Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2070857
Saladdin Ahmed
ABSTRACT When the marginalized dare to speak of a world in which inequality is not the norm, they are accused of utopianism by those who usually do not take issue with faith-based assumptions that contradict even the most elementary of the laws of physics and biology. This irony has been going on unnoticed thanks to the bourgeoisie’s totalitarian domination of the means of knowledge production. Given this hegemony, it is imperative for any genuine form of critical thought to seek a revolutionary mode of perception and theorization to deliberately and insistently negate the actual for the sake of the realizable. This is precisely the forgotten essence of critical theory. From its origins in Marx’s work, critical theory was an anti-philosophy philosophy, a negative theory aimed at negating the capitalist and racist order and problematizing the unspoken rules of domination. These stateless outsiders who refused to compromise in return for personal and financial security left us a school of thought that adamantly defies the prevalent order in favor of universal emancipation. In defense of this stance, and negativity as a philosophy of resistance, this article aims to expand the potential scope of critical theory by enhancing its fidelity to the marginalized.
{"title":"The Marginalized and Critical Theory: Dialectics of Universalism","authors":"Saladdin Ahmed","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2070857","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2070857","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT When the marginalized dare to speak of a world in which inequality is not the norm, they are accused of utopianism by those who usually do not take issue with faith-based assumptions that contradict even the most elementary of the laws of physics and biology. This irony has been going on unnoticed thanks to the bourgeoisie’s totalitarian domination of the means of knowledge production. Given this hegemony, it is imperative for any genuine form of critical thought to seek a revolutionary mode of perception and theorization to deliberately and insistently negate the actual for the sake of the realizable. This is precisely the forgotten essence of critical theory. From its origins in Marx’s work, critical theory was an anti-philosophy philosophy, a negative theory aimed at negating the capitalist and racist order and problematizing the unspoken rules of domination. These stateless outsiders who refused to compromise in return for personal and financial security left us a school of thought that adamantly defies the prevalent order in favor of universal emancipation. In defense of this stance, and negativity as a philosophy of resistance, this article aims to expand the potential scope of critical theory by enhancing its fidelity to the marginalized.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"22 1","pages":"305 - 326"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80152400","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2073883
Vladimiro Giacché
ABSTRACT This essay takes a stand against the ideological abuse of “democracy” enabled by the substitution of the original meaning of the word with a far more reductive one. After outlining a brief overview of the word’s history starting with ancient Greece, then the struggle for universal suffrage and the democratic constitutions after WWII, sometimes embedded with significant elements of social democracy, it examines the attack on democracy from the post-war period to the present day, which took place through the practical demolition of universal suffrage, various forms of theoretical attack on democracy, the attack on state sovereignty through globalization and an increased use of “state of exception” after 9/11. The conclusions emphasize the worth of democracy as a value, as a dynamic concept that cannot be reduced to a specific form of government.
{"title":"Democracy: A Word to Be Liberated","authors":"Vladimiro Giacché","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2073883","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2073883","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This essay takes a stand against the ideological abuse of “democracy” enabled by the substitution of the original meaning of the word with a far more reductive one. After outlining a brief overview of the word’s history starting with ancient Greece, then the struggle for universal suffrage and the democratic constitutions after WWII, sometimes embedded with significant elements of social democracy, it examines the attack on democracy from the post-war period to the present day, which took place through the practical demolition of universal suffrage, various forms of theoretical attack on democracy, the attack on state sovereignty through globalization and an increased use of “state of exception” after 9/11. The conclusions emphasize the worth of democracy as a value, as a dynamic concept that cannot be reduced to a specific form of government.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"19 1","pages":"199 - 212"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73412785","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2074513
Justin Theodra
ABSTRACT The “right to development” (RTD) is an important third generation human right that interrelates political and economic rights, challenging traditional economistic conceptions of development. However, the abstract and socially neutral human rights framework of the RTD results in problematic ambiguities. The relative weights of individual and collective rights to development, and political and economic aspects of the RTD are unclear. This renders the RTD “operationally meaningless” and vulnerable to co-optation. I argue that capitalism is inimical to the realization of the RTD, owing to its exploitative, alienating, and crisis-ridden character. Development cannot be properly understood as an abstract right but must be conceived as a concrete historical process of socialist transition. Development is neither a purely technical nor a purely ethical process, but a fundamentally social and intersocietal one. The dialectic of forces and relations of production is at the heart of this process, therefore development necessitates going beyond capitalist relations of production. Thus, the framework of socialist transition foregrounds the systemic roots of underdevelopment, and in doing so provides a basis for prioritizing between contradictory development policies. Hence, development should be understood and pursued through historical materialism and socialist praxis rather than a rights-based approach.
{"title":"Capitalism, Socialism and the Human Right to Development","authors":"Justin Theodra","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2074513","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2074513","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The “right to development” (RTD) is an important third generation human right that interrelates political and economic rights, challenging traditional economistic conceptions of development. However, the abstract and socially neutral human rights framework of the RTD results in problematic ambiguities. The relative weights of individual and collective rights to development, and political and economic aspects of the RTD are unclear. This renders the RTD “operationally meaningless” and vulnerable to co-optation. I argue that capitalism is inimical to the realization of the RTD, owing to its exploitative, alienating, and crisis-ridden character. Development cannot be properly understood as an abstract right but must be conceived as a concrete historical process of socialist transition. Development is neither a purely technical nor a purely ethical process, but a fundamentally social and intersocietal one. The dialectic of forces and relations of production is at the heart of this process, therefore development necessitates going beyond capitalist relations of production. Thus, the framework of socialist transition foregrounds the systemic roots of underdevelopment, and in doing so provides a basis for prioritizing between contradictory development policies. Hence, development should be understood and pursued through historical materialism and socialist praxis rather than a rights-based approach.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"272 3","pages":"253 - 270"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72472931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2086759
Xiangyang Xin
ABSTRACT The distinction between true and false democracy lies in the authenticity of the right to vote, but even more, in the universality of the right to participate; in the verbal promises made during the election period, but to an even greater degree, in whether these promises are realized afterwards; in the political procedures and rules, but still more, in the extent of their institutional and legal implementation; in the democratic nature of the rules and procedures for the exercise of power, but to a still greater extent, in the ability of the population to enforce restraints on how this power is imposed. Politics is truly democratic if its procedures are straightforward and realistic at the time of the election, while various political rights continue to be enjoyed afterwards; if people feel empowered during the election period, and that they possess sacred rights that can be effectively realized thereafter; and if voting gives people a feeling of solemn satisfaction at the ballot box, along with confidence that happiness will be delivered to them after they leave the polling station.
{"title":"The Distinction between True and False Democracy","authors":"Xiangyang Xin","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2086759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2086759","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The distinction between true and false democracy lies in the authenticity of the right to vote, but even more, in the universality of the right to participate; in the verbal promises made during the election period, but to an even greater degree, in whether these promises are realized afterwards; in the political procedures and rules, but still more, in the extent of their institutional and legal implementation; in the democratic nature of the rules and procedures for the exercise of power, but to a still greater extent, in the ability of the population to enforce restraints on how this power is imposed. Politics is truly democratic if its procedures are straightforward and realistic at the time of the election, while various political rights continue to be enjoyed afterwards; if people feel empowered during the election period, and that they possess sacred rights that can be effectively realized thereafter; and if voting gives people a feeling of solemn satisfaction at the ballot box, along with confidence that happiness will be delivered to them after they leave the polling station.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"24 1","pages":"189 - 198"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87175686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2054001
C. Saratchand
ABSTRACT The recent economic experience of countries such as China, Vietnam, Laos, etc., has invoked some interest in the economic system in these countries. This economic system which is often characterised as the socialist market economy is first conceptually distinguished from a centrally planned socialist economy as well as from a market socialist economy. Then a simple macroeconomic framework of a stylised socialist market economy is set out and its principal properties are highlighted. The paper concludes with a brief examination of the political economy of the socialist market economy.
{"title":"A Theoretical Consideration of the Socialist Market Economy","authors":"C. Saratchand","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2054001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2054001","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The recent economic experience of countries such as China, Vietnam, Laos, etc., has invoked some interest in the economic system in these countries. This economic system which is often characterised as the socialist market economy is first conceptually distinguished from a centrally planned socialist economy as well as from a market socialist economy. Then a simple macroeconomic framework of a stylised socialist market economy is set out and its principal properties are highlighted. The paper concludes with a brief examination of the political economy of the socialist market economy.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"15 1","pages":"287 - 304"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75873118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2074512
R. Boer
ABSTRACT Based on the principle that universals are valid if they are concrete universals, this article provides a comparison between Western liberal and Chinese Marxist approaches to human rights. It does so in three steps. First is the analysis of the foundations, or roots, of the Western liberal emphasis on an individual’s mastery over a “right” understood in terms of private property, and the Marxist tradition’s emphasis on anti-hegemonic sovereignty in light of anti-colonial struggles for national liberation. Second is the contrast between the development of the Western approach to the core human rights in terms of freedom of expression, movement, and assembly, and the Marxist emphasis on the right to socioeconomic well-being, or common prosperity. Third is the comparison between the fruits of either tradition, one in terms of identity politics, and the other in the emphasis on civil, political, cultural, and environmental rights. The article concludes by asking whether the two approaches are able to come to an understanding of each other, and proposes that such an understanding may need to take place in light of the concept and reality of concrete universals.
{"title":"The Concrete Conditions of Human Rights: Western and Chinese Approaches","authors":"R. Boer","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2074512","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2074512","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Based on the principle that universals are valid if they are concrete universals, this article provides a comparison between Western liberal and Chinese Marxist approaches to human rights. It does so in three steps. First is the analysis of the foundations, or roots, of the Western liberal emphasis on an individual’s mastery over a “right” understood in terms of private property, and the Marxist tradition’s emphasis on anti-hegemonic sovereignty in light of anti-colonial struggles for national liberation. Second is the contrast between the development of the Western approach to the core human rights in terms of freedom of expression, movement, and assembly, and the Marxist emphasis on the right to socioeconomic well-being, or common prosperity. Third is the comparison between the fruits of either tradition, one in terms of identity politics, and the other in the emphasis on civil, political, cultural, and environmental rights. The article concludes by asking whether the two approaches are able to come to an understanding of each other, and proposes that such an understanding may need to take place in light of the concept and reality of concrete universals.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"15 1","pages":"237 - 252"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86939752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2074192
Chris Reigadas
ABSTRACT Chinese democracy is discussed here from the perspective of intercultural dialog and the need for a global conversation and cultural understandings to build a new democratic global political order. Democracy in China is a controversial issue. But democracy is today problematic and full of paradoxes and contradictions everywhere. We indeed face a paradoxical situation: Western liberal democracy can no longer be considered the unique and universal model of democracy, yet we cannot surrender to a relativistic perspective on democracy. In this article, I first deal with some presuppositions and questions that constitute the “common sense” about Chinese politics: Is Chinese political culture compatible with democracy? Does democracy exist in China? Is talking about democracy in China a Western imposition? Even more: Is democracy necessary? All these questions are intertwined and drive us to ask which democracy we are talking about. Second, we focus on some of the main debates on Chinese democracy: transition to democracy, gradualism, the New Left, deliberative theories and present visions of democracy linked to the new era, the Chinese Dream and the Chinese concept of “Tianxia” (all under heaven) for a new model of international relations.
{"title":"Multiple Ways to Democracy in Contemporary China","authors":"Chris Reigadas","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2074192","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2074192","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Chinese democracy is discussed here from the perspective of intercultural dialog and the need for a global conversation and cultural understandings to build a new democratic global political order. Democracy in China is a controversial issue. But democracy is today problematic and full of paradoxes and contradictions everywhere. We indeed face a paradoxical situation: Western liberal democracy can no longer be considered the unique and universal model of democracy, yet we cannot surrender to a relativistic perspective on democracy. In this article, I first deal with some presuppositions and questions that constitute the “common sense” about Chinese politics: Is Chinese political culture compatible with democracy? Does democracy exist in China? Is talking about democracy in China a Western imposition? Even more: Is democracy necessary? All these questions are intertwined and drive us to ask which democracy we are talking about. Second, we focus on some of the main debates on Chinese democracy: transition to democracy, gradualism, the New Left, deliberative theories and present visions of democracy linked to the new era, the Chinese Dream and the Chinese concept of “Tianxia” (all under heaven) for a new model of international relations.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"57 1","pages":"225 - 236"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84797486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2065719
R. Desai
ABSTRACT Western discourse towards China had been hardening since it became clear to US leaders that their assumption that increasing trade and engagement with China would lead it to become a pale imitation of Western neoliberal financialised capitalisms was coming unravelled and China continued to adhere to its socialist commitments. In waging the US’s New Cold War on China with equal if not greater vigour than Trump, Biden merely replaced Trump’s “America First” stance with the traditionally hypocritical stance of imperialism that always pretends to do good for the world it seeks to dominate, oppress, exploit and otherwise destroy. The latest version of this discourse is about promoting human rights and democracy. At a time when US and Western democracies are being assailed by a toxic combination of inequality, poverty, distrust, social division and political disaffection and polarisation, at a time when US imperialism’s distinctly anti-democratic edge is becoming ever more evident, this stance is only facing mounting contradictions. The present article explores them.
{"title":"The Imperialism of Democracy and Human Rights vs the Democracy and Human Rights of Imperialism","authors":"R. Desai","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2065719","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2065719","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Western discourse towards China had been hardening since it became clear to US leaders that their assumption that increasing trade and engagement with China would lead it to become a pale imitation of Western neoliberal financialised capitalisms was coming unravelled and China continued to adhere to its socialist commitments. In waging the US’s New Cold War on China with equal if not greater vigour than Trump, Biden merely replaced Trump’s “America First” stance with the traditionally hypocritical stance of imperialism that always pretends to do good for the world it seeks to dominate, oppress, exploit and otherwise destroy. The latest version of this discourse is about promoting human rights and democracy. At a time when US and Western democracies are being assailed by a toxic combination of inequality, poverty, distrust, social division and political disaffection and polarisation, at a time when US imperialism’s distinctly anti-democratic edge is becoming ever more evident, this stance is only facing mounting contradictions. The present article explores them.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"33 1","pages":"169 - 178"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82345108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2035792
Filippo Menozzi
ABSTRACT This paper offers a rethinking of the concept of teleology in Marxist theory. In particular, I propose some reflections on György Lukács’s teleology of labour, addressed in The Young Hegel and subsequently reworked in The Ontology of Social Being. Lukács challenged an idealist notion of teleology understood as realisation of a transcendental principle posited a priori. He redefined the concept by showing how Hegel and Marx reintroduced the question of purpose as an essential quality of human labour. Against idealist conceptions, Lukács reimagined teleology as a secular purpose inherent to human praxis and the key to thinking agency within a materialist concept of history. Accordingly, a Marxist concept of teleology should highlight what Ernst Bloch described as the “anticipatory” character of consciousness, whereby teleology means the positing of an end that does not yet exist in reality and that exceeds the temporal horizon of the present. However, in his critique of Hegel, Lukács illustrates the ambivalent and contradictory dimension of teleology, a perspective that constantly relapses into temporal closure and determinism. While proposing a radical reading of Hegel, Lukács oscillates between the two extremes of a dialectical notion of teleology that he nonetheless helped to formulate.
{"title":"Reading Hegel after Marx: Lukács and the Question of Teleology","authors":"Filippo Menozzi","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2035792","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2035792","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper offers a rethinking of the concept of teleology in Marxist theory. In particular, I propose some reflections on György Lukács’s teleology of labour, addressed in The Young Hegel and subsequently reworked in The Ontology of Social Being. Lukács challenged an idealist notion of teleology understood as realisation of a transcendental principle posited a priori. He redefined the concept by showing how Hegel and Marx reintroduced the question of purpose as an essential quality of human labour. Against idealist conceptions, Lukács reimagined teleology as a secular purpose inherent to human praxis and the key to thinking agency within a materialist concept of history. Accordingly, a Marxist concept of teleology should highlight what Ernst Bloch described as the “anticipatory” character of consciousness, whereby teleology means the positing of an end that does not yet exist in reality and that exceeds the temporal horizon of the present. However, in his critique of Hegel, Lukács illustrates the ambivalent and contradictory dimension of teleology, a perspective that constantly relapses into temporal closure and determinism. While proposing a radical reading of Hegel, Lukács oscillates between the two extremes of a dialectical notion of teleology that he nonetheless helped to formulate.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"54 1","pages":"98 - 115"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86181470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2021.2024765
J. Carolino, Francesco Biagi
ABSTRACT As cities experience the effects of increasing inequalities, so social movements, scholars and even mainstream institutions are once again placing Lefebvre's notion of the “right to the city” on the agenda. This new popularity often strips the concept of its political meaning, namely by approaching Lefebvre's notion as juridical and as an aspect of a more general way of proceeding by planning, that has effects in terms of what is recognised as part of the political sphere, and of claiming the city. We aim to contribute to the debate through the discussion of a case study interested in a yearly festive event in central Lisbon. Drawing on Henri Lefebvre's lexicon for an interpretation of popular involvement with public urban life, the article starts with an account of Lisbon's Fordist socio-spatial segregation, and the neoliberal deepening of gentrification and profit-making urban regeneration. It then focuses on the Cape Verdean performative event Kola San Jon in the context of Lisbon's Festas da Cidade, and the active involvement of inhabitants of Cova da Moura, a marginalised neighbourhood which has, over the years, drawn on cultural and civic activities for reclaiming a voice in the public space.
随着城市日益加剧的不平等现象的影响，社会运动、学者甚至主流机构都再次将列斐伏尔的“城市权”概念提上日程。这种新的流行往往剥离了其政治意义的概念，即通过将列斐伏尔的概念接近为司法概念，并将其作为一种更一般的方式进行规划，这在被认为是政治领域的一部分方面产生了影响，并声称拥有城市。我们的目标是通过讨论一个对里斯本市中心一年一度的节日活动感兴趣的案例研究来促进辩论。利用亨利·列斐伏尔的词汇来解释大众对公共城市生活的参与，文章首先描述了里斯本的福特主义社会空间隔离，以及新自由主义对士绅化和盈利城市再生的深化。然后重点关注佛得角在里斯本节日背景下的表演活动Kola San Jon，以及Cova da Moura居民的积极参与，Cova da Moura是一个边缘化的社区，多年来，该社区通过文化和公民活动在公共空间中重新获得声音。
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