Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2121743
A. Buzgalin
ABSTRACT Thirty years ago, Francis Fukuyama in his article “The End of History?” formulated a thesis about the final victory of the neoliberal model of capitalism. But history does not stop. Two hundred years after the birth of Marx, The Economist wrote that the millennial generation chooses socialism, and the experts who prepared the report to the US president described socialism as the main threat. The author shows that the cause of these fears is the crisis of the existing system of economic relations and institutions of late capitalism. He systematises the evidence of this crisis and shows, that dominant political and economic elite is looking for a way out of the impasse on the paths of “neoliberal conservatism” that integrates further de-socialisation and deregulation in the economy with conservative-authoritarian trends in politics and ideology. At the end of the contribution, the author reveals a number of ways of socialisation, humanisation and ecologisation of capitalism, objectively conditioned by the progress of technologies and practices of civil society actors, which differ from the existing social democratic projects that have proved to be of little effectiveness.
{"title":"The End of the “End of History”: A New Wave of Conflict in the World between a Liberalism That Is Becoming Conservative and a Socialism That Is Seeking Renewal","authors":"A. Buzgalin","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2121743","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2121743","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 Thirty years ago, Francis Fukuyama in his article “The End of History?” formulated a thesis about the final victory of the neoliberal model of capitalism. But history does not stop. Two hundred years after the birth of Marx, The Economist wrote that the millennial generation chooses socialism, and the experts who prepared the report to the US president described socialism as the main threat. The author shows that the cause of these fears is the crisis of the existing system of economic relations and institutions of late capitalism. He systematises the evidence of this crisis and shows, that dominant political and economic elite is looking for a way out of the impasse on the paths of “neoliberal conservatism” that integrates further de-socialisation and deregulation in the economy with conservative-authoritarian trends in politics and ideology. At the end of the contribution, the author reveals a number of ways of socialisation, humanisation and ecologisation of capitalism, objectively conditioned by the progress of technologies and practices of civil society actors, which differ from the existing social democratic projects that have proved to be of little effectiveness.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"313 1","pages":"556 - 574"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74539462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2135563
C. Barbour
ABSTRACT The recent past has witnessed a significant amount of new interest in the intellectual history of the Vormärz, or the period in German history immediately prior to the 1848 Revolutions, and especially in the theories of republicanism developed among those who are variously known as the Young, Left, or New Hegelians. At the same time, scholars have reopened the question of Marx’s relationship with republicanism and the republican conception of freedom. But one figure who has been conspicuously overlooked in this context was arguably the most radical and revolutionary republican of the period: Edgar Bauer. This paper fills a gap in the extant literature by providing a survey of Edgar Bauer’s work during the crucial years of 1841–1843. It shows that his position differed in important ways from that of his brother Bruno and explains the political stakes of his equally vehement attacks on the Christian state, on the one side, and its liberal opposition, on the other. It proposes that his position developed rapidly over the course of the three years in question, until he was finally arrested, put on trial, and imprisoned for insulting religious society, mocking the law, arousing dissatisfaction with the state, and offending the majesty of the king.
{"title":"“The True Practice is Theory”: Edgar Bauer, Republicanism, and the Young Hegelians","authors":"C. Barbour","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2135563","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2135563","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The recent past has witnessed a significant amount of new interest in the intellectual history of the Vormärz, or the period in German history immediately prior to the 1848 Revolutions, and especially in the theories of republicanism developed among those who are variously known as the Young, Left, or New Hegelians. At the same time, scholars have reopened the question of Marx’s relationship with republicanism and the republican conception of freedom. But one figure who has been conspicuously overlooked in this context was arguably the most radical and revolutionary republican of the period: Edgar Bauer. This paper fills a gap in the extant literature by providing a survey of Edgar Bauer’s work during the crucial years of 1841–1843. It shows that his position differed in important ways from that of his brother Bruno and explains the political stakes of his equally vehement attacks on the Christian state, on the one side, and its liberal opposition, on the other. It proposes that his position developed rapidly over the course of the three years in question, until he was finally arrested, put on trial, and imprisoned for insulting religious society, mocking the law, arousing dissatisfaction with the state, and offending the majesty of the king.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"17 1","pages":"640 - 660"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74814372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2135124
Antonis Balasopoulos, R. Boer
ABSTRACT This dialogue begins with the question of “concrete Marxism,” which is at the foundations of “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics.” The concrete is analysed in terms of Marx’s dialectic between freedom and necessity, as also in Marx’s early work on Epicurean materialism and in Engels’s “Dialectics of Nature” and “Anti-Dühring.” We include a discussion of Hegel’s dialectic between the actual and the rational. Subsequently, we move to the relationship of socialist construction to the (non-socialist) past and a socialist future. We adduce examples from Marx’s “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte,” as well as the Chinese concept of mingyun (destiny/future) and explore the implications of Lenin’s critique of “left wing” impatience with the past. The issue here is the mistake of a “leftist” effort to make the leap—through sheer voluntary effort—into communism as an over-compensation for practical deficiencies and, on the other hand, the possibility for revolutionary socialism of appropriating and transforming the positive advances of bourgeois culture and civilisation. We conclude with some preliminary observations on the communist prospect, emphasising the concrete form of the dialectic of productive forces and relations of production and the reasons why this form highlights the importance of the former as a motive force.
{"title":"Socialism, Communism, and Concrete Marxism","authors":"Antonis Balasopoulos, R. Boer","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2135124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2135124","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This dialogue begins with the question of “concrete Marxism,” which is at the foundations of “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics.” The concrete is analysed in terms of Marx’s dialectic between freedom and necessity, as also in Marx’s early work on Epicurean materialism and in Engels’s “Dialectics of Nature” and “Anti-Dühring.” We include a discussion of Hegel’s dialectic between the actual and the rational. Subsequently, we move to the relationship of socialist construction to the (non-socialist) past and a socialist future. We adduce examples from Marx’s “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte,” as well as the Chinese concept of mingyun (destiny/future) and explore the implications of Lenin’s critique of “left wing” impatience with the past. The issue here is the mistake of a “leftist” effort to make the leap—through sheer voluntary effort—into communism as an over-compensation for practical deficiencies and, on the other hand, the possibility for revolutionary socialism of appropriating and transforming the positive advances of bourgeois culture and civilisation. We conclude with some preliminary observations on the communist prospect, emphasising the concrete form of the dialectic of productive forces and relations of production and the reasons why this form highlights the importance of the former as a motive force.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"21 1","pages":"501 - 516"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86952347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2140902
Yan Duan
ABSTRACT Whether we are discussing revolution, construction or reform, the most fundamental question is always that of the path being pursued. In exploring its path of socialism with Chinese characteristics over the past century, the Communist Party of China has moved from “following the path of the Russians” to “learning to walk independently,” and then to “taking China’s own path and building socialism with Chinese characteristics” and “unswervingly taking the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics.” In the process, the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics has become clearer and broader, and has shown a strong, continuing vitality. The implications of this transformation are as follows: upholding the principle of independence, since copying the experience and models of other countries will never succeed; innovating on the basis of what has worked in the past, and combine the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities; maintaining the foundation of Chinese civilization, and combine the basic principles of Marxism with China’s rich traditional culture so as to enhance the vitality of Chinese national civilization; Keeping the world in mind, since “taking China’s own path” is simultaneously to take the path of world civilization.
{"title":"Exploring the Path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics: From “Following the Path of the Russians” to “Taking China’s Own Path”","authors":"Yan Duan","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2140902","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2140902","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Whether we are discussing revolution, construction or reform, the most fundamental question is always that of the path being pursued. In exploring its path of socialism with Chinese characteristics over the past century, the Communist Party of China has moved from “following the path of the Russians” to “learning to walk independently,” and then to “taking China’s own path and building socialism with Chinese characteristics” and “unswervingly taking the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics.” In the process, the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics has become clearer and broader, and has shown a strong, continuing vitality. The implications of this transformation are as follows: upholding the principle of independence, since copying the experience and models of other countries will never succeed; innovating on the basis of what has worked in the past, and combine the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities; maintaining the foundation of Chinese civilization, and combine the basic principles of Marxism with China’s rich traditional culture so as to enhance the vitality of Chinese national civilization; Keeping the world in mind, since “taking China’s own path” is simultaneously to take the path of world civilization.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"60 1","pages":"517 - 537"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78754767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2140384
Van Loi Le
ABSTRACT Marxism-Leninism has represented the intellectual and theoretical foundation for Vietnam’s tremendous historical achievements during the Doi moi (renewal) period. This article focuses on presenting and analyzing the application of Marxist-Leninist principles in building socialism in Vietnam during the Doi moi period, starting with an overview of a number of basic principles of Marxism-Leninism to which Vietnam has paid special attention, and which it has researched and applied during the period concerned. The five fundamental points of the theoretical framework of the basic line for renewal in Vietnam represent the innovative application and development of Marxism-Leninism by the Communist Party of Vietnam in the Doi moi period. At the same time, the article examines five major perspectives for developing and applying Marxist-Leninist ideas in the renewal and construction of socialism in Vietnam today.
{"title":"The Use of Marxist-Leninist Principles for Establishing Socialism in Vietnam","authors":"Van Loi Le","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2140384","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2140384","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Marxism-Leninism has represented the intellectual and theoretical foundation for Vietnam’s tremendous historical achievements during the Doi moi (renewal) period. This article focuses on presenting and analyzing the application of Marxist-Leninist principles in building socialism in Vietnam during the Doi moi period, starting with an overview of a number of basic principles of Marxism-Leninism to which Vietnam has paid special attention, and which it has researched and applied during the period concerned. The five fundamental points of the theoretical framework of the basic line for renewal in Vietnam represent the innovative application and development of Marxism-Leninism by the Communist Party of Vietnam in the Doi moi period. At the same time, the article examines five major perspectives for developing and applying Marxist-Leninist ideas in the renewal and construction of socialism in Vietnam today.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"2 1","pages":"538 - 555"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78427477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-11DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2113170
G. Carchedi
ABSTRACT The increasing saturation of all facets of contemporary capitalism, including human labour, with computer and digital technologies, has given rise to a number of apologetic concepts, variously termed the information society, cognitive capitalism and digital capitalism. These concepts are ideological in nature. They have gained wide acceptance because of the underdevelopment of Marxist epistemology. This article submits a Marxist theory of knowledge accounting for modern developments in the natural sciences from the standpoint of the the materiality of knowledge and of its class content. It deals at length with two important examples: the Copenhagen interpretation of quantum physics and the internet. It shows that the generation of knowledge on the internet is at the same time, a battle for knowledge. It is part of the wider cognitive class struggle between capital and the rationality of labour in its multifarious and ever-changing forms.
{"title":"The Ontology and Social Dimension of Knowledge: The Internet Quanta Time","authors":"G. Carchedi","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2113170","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2113170","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The increasing saturation of all facets of contemporary capitalism, including human labour, with computer and digital technologies, has given rise to a number of apologetic concepts, variously termed the information society, cognitive capitalism and digital capitalism. These concepts are ideological in nature. They have gained wide acceptance because of the underdevelopment of Marxist epistemology. This article submits a Marxist theory of knowledge accounting for modern developments in the natural sciences from the standpoint of the the materiality of knowledge and of its class content. It deals at length with two important examples: the Copenhagen interpretation of quantum physics and the internet. It shows that the generation of knowledge on the internet is at the same time, a battle for knowledge. It is part of the wider cognitive class struggle between capital and the rationality of labour in its multifarious and ever-changing forms.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"114 1","pages":"597 - 626"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79171185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-19DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2098511
J. Pateman
ABSTRACT In the historical struggle between Marxism and anarchism, Lenin played an important role. In “Anarchism and Socialism,” written in 1901, Lenin denounced anarchism as a petty bourgeois ideology. Lenin defended this view over the next twenty years, as he fought for Bolshevik hegemony in Russia. This article argues that Lenin’s struggle against anarchism was significant for several reasons. First, it clarified the fundamental differences between anarchism and Marxism. Second, Lenin contributed to the victory of Marxism over anarchism, initially, in revolutionary Russia, and after that, within the Soviet era communist movement. Third, Lenin’s struggle offers original insights. For one thing, Lenin delineated the revolutionary limitations of anarchism. He identified the circumstances in which anarchism can empower or weaken the working class. Lenin also established the organisation, struggle, and leading role of the vanguard working class party as an independent distinction between Marxism and anarchism, a distinction that needs resurrecting today.
{"title":"V. I. Lenin’s Struggle against Anarchism","authors":"J. Pateman","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2098511","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2098511","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the historical struggle between Marxism and anarchism, Lenin played an important role. In “Anarchism and Socialism,” written in 1901, Lenin denounced anarchism as a petty bourgeois ideology. Lenin defended this view over the next twenty years, as he fought for Bolshevik hegemony in Russia. This article argues that Lenin’s struggle against anarchism was significant for several reasons. First, it clarified the fundamental differences between anarchism and Marxism. Second, Lenin contributed to the victory of Marxism over anarchism, initially, in revolutionary Russia, and after that, within the Soviet era communist movement. Third, Lenin’s struggle offers original insights. For one thing, Lenin delineated the revolutionary limitations of anarchism. He identified the circumstances in which anarchism can empower or weaken the working class. Lenin also established the organisation, struggle, and leading role of the vanguard working class party as an independent distinction between Marxism and anarchism, a distinction that needs resurrecting today.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"24 1","pages":"575 - 596"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75940323","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-06DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2093771
A. Artner
ABSTRACT This article examines the answers that Samir Amin, a well-known theorist of the Third World, gave to three questions: why, how and by whom the global capitalist system must be changed. Among other topics, the article outlines Amin’s theory of unequal development, the generalized monopolies, the five privileges of the global centre, Eurocentrism, “delinking,” “long transition,” progressive nationalism, and the global class structure. Amin’s participation in the fight for the emancipation of developing countries and of all of the world’s oppressed social classes will also be addressed, as will his last call for a global alliance of workers and the people.
{"title":"Samir Amin and the Changing of the World","authors":"A. Artner","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2093771","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2093771","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the answers that Samir Amin, a well-known theorist of the Third World, gave to three questions: why, how and by whom the global capitalist system must be changed. Among other topics, the article outlines Amin’s theory of unequal development, the generalized monopolies, the five privileges of the global centre, Eurocentrism, “delinking,” “long transition,” progressive nationalism, and the global class structure. Amin’s participation in the fight for the emancipation of developing countries and of all of the world’s oppressed social classes will also be addressed, as will his last call for a global alliance of workers and the people.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"5 1","pages":"627 - 639"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73939192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2093052
D. Kotz, Qingmei Yang
ABSTRACT The US government has been promoting a new cold war against China for some time. It began before former President Donald Trump initiated a trade war against China and has continued under President Biden. The underlying reason for this policy is the drive of the US government to maintain a position of global domination and to prevent any other country from rising to a position of equal, or near equal, economic, political, or military strength with the US. This cold war is unjustified and poses serious dangers for people around the world.
{"title":"On the New Cold War Promoted by the US Government Against China—Interview with Professor David M. Kotz","authors":"D. Kotz, Qingmei Yang","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2093052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2093052","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The US government has been promoting a new cold war against China for some time. It began before former President Donald Trump initiated a trade war against China and has continued under President Biden. The underlying reason for this policy is the drive of the US government to maintain a position of global domination and to prevent any other country from rising to a position of equal, or near equal, economic, political, or military strength with the US. This cold war is unjustified and poses serious dangers for people around the world.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"456 1","pages":"337 - 348"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88658685","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-03DOI: 10.1080/21598282.2022.2093466
Geoff M. Boucher
ABSTRACT The resurgence of authoritarianism worldwide has led to renewed interest in the Frankfurt School theory of the authoritarian personality. In this article, I clarify the role of that idea in a class-theoretical critique of fascism by showing how it supplements the Marxist analysis. I first outline the Marxist theory of fascism with reference particularly to the puzzles of fascist politics and ideology, before arguing that the authoritarian personality construct helps solve some of these. Then, I clarify the fit between the theory of the authoritarian personality and Marxist theory by explicating its origins in the research programme of the Frankfurt School. Finally, I propose that the authoritarian personality construct explains the nature of the elements in the fascist ideological “medley,” with reference to its key characteristics of rigid conventionalism, unquestioning obedience and authoritarian aggression.
{"title":"Class Politics and the Authoritarian Personality","authors":"Geoff M. Boucher","doi":"10.1080/21598282.2022.2093466","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2022.2093466","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The resurgence of authoritarianism worldwide has led to renewed interest in the Frankfurt School theory of the authoritarian personality. In this article, I clarify the role of that idea in a class-theoretical critique of fascism by showing how it supplements the Marxist analysis. I first outline the Marxist theory of fascism with reference particularly to the puzzles of fascist politics and ideology, before arguing that the authoritarian personality construct helps solve some of these. Then, I clarify the fit between the theory of the authoritarian personality and Marxist theory by explicating its origins in the research programme of the Frankfurt School. Finally, I propose that the authoritarian personality construct explains the nature of the elements in the fascist ideological “medley,” with reference to its key characteristics of rigid conventionalism, unquestioning obedience and authoritarian aggression.","PeriodicalId":43179,"journal":{"name":"International Critical Thought","volume":"2 1","pages":"483 - 500"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84506300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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