOE’s manifestos: i) to show empathy with and understanding of people’s unrest in contexts of citizen dissatisfaction; ii) to attack the main political competitor when the party is in opposition; and iii) to use economic powers and other elites as scapegoats, especially when the party is in government.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47498057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Syrian mediation process has repeatedly been characterized by its fragility. This fragility does not only stem from its inability to produce tangible results but it also rests on other dimensions such as its instability, the lack of impartiality of its mediation structure, or its lack of representativeness and capacity for action, all of which have been studied more tangentially. The purpose of this article is to determine the explanatory factors of these other dimensions of the fragility of the process. In order to do so, and based on the spoiler literature, it first opera-tionalizes the spoiling behavior, distinguishing violent acts from non-violent ones. In the second place, their impact on the process is analyzed, identifying the relationship between them and fragility. In the third place, the mandates of the four Special Envoys assigned by UN to date (January 2020) are evaluated from this perspective. The results of this research show that the violent spoiling behavior in the Syrian mediation process explains the drastic reactions both by the mediating activity itself (suspension of the observation mission, withdrawal of the mediator or postponement of the opening of talks) and by the intervening parties (withdrawal or suspension of conversations), while non-violent behavior tends to attack the process in a more subtle way, threatening its relevance or impartiality. The most evident consequence is a weak mediation process, that may raise doubts on the ability of international mediation in the face of intractable armed conflicts.
{"title":"Comportamiento saboteador en mediación internacional: la fragilidad del proceso sirio","authors":"Jusaima Moaid-azm Peregrina","doi":"10.21308/recp.54.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/recp.54.04","url":null,"abstract":"The Syrian mediation process has repeatedly been characterized by its fragility. This fragility does not only stem from its inability to produce tangible results but it also rests on other dimensions such as its instability, the lack of impartiality of its mediation structure, or its lack of representativeness and capacity for action, all of which have been studied more tangentially. The purpose of this article is to determine the explanatory factors of these other dimensions of the fragility of the process. In order to do so, and based on the spoiler literature, it first opera-tionalizes the spoiling behavior, distinguishing violent acts from non-violent ones. In the second place, their impact on the process is analyzed, identifying the relationship between them and fragility. In the third place, the mandates of the four Special Envoys assigned by UN to date (January 2020) are evaluated from this perspective. The results of this research show that the violent spoiling behavior in the Syrian mediation process explains the drastic reactions both by the mediating activity itself (suspension of the observation mission, withdrawal of the mediator or postponement of the opening of talks) and by the intervening parties (withdrawal or suspension of conversations), while non-violent behavior tends to attack the process in a more subtle way, threatening its relevance or impartiality. The most evident consequence is a weak mediation process, that may raise doubts on the ability of international mediation in the face of intractable armed conflicts.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67685244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cuba is currently engaged in a process of constitutional reform that aims at important economic, political and social changes. The popular consultation, as an act of widespread participation in the country, is embedded into a context of deep transformations of the Cuban media system, which suggests a more critical look at issues of public interest. Taking this into account, this article analyzes the internal and external factors that influence the construction of media agendas on the process of popular consultation of the draft Constitution of the Republic in the provincial press in Santiago de Cuba. And it takes as a reference point studies that have characterized media agendas in Cuba or have studied their behavior in the face of eventual or specific issues. A mixed design of concurrent triangulation was applied, and the Analysis-Synthesis and the Inductive-Deductive analysis were used as general methods. More specifically, a content analysis was applied to the Sierra Maestra newspaper and the CMKC radio station and semi-structured interviews were conducted with the journalists of the above referred media. During the 14 weeks of the measurement, the media agendas prioritized topics such as history, public health, education and institutional activities; what matches previous results on the subject. The presence of nine attributes related to the most discussed articles was determined and the analysis revealed that the news coverage was variable in the case of the newspaper and had greater stability in that of the radio-station.
{"title":"El debate constitucional en los medios de comunicación locales cubanos: factores que influyen en la construcción de la agenda temática","authors":"Viviana Muñiz-Zúñiga, Dasniel Olivera-Pérez, Lioannis Carbonell-Cabrera","doi":"10.21308/recp.53.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/recp.53.02","url":null,"abstract":"Cuba is currently engaged in a process of constitutional reform that aims at important economic, political and social changes. The popular consultation, as an act of widespread participation in the country, is embedded into a context of deep transformations of the Cuban media system, which suggests a more critical look at issues of public interest. Taking this into account, this article analyzes the internal and external factors that influence the construction of media agendas on the process of popular consultation of the draft Constitution of the Republic in the provincial press in Santiago de Cuba. And it takes as a reference point studies that have characterized media agendas in Cuba or have studied their behavior in the face of eventual or specific issues. A mixed design of concurrent triangulation was applied, and the Analysis-Synthesis and the Inductive-Deductive analysis were used as general methods. More specifically, a content analysis was applied to the Sierra Maestra newspaper and the CMKC radio station and semi-structured interviews were conducted with the journalists of the above referred media. During the 14 weeks of the measurement, the media agendas prioritized topics such as history, public health, education and institutional activities; what matches previous results on the subject. The presence of nine attributes related to the most discussed articles was determined and the analysis revealed that the news coverage was variable in the case of the newspaper and had greater stability in that of the radio-station.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2020-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67685101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The strategic studies have emerged at Spanish universities in recent decades, as a subfield of specialised knowledge with contributions from multiple disciplines, particularly from the political science. The aim of this research note is twofold: on the one hand, to examine its research agenda in order to fill a gap in the Spanish scientific literature, mapping its evolution between 1978 and 2018; on the other hand, to contribute to the broad international academic debate about its development. Thus, it presents the events that have aroused the interest of the academic community and analyzes the addressed areas and strategic issues. To this end, a content analysis has been conducted of more than 700 articles published in nineteen scientific journals printed in Spain. First of all, the results show the effective growth of the academic production, especially in the last twenty years. Second of all, it is noticed that the Spanish research agenda has been mainly influenced by the competition between great powers and their impact on the international order, the emergence of international terrorism, as well as the Spanish “military problem” and Spain’s participation in international organisations. The conclusions point to the focus of research on the political level, the state sphere and with an international security perspective, to the detriment of a deeper strategic reflection on the political effects of the use of armed force and defence and military policies.
{"title":"La evolución de los estudios estratégicos en la comunidad académica española: análisis de su agenda de investigación (1978-2018)","authors":"Alberto Bueno","doi":"10.21308/recp.51.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/recp.51.07","url":null,"abstract":"The strategic studies have emerged at Spanish universities in recent decades, as a subfield of specialised knowledge with contributions from multiple disciplines, particularly from the political science. The aim of this research note is twofold: on the one hand, to examine its research agenda in order to fill a gap in the Spanish scientific literature, mapping its evolution between 1978 and 2018; on the other hand, to contribute to the broad international academic debate about its development. Thus, it presents the events that have aroused the interest of the academic community and analyzes the addressed areas and strategic issues. To this end, a content analysis has been conducted of more than 700 articles published in nineteen scientific journals printed in Spain. First of all, the results show the effective growth of the academic production, especially in the last twenty years. Second of all, it is noticed that the Spanish research agenda has been mainly influenced by the competition between great powers and their impact on the international order, the emergence of international terrorism, as well as the Spanish “military problem” and Spain’s participation in international organisations. The conclusions point to the focus of research on the political level, the state sphere and with an international security perspective, to the detriment of a deeper strategic reflection on the political effects of the use of armed force and defence and military policies.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67685428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
At the beginning of the 90s, South Africa initiated its political transition with the transformation of the electoral system being one of the key items on the negotiation agenda. Transition in these regimes is less a struggle over the right of political actors to hold diverse political beliefs than over the extension of the franchise to previously excluded sections of the population. Following the literature on party motivations, I analyze the various motivations of the political actors engaged in the process of institutional design for electoral change. In this case study, I identify explanations based on office-seeking and policy-seeking preferences in the strategies of the political parties that participated in the negotiation of the institutional change during the democratic transition. As a result, South Africa reformed the electoral law used under the authoritarian regime and moved from a low inclusive majoritarian electoral system to a high inclusive proportional electoral system in the new democratic regime.
{"title":"Parties' motivations for electoral reform under the democratic transition in South Africa","authors":"Ainara Mancebo","doi":"10.21308/RECP.50.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.50.02","url":null,"abstract":"At the beginning of the 90s, South Africa initiated its political transition with the transformation of the electoral system being one of the key items on the negotiation agenda. Transition in these regimes is less a struggle over the right of political actors to hold diverse political beliefs than over the extension of the franchise to previously excluded sections of the population. Following the literature on party motivations, I analyze the various motivations of the political actors engaged in the process of institutional design for electoral change. In this case study, I identify explanations based on office-seeking and policy-seeking preferences in the strategies of the political parties that participated in the negotiation of the institutional change during the democratic transition. As a result, South Africa reformed the electoral law used under the authoritarian regime and moved from a low inclusive majoritarian electoral system to a high inclusive proportional electoral system in the new democratic regime.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67685022","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
University campus is not a violence free space; therefore, how do universities deal with this problem? This research note presents the results of a critical analysis of prevention and action protocols against sexual violence in Catalan public universities. Particular attention is given to the potentialities and shortcomings of such measures. The first section introduces the research that serves as a framework of this study. namely the European project “Universities Supporting Victims of Sexual Violence: Training for Sustainable Services (USVReact)”, as well as the methodology used. Next, we focus our attention on the legislation in which university policies on sexual and gender violence are grounded. Finally, we present the results of our analysis of the protocols. This work shows that sexual violence in Catalan universities remains a quite unknown and underestimated issue that has not yet received the required response.
{"title":"Políticas sobre violencias y abusos sexuales en las universidades catalanas","authors":"Sara Cagliero, Bárbara Biglia","doi":"10.21308/RECP.50.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.50.06","url":null,"abstract":"University campus is not a violence free space; therefore, how do universities deal with this problem? This research note presents the results of a critical analysis of prevention and action protocols against sexual violence in Catalan public universities. Particular attention is given to the potentialities and shortcomings of such measures. The first section introduces the research that serves as a framework of this study. namely the European project “Universities Supporting Victims of Sexual Violence: Training for Sustainable Services (USVReact)”, as well as the methodology used. Next, we focus our attention on the legislation in which university policies on sexual and gender violence are grounded. Finally, we present the results of our analysis of the protocols. This work shows that sexual violence in Catalan universities remains a quite unknown and underestimated issue that has not yet received the required response.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67685369","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite the increasing number of countries that have implemented deliberative processes during constitutional changes, the discussion remains open about the criteria for these processes to be deemed fair and democratic. Thus, this article first proposes some conditions related to the features of the mechanism of deliberative participation and the method of processing the resulting contents. Next an empirical analysis is carried out, focused on deliberative processes of constitutional change that were regulated and/or promoted by governments or public institutions; were opened to citizenship, excluding the ones oriented only to experts or political parties; and promoted the generation of contents compared to the merely informative or educative ones. Between 1970 and 2018, 29 processes were identified in 27 countries. The analysis identified five models of deliberative processes: symbolic, controlled, participatory overflow, constituent opening and constituent participation. The conclusions invite to go beyond the sui generis commitment to implement participatory mechanisms and replace it with the definition of minimal criteria the deliberative processes should fulfil to be considered democratic.
{"title":"Más allá de modas y cortinas de humo: la deliberación ciudadana en cambios constitucionales","authors":"Yanina Welp, F. Soto","doi":"10.21308/RECP.50.01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.50.01","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the increasing number of countries that have implemented deliberative processes during constitutional changes, the discussion remains open about the criteria for these processes to be deemed fair and democratic. Thus, this article first proposes some conditions related to the features of the mechanism of deliberative participation and the method of processing the resulting contents. Next an empirical analysis is carried out, focused on deliberative processes of constitutional change that were regulated and/or promoted by governments or public institutions; were opened to citizenship, excluding the ones oriented only to experts or political parties; and promoted the generation of contents compared to the merely informative or educative ones. Between 1970 and 2018, 29 processes were identified in 27 countries. The analysis identified five models of deliberative processes: symbolic, controlled, participatory overflow, constituent opening and constituent participation. The conclusions invite to go beyond the sui generis commitment to implement participatory mechanisms and replace it with the definition of minimal criteria the deliberative processes should fulfil to be considered democratic.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67685415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Una de las reflexiones que mejor caracteriza el Acuerdo de Paz suscrito entre el Gobierno de Colombia y la guerrilla de las FARC en noviembre de 2016 es posiblemente que la paz debe tener un enfoque territorial para que resulte estable y duradera. Sin embargo, ?que se entiende por paz territorial? Este trabajo muestra, a partir del analisis del discurso de algunos de los protagonistas directos del Acuerdo, que existen diferentes maneras de entender el alcance y sentido de la paz territorial en Colombia, en funcion del actor que lo interpreta. Asi, la paz territorial abarcaria desde un enfoque que se aproxima a una democracia mas radical y comprensiva, hasta un planteamiento para el que el Acuerdo supone una entrega gratuita de poder a las FARC, pasando por la necesidad de superar las causas objetivas de la violencia y de promover el fortalecimiento institucional.
{"title":"Las élites políticas y la paz territorial en Colombia: un análisis de discurso en torno al Acuerdo de Paz","authors":"Heriberto Cairo, J. Ríos","doi":"10.21308/RECP.50.04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.50.04","url":null,"abstract":"Una de las reflexiones que mejor caracteriza el Acuerdo de Paz suscrito entre el Gobierno de Colombia y la guerrilla de las FARC en noviembre de 2016 es posiblemente que la paz debe tener un enfoque territorial para que resulte estable y duradera. Sin embargo, ?que se entiende por paz territorial? Este trabajo muestra, a partir del analisis del discurso de algunos de los protagonistas directos del Acuerdo, que existen diferentes maneras de entender el alcance y sentido de la paz territorial en Colombia, en funcion del actor que lo interpreta. Asi, la paz territorial abarcaria desde un enfoque que se aproxima a una democracia mas radical y comprensiva, hasta un planteamiento para el que el Acuerdo supone una entrega gratuita de poder a las FARC, pasando por la necesidad de superar las causas objetivas de la violencia y de promover el fortalecimiento institucional.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67685208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
La busqueda de la idea de verdad en politica ha estado condicionada tanto en la teoria como en la practica por el viejo dilema entre el uso de la razon o los sentimientos como su fuente principal. La consecuencia de esta estrategia binaria ha sido una enganosa vision de lo que constituye el nucleo central de toda accion politica, que esta centrada sobre todo en el mundo de las motivaciones y los deseos que los ciudadanos tienen a la hora de llevar a cabo tales acciones. El objetivo de este articulo consiste en analizar dos ejemplos: por un lado, la accion protagonizada por Donald Rumsfeld para justificar la decision de Estados Unidos de ir a la guerra en Iraq en 2004; por otro lado, la reflexion ofrecida por Kant sobre la justificacion o no de una posible mentira piadosa para impedir la muerte de alguien. Estos dos ejemplos muestran que la relacion entre la razon y los sentimientos es problematica, como sucede en la mayoria de acciones politicas. Se analiza hasta que punto dicha confrontacion no puede eliminarse completamente, y que la mejor solucion suele ser el reconocimiento de que toda accion politica es erratica; esto es, esta guiada para experimentar en la busqueda de soluciones sin saber cual puede ser el resultado final verdadero de dicha accion. Se analiza un ejemplo especial de accion erratica, como es el fenomeno del autoengano en politica, para observar cuales son las ventajas y tambien los inconvenientes de la dimension conativa de las acciones politicas.
{"title":"Donald Rumsfeld, Kant y el arte de decir la verdad. El papel de la acción política errática frente al engañoso debate entre la razón y los sentimientos","authors":"Carmelo Moreno","doi":"10.21308/RECP.50.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.50.03","url":null,"abstract":"La busqueda de la idea de verdad en politica ha estado condicionada tanto en la teoria como en la practica por el viejo dilema entre el uso de la razon o los sentimientos como su fuente principal. La consecuencia de esta estrategia binaria ha sido una enganosa vision de lo que constituye el nucleo central de toda accion politica, que esta centrada sobre todo en el mundo de las motivaciones y los deseos que los ciudadanos tienen a la hora de llevar a cabo tales acciones. El objetivo de este articulo consiste en analizar dos ejemplos: por un lado, la accion protagonizada por Donald Rumsfeld para justificar la decision de Estados Unidos de ir a la guerra en Iraq en 2004; por otro lado, la reflexion ofrecida por Kant sobre la justificacion o no de una posible mentira piadosa para impedir la muerte de alguien. Estos dos ejemplos muestran que la relacion entre la razon y los sentimientos es problematica, como sucede en la mayoria de acciones politicas. Se analiza hasta que punto dicha confrontacion no puede eliminarse completamente, y que la mejor solucion suele ser el reconocimiento de que toda accion politica es erratica; esto es, esta guiada para experimentar en la busqueda de soluciones sin saber cual puede ser el resultado final verdadero de dicha accion. Se analiza un ejemplo especial de accion erratica, como es el fenomeno del autoengano en politica, para observar cuales son las ventajas y tambien los inconvenientes de la dimension conativa de las acciones politicas.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67685098","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The neofunctionalist theory considers that cooperation among states in certain areas of common interest will make it possible an advance towards regional integration and the peaceful resolution of conflicts, due to the perception of the advantages derived from such integration. In reality, this neofunctionalist inspiration has been present in the European Union (EU) policies towards the Mediterranean Sea. The thesis moved forward in this article is that, in contrast to neofunctionalist expectations, the discovery of important hydrocarbon deposits that straddle the maritime boundary between Israel and Lebanon has contributed to foster more instability in an area where existing rivalries are especially sensitive to any shift in the balance of power. Moreover, the traditional US hegemonic role is clearly weakened and it cannot provide an effective mediation. As for the EU mechanisms for regional cooperation, they are not the appropriate tool to overcome this conflict due to the fact that they do not meet the existing security concerns, as the realist theory predicts.
{"title":"La disputa marítima israelo-libanesa y el neofuncionalismo","authors":"Javier Lion-Bustillo","doi":"10.21308/RECP.50.05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21308/RECP.50.05","url":null,"abstract":"The neofunctionalist theory considers that cooperation among states in certain areas of common interest will make it possible an advance towards regional integration and the peaceful resolution of conflicts, due to the perception of the advantages derived from such integration. In reality, this neofunctionalist inspiration has been present in the European Union (EU) policies towards the Mediterranean Sea. The thesis moved forward in this article is that, in contrast to neofunctionalist expectations, the discovery of important hydrocarbon deposits that straddle the maritime boundary between Israel and Lebanon has contributed to foster more instability in an area where existing rivalries are especially sensitive to any shift in the balance of power. Moreover, the traditional US hegemonic role is clearly weakened and it cannot provide an effective mediation. As for the EU mechanisms for regional cooperation, they are not the appropriate tool to overcome this conflict due to the fact that they do not meet the existing security concerns, as the realist theory predicts.","PeriodicalId":43142,"journal":{"name":"Revista Espanola de Ciencia Politica-RECP","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2019-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67685266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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