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Guerrillas and Combative Mothers: Women and the Armed Struggle in South Africa 游击队与好斗的母亲:南非的妇女与武装斗争
Pub Date : 2023-09-04 DOI: 10.17159/ajcr.v23i1.16788
Anthea Garman
Siphokazi Magadla's Guerrillas and Combative Mothers rests on 40 life histories of women who joined armed struggles of many kinds to fight apartheid. The book is a result of her doctorate which in turn rests on work she did while being a research consultant at the Institute for Security Studies. In 2010, on the tenth anniversary of the United Nations' (UN's) adoption of Resolution 1325, Magadla and Chery Hendricks produced the documentary Women and Security Sector Transformation in South Africa (2010). Magadla interviewed Major General Ntsiki Memela-Motumi, then chief director of transformation management in the South African National Defence Force (SANDF); Thandi Modise, a previous chair of the Portfolio Committee on Defence in the National Assembly and; Mala Singh, former deputy national commissioner of the South African Police Service (SAPS). Memela-Motumi and Modise are both former combatants in Umkhonto weSizwe (MK). They provided rich accounts of how their experiences as women in MK informed their later roles in transforming the SANDF. However, the study also has a prior genesis in Magadla's own experience of being the daughter of a soldier in the Transkei Defence Force. He ended his military career at 40 after that force was integrated into the SANDF. Her mother, a psychiatric nurse, also made her aware of the unstable mental conditions of many soldiers who were demobilised from the various armed forces in the period around 1994. This personal knowledge plus the experience of working with the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) gives the impetus for an important study. It is a study arising out of the complicated and turbulent moment in time when seven armies were integrated. These seven armies include the South African Defence Force (SADF), MK, the Azanian People's Liberation Army (APLA) and the four 'homeland' armies. This was a period in which those who had chosen to fight apartheid were faced with the question of whether they were career soldiers or not; and whether a return to civilian life was possible now that there was no longer a war.
Siphokazi Magadla的《游击队和好斗的母亲》讲述了40位参加各种武装斗争反对种族隔离的妇女的生活史。这本书是她获得博士学位的成果,而博士学位又是基于她在英国安全研究所(Institute for Security Studies)担任研究顾问期间所做的工作。2010年,在联合国通过第1325号决议十周年之际,马格德拉和奇瑞·亨德里克斯制作了纪录片《南非妇女与安全部门转型》(2010)。Magadla采访了时任南非国防军(SANDF)转型管理主任的恩茨基·梅梅拉-莫图米少将;国民议会国防组合委员会前任主席Thandi Modise;Mala Singh,南非警察局(SAPS)前副全国专员。Memela-Motumi和Modise都是民族之矛(MK)的前战斗人员。她们提供了丰富的故事,讲述了她们作为MK女性的经历如何影响了她们后来在改造SANDF中所扮演的角色。然而,这项研究也源于Magadla自己的经历,她是特兰斯凯防卫军一名士兵的女儿。他在40岁的时候结束了他的军事生涯,因为那支部队被并入了SANDF。她的母亲是一名精神病护士,她也使她意识到,1994年前后从各种武装部队复员的许多士兵的精神状况不稳定。这些个人知识加上与安全研究所(ISS)合作的经验,为一项重要的研究提供了动力。这是一项研究,产生于复杂和动荡的时刻,当七军合并。这七支军队包括南非国防军(SADF)、MK、阿扎尼亚人民解放军(APLA)和四个“本土”军队。在这个时期,那些选择与种族隔离作斗争的人面临着他们是否是职业军人的问题;既然不再有战争,是否有可能回归平民生活。
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引用次数: 1
The Political Ecology of Farmer-Herder Conflict in Ghana: A Case Study of the Kwahu Afram Plains South District 加纳农牧民冲突的政治生态:以夸胡阿夫拉姆平原南区为例
Pub Date : 2023-09-04 DOI: 10.17159/ajcr.v23i1.16786
Bernard Okoampah Otu, Kwasi Sarfo
Farmer-herder conflict is an age-old phenomenon, which is widely spread in the West African sub-region. Current studies on the Ghanaian farmer-herder conflict have emphasised the land-related conflicts between indigenous farmers and nomadic herders. It has focused especially on environmental scarcity and climate change approaches. However, this study adopts the political ecology framework to highlight land conflicts between migrant farmers and nomadic herders, two migrant groups that are considered "strangers" to the Kwahu Afram Plains District. The study contributes to the broader debates on farmer-herder conflict. It provides contrary evidence with regard to the popular notion in literature and theory about the prevalence of land insecurity among nomadic herders. The study argues that migrant farmers in the study area experience more land insecurity compared to the nomadic herders. This is because of their history of immigration, their relationship with the Kwahu landowners, which is driving the escalating cost of accessing land, and disputes between landowning groups.
农牧民冲突是一个由来已久的现象,在西非次区域广泛蔓延。目前关于加纳农牧民冲突的研究强调土著农民与游牧民之间与土地有关的冲突。它特别关注环境稀缺和气候变化方法。然而,本研究采用了政治生态学框架来突出农民工和游牧民之间的土地冲突,这两个移民群体被认为是夸胡阿夫拉姆平原地区的“陌生人”。这项研究有助于对农牧民冲突进行更广泛的讨论。它提供了与文献和理论中关于游牧民族普遍存在土地不安全的流行观念相反的证据。该研究认为,与游牧民相比,研究地区的流动农民经历了更多的土地不安全。这是因为他们的移民历史,他们与Kwahu土地所有者的关系,这导致了获得土地的成本不断上升,以及土地所有者之间的纠纷。
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引用次数: 0
Africa's Quest for Reform of the United Nations Security Council: A Just Cause Curbed by Unrealistic Proposals 非洲对联合国安理会改革的追求:一项被不切实际的建议所遏制的正义事业
Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.17159/ajcr.v23i1.16785
Niguse Mandefero Alene, Mohammed Seid Ali, Kebede Yimam Tadesse
The debate around viable global governance has become increasingly topical, particularly from the perspective of countries in the Global South. Concerning Africa, despite the continent's quest to reform the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), existing research has failed to comprehensively address the topic. Consequently, this article explores the arguments and challenges surrounding Africa's drive to secure a permanent voice in the UNSC. It argues that despite the enduring legacies of colonialism, neocolonial interventions, and being the primary concern of the UNSC agenda, Africa's claim for fair representation in the Council remains. The article attempts to address the research gap and contribute to the existing debate by examining why Africa has failed to be represented in the UNSC. Africa's collective initiative towards reforming the UN system is instrumental in ensuring inclusive and sustainable global governance. Nonetheless, Africa's insistence on immediate and full veto power for new entrants and its demand for representation merely through numbers inside the UN are unfeasible.
围绕可行的全球治理的辩论日益成为热门话题,尤其是从全球南方国家的角度来看。关于非洲,尽管非洲大陆寻求改革联合国安理会(UNSC),但现有的研究未能全面解决这个问题。因此,本文探讨了围绕非洲争取联合国安理会常任理事国席位的争论和挑战。它认为,尽管殖民主义和新殖民主义干预的遗产经久不衰,并且是联合国安理会议程的主要关切,但非洲在安理会公平代表权的要求仍然存在。这篇文章试图解决这一研究差距,并通过研究为什么非洲未能在联合国安理会中获得代表,为现有的辩论做出贡献。非洲改革联合国系统的集体倡议有助于确保包容和可持续的全球治理。尽管如此,非洲坚持要求对新成员国立即拥有完全的否决权,并要求仅仅通过联合国内部的人数来获得代表权,这些都是不可行的。
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引用次数: 0
Civil War between the Ethiopian Government and the Tigray People's Liberation Front: A Challenge to Implement the Responsibility to Protect Doctrine 埃塞俄比亚政府与提格雷人民解放阵线之间的内战:对执行保护责任原则的挑战
Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.17159/ajcr.v23i1.16771
Israel Nyaburi Nyadera, Census O. Osedo
How does the 2020-2022 civil war in Ethiopia contribute to our understanding of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine? This study seeks to revisit the debate over the effectiveness of the R2P doctrine in the wake of increased intrastate conflicts. The objective is to assess the dilemma that arises with the implementation of R2P when governments are involved in the conflict and the international community is reluctant or unable to intervene. The study adopts the systematic review approach (PRISMA) to identify the shortcomings, trends, and debates around R2P. It uses the Ethiopian civil war to contribute further to the existing body of literature. The paper finds that, indeed, the R2P doctrine is facing serious challenges with its implementation. It shows that when governments fail to acknowledge the other actors as legitimate combatants and instead describe them as terrorist groups, it becomes difficult to uphold the R2P doctrine. The paper also identifies a lack of leadership and coordinated efforts at regional and international levels as contributing factors, which further undermine the effectiveness of R2P. The paper concludes that the Ethiopian civil war exposes serious shortcomings in the R2P doctrine that need to be reviewed and reformed urgently. It proposes the adoption of a systems-thinking approach that can streamline the actors and processes of response during civil wars.
埃塞俄比亚2020-2022年内战对我们理解“保护责任”(R2P)原则有何帮助?本研究试图在国内冲突增加之后,重新审视关于R2P原则有效性的辩论。目的是评估当政府卷入冲突,而国际社会不愿或无法干预时,实施R2P所产生的困境。本研究采用系统回顾方法(PRISMA)来确定R2P的缺点、趋势和争论。它利用埃塞俄比亚内战进一步促进现有的文学体。论文发现,事实上,R2P原则在实施过程中正面临着严峻的挑战。它表明,当政府不承认其他行为者是合法的战斗人员,而是将其描述为恐怖组织时,就很难坚持R2P原则。该报告还指出,在区域和国际层面缺乏领导和协调努力是造成这种情况的因素,这进一步削弱了R2P的有效性。本文的结论是,埃塞俄比亚内战暴露了R2P原则的严重缺陷,急需进行审查和改革。它建议采用一种系统思考的方法,以简化内战期间的行为者和反应过程。
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引用次数: 0
Emerging Local Voices and New Possibilities toward Attaining Sustainable Peace in Bawku, north-eastern Ghana 在加纳东北部的博库,正在出现的地方声音和实现可持续和平的新可能性
Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.17159/ajcr.v23i1.16787
Aminu Dramani, Sebastian Angzoorokuu Paalo, Samuel Adu-Gyamfi
Globally, conflicts continue to change dynamics and increase in complexity, weakening the potential of various peacebuilding interventions, especially in the Global South. The Bawku crisis is a notable protracted conflict in Ghana and West Africa, which attracts enormous scholarly debates, especially on how to attain sustained peace in the area. However, there remains some important dynamics that are not significantly explored in the discussions on achieving sustained peace in Bawku. Drawing on in-depth field interviews, we present a new perspective on chieftaincy and landownership (and use), shifting from absolute control to a shared system, aimed at potentially resolving conflicts. The proposed shared political and landownership system also reveals important weaknesses relating to existing court verdicts and scholarly advocacy for a parallel system or the resettlement of the Mamprusi outside of the area. However, this empirical contribution offers a new possibility to resolve the Bawku crisis and similar challenges in Ghana and Africa.
在全球范围内,冲突继续改变动态并增加复杂性,削弱了各种建设和平干预措施的潜力,特别是在全球南方。博库危机是加纳和西非的一场引人注目的旷日持久的冲突,引起了大量的学术辩论,特别是关于如何在该地区实现持久和平的辩论。然而,在关于在包库实现持久和平的讨论中,仍有一些重要的动态没有得到充分探讨。通过深入的实地采访,我们提出了一个关于酋长和土地所有权(和使用)的新视角,从绝对控制转向共享系统,旨在潜在地解决冲突。拟议的共同政治和土地所有权制度也显示出与现有法院判决和学术界倡导的平行制度或在该地区以外重新安置马姆普西人有关的重大弱点。然而,这一实证贡献为解决博库危机以及加纳和非洲的类似挑战提供了一种新的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Transferring Policy: The African Union's Protection of Civilians Policy in Peacekeeping Missions in Somalia and South Sudan 政策转移:非盟在索马里和南苏丹维和行动中的平民保护政策
Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.17159/ajcr.v23i1.16770
Andrew E. Yaw Tchie, Liezelle Kumalo
The African Union's (AU's) doctrine underlying Peace Support Operations (PSOs) highlights the fact that the AU should take the lead in providing political direction for all AU PSOs. This includes mainstreaming the standards and operating procedures applicable to the Protection of Civilians (PoC). The PoC guidelines mandate the AU to support and complement the efforts of the host state by enhancing its capacity to secure civilians and prevent abuse against them. The guidelines have allowed the AU to develop and grow its institutional capacity and emerge as the continent's leading institution. It provides fragile member states with technical support through African-led and AU-mandated missions (crafting the concept of operations, training and implementation and procedures for peace operations). However, little is known about how the AU transfers its PoC policy to member states during peacekeeping missions. This paper assesses the institutional capacity of the AU and its ability to influence specific national PoC policies and approaches through AU PSO and United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UN PKOs). The paper highlights that although the AU has made progress in PoC policy, it has not been implemented effectively and practically in South Sudan and Somalia, despite being a significant priority for the organisation.
非洲联盟(非盟)和平支持行动(pso)的基本原则强调了一个事实,即非盟应该带头为所有非盟和平支持行动提供政治方向。这包括将适用于保护平民的标准和作业程序纳入主流。维和行动准则授权非盟支持和补充东道国的努力,加强其保护平民和防止虐待平民的能力。这些指导方针使非盟得以发展和壮大其机构能力,并成为非洲大陆的主要机构。它通过非洲领导和非盟授权的特派团(制定行动概念、培训和实施以及和平行动程序)向脆弱的成员国提供技术支持。然而,人们对非盟在维和任务期间如何向成员国传递维和行动政策知之甚少。本文评估了非盟的机构能力及其通过非盟警务组织和联合国维和行动(UN pko)影响具体国家警务政策和方法的能力。本文强调,尽管非盟在PoC政策方面取得了进展,但它在南苏丹和索马里并没有得到有效和实际的实施,尽管这是该组织的一个重要优先事项。
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引用次数: 0
Towards justice and reconciliation in post-conflict countries: Meaningful concepts and possible realities 在冲突后国家实现正义与和解:有意义的概念和可能的现实
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2018-08-06 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V18I1
Charles Mulinda Kabwete
This article contributes to the debates around concepts of truth, confession, forgiveness and reconciliation. The theoretical discussion shows to what extent these concepts are interconnected, and share a complex relation with justice and reconciliation. It argues that the knowledge about past violence is hardly a canonical truth. It is at best a negotiated truth. This knowledge is inevitably a combination of facts and interpretations. This knowledge is sought and used for understanding past violence but also for paving a way towards the reconstruction of post-conflict societies. The article argues that confession offers a two fold opportunity: it produces knowledge of past violence, and acknowledgement of victims’ pain through perpetrators’ expression of remorse, although in a limited manner. Forgiveness is also discussed in relation to its essential meaning, the actors involved, and its purposes. Finally, reconciliation is built on two pillars, firstly, the proclamation of a seemingly achieved reconciliation; and secondly, the experiencing of reconciliation in everyday interaction between perpetrators and victims. Keywords: Justice, truth, confession, forgiveness, reconciliation, post-conflict situations
这篇文章有助于围绕真理、忏悔、宽恕和和解的概念展开辩论。理论讨论表明,这些概念在多大程度上相互关联,并与正义与和解有着复杂的关系。它认为,关于过去暴力的知识很难成为一个规范的真理。这充其量只是一个经过协商的事实。这些知识不可避免地是事实和解释的结合。人们寻求并利用这些知识来理解过去的暴力,同时也为重建冲突后社会铺平道路。文章认为,认罪提供了一个双重机会:它使人们了解过去的暴力行为,并通过犯罪者表达悔恨来承认受害者的痛苦,尽管方式有限。宽恕还涉及其本质含义、参与者及其目的。最后,和解建立在两个支柱之上,第一,宣布看似已实现的和解;第二,在犯罪者和受害者之间的日常互动中实现和解。关键词:正义、真相、认罪、宽恕、和解、冲突后局势
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引用次数: 9
Book Review: Violence, Religion, Peacemaking 书评:暴力,宗教,缔造和平
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/ajcr.v18i2
J. Malan
Book Title: Violence, Religion, Peacemaking Book Authors:  Irvin-Erickson, Douglas & Peter C. Phan (Eds.) 2016. New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 205 pp. ISBN 978-1-137-56850-2 (hard cover printed copy); 978-1-137-56851-9 (eBook).
书名:暴力,宗教,缔造和平作者:欧文-埃里克森,道格拉斯和彼得C.潘(编辑)2016。纽约,Palgrave Macmillan出版社,205页,ISBN 978-1-137-56850-2(精装印刷本);978-1-137-56851-9(电子书)。
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引用次数: 0
The Quest for Happiness as an Underlying Motive for Violent Conflict in Africa 寻求幸福是非洲暴力冲突的潜在动机
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2017-12-07 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V17I2
Mark F. Chingono
Violent conflicts continue to be a major feature of much of Africa’s political landscape. Not only are Africa’s conflicts increasing, but they are also interpreted and theorised in varied ways, with irreducible discrepancies. In the dominant literature, ethnicity, religion, resources, territory, poor governance, and the struggle for power, among others, have been identified as the major causes of violent conflict on the continent. This paper, a broad brush that raises more questions than answers, argues that, underlying these apparent causes of violent conflict is the undying desire for happiness. It concludes by paraphrasing Von Clausewitz’s dictum that war in Africa is a pursuit of happiness by other means and, therefore, to prevent it, policy should promote popular happiness. Keywords: happiness/unhappiness, violent conflict, development, democratic governance, ethnic identity, Africa
暴力冲突仍然是非洲大部分政治格局的一个主要特点。非洲的冲突不仅在增加,而且还以各种方式进行解释和理论化,存在着不可减少的差异。在主流文献中,种族、宗教、资源、领土、治理不善和权力斗争等被确定为非洲大陆暴力冲突的主要原因。这篇论文提出的问题多于答案,它认为,暴力冲突的这些明显原因背后是对幸福的永恒渴望。它最后引用了冯·克劳塞维茨的格言,即非洲战争是通过其他方式追求幸福,因此,为了防止这种情况,政策应该促进民众的幸福。关键词:幸福/不幸福、暴力冲突、发展、民主治理、种族认同、非洲
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引用次数: 2
‘Vote not Fight’: Examining music’s role in fostering non-violent elections in Nigeria “投票而不是战斗”:审视音乐在促进尼日利亚非暴力选举中的作用
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2017-09-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V17I1
Joseph Olusegun Adebayo
African elections are unique in several respects; in ethno-religiously divided nations, elections are often decided on the basis of candidates’ ethnic or religious affiliations rather than political ideologies. In Nigeria for example, campaigns differ greatly from what is obtainable in other countries. For example, music plays a huge role in the outcome of elections in Nigeria. It also significantly determines whether or not the elections will be violent or non-violent. This is because music evokes emotions and connects with people in a personal and intimate way. This study critically examines the two-edged nature of music’s effect on society and offers some evidence to demonstrate that music can help in fostering peace in the society particularly as it concerns peaceful elections. Adopting an ethnographic research methodology, the article’s argument draws on examples from Ghana, Kenya and Nigeria, countries where the medium of music was fittingly utilised to promote peaceful non-violent elections. Keywords : elections, music, non-violence, peace, violence, Nigeria.
非洲的选举在几个方面是独一无二的;在种族宗教分裂的国家,选举往往是根据候选人的种族或宗教信仰而不是政治意识形态来决定的。例如,在尼日利亚开展的宣传活动与在其他国家开展的宣传活动大不相同。例如,音乐在尼日利亚的选举结果中起着巨大的作用。这也在很大程度上决定了选举是暴力还是非暴力。这是因为音乐唤起了情感,并以一种私人和亲密的方式与人们联系在一起。这项研究批判性地审视了音乐对社会影响的双刃剑性质,并提供了一些证据来证明音乐可以帮助促进社会的和平,特别是在涉及和平选举时。文章采用人种学研究方法,以加纳、肯尼亚和尼日利亚为例进行论证,这些国家都恰当地利用音乐媒介来促进和平非暴力的选举。关键词:选举,音乐,非暴力,和平,暴力,尼日利亚。
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引用次数: 31
期刊
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
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