Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2098510
Tim Beal
ABSTRACT The war in Ukraine manifests a major crisis both for US imperialism in its struggle to maintain and expand its hegemony against challenge, here primarily but not exclusively, Russia and for international capitalism itself. How this crisis will play out is unknown but at this stage three characteristics are evident. Firstly, the use of proxies; Ukraine for the military struggle and Europe to a large extent for the economic one. Secondly, the primacy of economic instruments, such as sanctions rather than direct military power. Thirdly, undergirding and legitimizing the other two, the expanded role of information warfare. Information warfare sits on two pillars. One is cultural hegemony, the soft power to mold perception because of the esteem in which the provider of information is held by the recipient. The other is the organizational framework, or architecture of information collection, creation and dissemination to manage perception.
{"title":"Imperialism’s Handmaidens: Cultural Hegemony and Information Warfare","authors":"Tim Beal","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2098510","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2098510","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The war in Ukraine manifests a major crisis both for US imperialism in its struggle to maintain and expand its hegemony against challenge, here primarily but not exclusively, Russia and for international capitalism itself. How this crisis will play out is unknown but at this stage three characteristics are evident. Firstly, the use of proxies; Ukraine for the military struggle and Europe to a large extent for the economic one. Secondly, the primacy of economic instruments, such as sanctions rather than direct military power. Thirdly, undergirding and legitimizing the other two, the expanded role of information warfare. Information warfare sits on two pillars. One is cultural hegemony, the soft power to mold perception because of the esteem in which the provider of information is held by the recipient. The other is the organizational framework, or architecture of information collection, creation and dissemination to manage perception.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"38 1","pages":"399 - 425"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83098306","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2093772
Intan Suwandi, J. Foster
ABSTRACT Why has the COVID-19 pandemic manifested itself differently in different parts of the capitalist world-economy? The analysis here examines the way in which the system of “imperial value,” as articulated by Samir Amin and others, has governed the relations of individual nation states to the onset of SARS-CoV-2. The result is enormous disparities between the Global North and the Global South, as well as between countries that are relatively more capitalist and those that are relatively more socialist, along the socioeconomic spectrum. The impact of COVID-19 is thus mediated by a country’s position within the global value chain dominated by monopolistic multinational corporations. In this way, the structure of the contemporary world system has only served to worsen the global effects of the pandemic, in line with the general character of today’s catastrophe capitalism.
{"title":"COVID-19 and Imperial Value: Commodity Chains, Global Monopolies, and Catastrophe Capitalism","authors":"Intan Suwandi, J. Foster","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2093772","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2093772","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Why has the COVID-19 pandemic manifested itself differently in different parts of the capitalist world-economy? The analysis here examines the way in which the system of “imperial value,” as articulated by Samir Amin and others, has governed the relations of individual nation states to the onset of SARS-CoV-2. The result is enormous disparities between the Global North and the Global South, as well as between countries that are relatively more capitalist and those that are relatively more socialist, along the socioeconomic spectrum. The impact of COVID-19 is thus mediated by a country’s position within the global value chain dominated by monopolistic multinational corporations. In this way, the structure of the contemporary world system has only served to worsen the global effects of the pandemic, in line with the general character of today’s catastrophe capitalism.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"47 1","pages":"426 - 447"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80362740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2120662
Changming Liu
ABSTRACT In an important sense, the history of the United States is a bloody record of war. Founded less than two and a half centuries ago, the US has fought more than two hundred wars. War has brought the US enormous political, economic, territorial and ideological benefits, which is the reason why the country has waged wars so frequently. Today the US, at the center of a new type of empire of financial colonialism, continues to ignite wars in many parts of the world in order to maintain the dividends from its hegemony. It has thus come to pose a danger to the world. The interest group that lies behind these wars has become the world’s largest and most evil terrorist organization. Killing in the name of liberty is the consistent, criminal logic of the US, which commits frequent outrages against humanity and human rights. The rivalry between the US and other countries and peoples has never been a clash of civilizations, but instead, a battle between barbarism and civilization. When we confront the United States, that has devoted itself to building a system of Prompt Global Strike (PGS), we must, as Mao once said, cast away illusions and prepare for struggle.
{"title":"US War Culture and the Destiny of the Empire","authors":"Changming Liu","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2120662","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2120662","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In an important sense, the history of the United States is a bloody record of war. Founded less than two and a half centuries ago, the US has fought more than two hundred wars. War has brought the US enormous political, economic, territorial and ideological benefits, which is the reason why the country has waged wars so frequently. Today the US, at the center of a new type of empire of financial colonialism, continues to ignite wars in many parts of the world in order to maintain the dividends from its hegemony. It has thus come to pose a danger to the world. The interest group that lies behind these wars has become the world’s largest and most evil terrorist organization. Killing in the name of liberty is the consistent, criminal logic of the US, which commits frequent outrages against humanity and human rights. The rivalry between the US and other countries and peoples has never been a clash of civilizations, but instead, a battle between barbarism and civilization. When we confront the United States, that has devoted itself to building a system of Prompt Global Strike (PGS), we must, as Mao once said, cast away illusions and prepare for struggle.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"53 1","pages":"370 - 398"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73619793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2093479
Minh Le Nguyen
ABSTRACT Between the early 1970s, when neoliberalism was in full swing and became the dominant rhetoric of the time, and the 2008 global economic crisis, capitalism as a result of its inherent nature entered a fundamental crisis with unavoidable consequences. Many in-depth analyses of the economic crisis from a Marxist viewpoint have revealed that in the area of wealth appropriation, capitalism has now exacerbated inequality to absurd levels. This is not to mention other challenging issues such as the parasitic nature of increasingly digitized finance capital, uncontrolled inflation leading to rampant financial deficits, the worsening ecological crisis with mounting environmental costs that erode profits, escalating political manipulation by monopoly capitalists, and the mounting by developed countries of inappropriate military interventions in the developing world, to name just a few. Today, the fundamental characteristics and specific manifestations of contemporary capitalism are exerting significant impacts on the process of building socialism worldwide. Faced with today’s capitalism, China and Vietnam while exercising due caution must put forward and consistently highlight the need to examine the direction the system is taking. Thorough research on this subject is critical for a correct scientific understanding.
{"title":"Avoiding the Delusions of Today’s Capitalism with a Thorough Understanding of Marxism as the Key","authors":"Minh Le Nguyen","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2093479","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2093479","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Between the early 1970s, when neoliberalism was in full swing and became the dominant rhetoric of the time, and the 2008 global economic crisis, capitalism as a result of its inherent nature entered a fundamental crisis with unavoidable consequences. Many in-depth analyses of the economic crisis from a Marxist viewpoint have revealed that in the area of wealth appropriation, capitalism has now exacerbated inequality to absurd levels. This is not to mention other challenging issues such as the parasitic nature of increasingly digitized finance capital, uncontrolled inflation leading to rampant financial deficits, the worsening ecological crisis with mounting environmental costs that erode profits, escalating political manipulation by monopoly capitalists, and the mounting by developed countries of inappropriate military interventions in the developing world, to name just a few. Today, the fundamental characteristics and specific manifestations of contemporary capitalism are exerting significant impacts on the process of building socialism worldwide. Faced with today’s capitalism, China and Vietnam while exercising due caution must put forward and consistently highlight the need to examine the direction the system is taking. Thorough research on this subject is critical for a correct scientific understanding.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"27 1","pages":"470 - 482"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83544818","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-22DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2070858
J. Mittelman
ABSTRACT The rise of algorithmic capitalism is marked by the extraction of data enabled by the combination of algorithms and artificial intelligence (AI). This coupling constitutes a powerful force, altering the rules, regulations, and discourses that comprise global governance. In our fraught times, numerical representations—algorithms and AI—can serve as proxies for the power of capitalism. Efforts to check this structure may be bracketed under four rubrics: initiatives to effect greater transparency, regulation, audits by third-party inspectors, and accountability. Notwithstanding modest gains in some of these domains, algorithms are extending their scope and capacities more rapidly than humans have established means for controlling them. This article traces these developments and their implications for achieving an ethical future by projecting scenarios. They lead to the quandary of what the creation of moral machines may mean for world order.
{"title":"The Power of Algorithmic Capitalism","authors":"J. Mittelman","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2070858","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2070858","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The rise of algorithmic capitalism is marked by the extraction of data enabled by the combination of algorithms and artificial intelligence (AI). This coupling constitutes a powerful force, altering the rules, regulations, and discourses that comprise global governance. In our fraught times, numerical representations—algorithms and AI—can serve as proxies for the power of capitalism. Efforts to check this structure may be bracketed under four rubrics: initiatives to effect greater transparency, regulation, audits by third-party inspectors, and accountability. Notwithstanding modest gains in some of these domains, algorithms are extending their scope and capacities more rapidly than humans have established means for controlling them. This article traces these developments and their implications for achieving an ethical future by projecting scenarios. They lead to the quandary of what the creation of moral machines may mean for world order.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"20 1","pages":"448 - 469"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80771590","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-08DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2051582
R. Desai
ABSTRACT Few realise that amid rising international tensions, inter alia over Ukraine, Taiwan of China, Iran and AUKUS (Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States), nuclear arms control is today almost entirely dismantled and a manifestly declining and desperate US has launched a new nuclear arms, now also targeting China, making war and even nuclear war seem increasingly possible. The political and geopolitical economy of nuclear proliferation and control here highlights the singular role of the US in driving the arms race, arguing that the US desire to dominate the world economy, not the Cold War, caused the nuclear arms race; that the only surviving arms control treaty, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), has become more a channel for proliferation than a dam against it; and that the US used the NPT to justify its post–Cold War international aggression against some countries while violating it to aid allies.
{"title":"The Long Shadow of Hiroshima: Capitalism and Nuclear Weapons","authors":"R. Desai","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2051582","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2051582","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Few realise that amid rising international tensions, inter alia over Ukraine, Taiwan of China, Iran and AUKUS (Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States), nuclear arms control is today almost entirely dismantled and a manifestly declining and desperate US has launched a new nuclear arms, now also targeting China, making war and even nuclear war seem increasingly possible. The political and geopolitical economy of nuclear proliferation and control here highlights the singular role of the US in driving the arms race, arguing that the US desire to dominate the world economy, not the Cold War, caused the nuclear arms race; that the only surviving arms control treaty, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), has become more a channel for proliferation than a dam against it; and that the US used the NPT to justify its post–Cold War international aggression against some countries while violating it to aid allies.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"72 1","pages":"349 - 369"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79214484","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2053930
Yunhong Gong
ABSTRACT The 70-year history of the People’s Republic of China can be divided into two historical periods, before the reform and opening up and after it, with the line of demarcation coinciding with the third plenary session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CPC in 1978. These two periods are interrelated, but are also different from one another. In essence, they both embody the CPC’s practice in leading the people in socialist construction, and the Party’s exploration of methods for improving that practice. Correctly interpreting the relationship between socialist practice and exploration during the periods before the reform and opening up and after it is not only a historical issue, but also a political one. We therefore need to make a correct evaluation of the historical period before the reform and opening up. We should not use the period following the reform and opening up to negate the period before it, and vice versa.
{"title":"Correctly Interpreting the Relationship between Two Historical Periods before and after the Reform and Opening Up in China","authors":"Yunhong Gong","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2053930","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2053930","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The 70-year history of the People’s Republic of China can be divided into two historical periods, before the reform and opening up and after it, with the line of demarcation coinciding with the third plenary session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CPC in 1978. These two periods are interrelated, but are also different from one another. In essence, they both embody the CPC’s practice in leading the people in socialist construction, and the Party’s exploration of methods for improving that practice. Correctly interpreting the relationship between socialist practice and exploration during the periods before the reform and opening up and after it is not only a historical issue, but also a political one. We therefore need to make a correct evaluation of the historical period before the reform and opening up. We should not use the period following the reform and opening up to negate the period before it, and vice versa.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"6 1","pages":"271 - 286"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82050781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2054000
S. Sayers
ABSTRACT What is the rational kernel of Hegel’s dialectic that Marx famously speaks of? How can it be extracted from the mystical shell in which it is embedded in Hegel’s philosophy? Hegel sets out the general principles of his dialectic in the opening sections of his Logic. Starting from pure abstract “Being,” he claims to derive the concepts of “Becoming” and “Determinate Being” by a purely logical process. These arguments are fallacious. However, there is a rational kernel in them. Following Marx, I show how this can be extracted by inverting Hegel’s argument. To understand things concretely, we must see them as in relation to other things within a larger totality and as changing. I show how these fundamental tenets of dialectic are implied in Hegel’s claims, and I defend them against opposing empiricist ideas.
{"title":"The Rational Kernel of Hegel’s Dialectic","authors":"S. Sayers","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2054000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2054000","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT What is the rational kernel of Hegel’s dialectic that Marx famously speaks of? How can it be extracted from the mystical shell in which it is embedded in Hegel’s philosophy? Hegel sets out the general principles of his dialectic in the opening sections of his Logic. Starting from pure abstract “Being,” he claims to derive the concepts of “Becoming” and “Determinate Being” by a purely logical process. These arguments are fallacious. However, there is a rational kernel in them. Following Marx, I show how this can be extracted by inverting Hegel’s argument. To understand things concretely, we must see them as in relation to other things within a larger totality and as changing. I show how these fundamental tenets of dialectic are implied in Hegel’s claims, and I defend them against opposing empiricist ideas.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"1 1","pages":"327 - 336"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89287973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2070973
Jerry Harris
ABSTRACT Civil society and democratic rights resulted from a revolutionary compromise between the popular masses and rising capitalist class. This class alliance, which overthrew the aristocratic state in France and the colonial state in North America, produced a dialectic between property rights and human rights, constantly in contradiction and tension, but resulting in the political flexibility of capitalism. Such flexibility has been a major element in maintaining capitalist class hegemony when faced by social movements of race, class and gender. The bourgeoisie have always held private ownership of property as the supreme expression of democracy, while the working class has viewed social and political rights as primary. This contradiction can only be resolved by a socialist society, which places working class democracy and participation at the center of its historic project.
{"title":"The Revolutionary Origins of Democracy and Civil Society","authors":"Jerry Harris","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2070973","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2070973","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 Civil society and democratic rights resulted from a revolutionary compromise between the popular masses and rising capitalist class. This class alliance, which overthrew the aristocratic state in France and the colonial state in North America, produced a dialectic between property rights and human rights, constantly in contradiction and tension, but resulting in the political flexibility of capitalism. Such flexibility has been a major element in maintaining capitalist class hegemony when faced by social movements of race, class and gender. The bourgeoisie have always held private ownership of property as the supreme expression of democracy, while the working class has viewed social and political rights as primary. This contradiction can only be resolved by a socialist society, which places working class democracy and participation at the center of its historic project.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"19 1","pages":"179 - 188"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79737131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2074032
Danny Haiphong, C. Martínez
Abstract This article explores the concept of “liberal democracy” and the persistent attempts by Western scholars and politicians to present it as the only legitimate form of government. Observing that the popular narrative around democracy pays no attention to social class, it draws on a Marxist understanding of the state, within which framework liberal democracy is simply “the best possible political shell for capitalism,” as Lenin put it. It provides numerous examples of how Western liberal democracies privilege the interests of the ruling (capitalist) class and perpetuate a system of exploitation and oppression. It compares this with systems of socialist democracy, such as whole-process people’s democracy in China. Finally, it highlights how the universalization of liberal democracy is leveraged to prop up Western ideological hegemony, itself part of an imperialist project aimed at preserving the US-led imperialist system.
{"title":"The Universalization of “Liberal Democracy”","authors":"Danny Haiphong, C. Martínez","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2074032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2074032","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explores the concept of “liberal democracy” and the persistent attempts by Western scholars and politicians to present it as the only legitimate form of government. Observing that the popular narrative around democracy pays no attention to social class, it draws on a Marxist understanding of the state, within which framework liberal democracy is simply “the best possible political shell for capitalism,” as Lenin put it. It provides numerous examples of how Western liberal democracies privilege the interests of the ruling (capitalist) class and perpetuate a system of exploitation and oppression. It compares this with systems of socialist democracy, such as whole-process people’s democracy in China. Finally, it highlights how the universalization of liberal democracy is leveraged to prop up Western ideological hegemony, itself part of an imperialist project aimed at preserving the US-led imperialist system.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"124 1","pages":"213 - 224"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75206900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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