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Identity and peace: reconfiguring conflict resolution in Africa 身份与和平:重新配置非洲的冲突解决方案
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2008-04-17 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39409
G. Hagg, P. Kagwanja
The emergence of intra-state wars based on identity requires a reconfiguringof existing conflict resolution mechanisms. The article recognises the limitations of liberal peace models originally configured to deal with inter-state conflicts, but increasingly applied to inter-ethnic conflicts with limited success and often disastrous effects. The article argues for the reconceptualisation of identities as building blocks of sustainable peace, justice and reconciliation. The article also calls for the recognition of the role of regional peace and security mechanisms in conflict resolution, as far as possible the use of traditional justice mechanisms, especially in the context of increasing state failure on the continent. The article cautions against enthusiastic embrace of international justice mechanisms that may sometimes create stumbling blocks to peace and reconciliation. Rather the article suggests nuanced interventions in identity-based conflicts that reconcile democracy and justice, guaranteeing the rights of both majority and minority groups. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 9-36
基于身份的国内战争的出现要求对现有的冲突解决机制进行重新配置。这篇文章承认了自由和平模式的局限性,这种模式最初是用来处理国家间冲突的,但越来越多地应用于种族间冲突,效果有限,而且往往造成灾难性的后果。本文主张将身份重新定义为可持续和平、正义与和解的基石。文章还呼吁承认区域和平与安全机制在解决冲突中的作用,尽可能利用传统的司法机制,特别是在非洲大陆国家日益失败的背景下。这篇文章告诫人们不要热情地拥抱国际司法机制,因为这有时可能给和平与和解制造障碍。相反,这篇文章建议对基于身份的冲突进行细致入微的干预,以调和民主与正义,保障多数群体和少数群体的权利。《非洲问题研究》,2007年第7卷第2期,第9-36页
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引用次数: 33
Identity and Cultural Diversity in Conflict Resolution and Democratisation for the African Renaissance: The Case of Burundi 身份和文化多样性在解决冲突和民主化的非洲复兴:布隆迪的情况
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2008-04-17 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39417
P. Ntahombaye, Gaspard Nduwayo
Since its independence in 1962, Burundi has witnessed conflicts and violence.A multitude of factors help explain these tragedies, which include the creation of a negative image of the ‘other'; an ever-strengthened fear of the ‘other'; the blood feud between the Hutus and the Tutsis; and an illusion of the dominance of a so-called ‘ethnic group'. The purpose of this paper is to underscore the part which the colonial state played with regard to the creation and intrumentalisation of ethnicity, based on racist ideologies. Since independence, the ruling elites continue to appropriate and radicalise this category. As result, they are not only able to enjoy political gains, but also simply perpetuate ethnicitywith the help of an institutional framework, while pretending to fight it.The Burundi nation that was built on moral and social values such as Ubushingantahe, Ubuntu, Ubupfasoni, a love for a work well done, and the value of effort, finds itself in a trap. There is a crisis of these values, which resulted in the legitimatisation of negative forces as criteria for social promotion and access to power. The paper argues that because the Burundi issue is complex and multiform, the solution has to be complex and multiform as well. To this effect and to be able to make an impact, it has to draw from many registers:political, institutional and cultural (the value of unity and the institution of Ubushingantahe philosophy). The paper proposes a few political initiatives which are to be taken: advocacyon citizenry, participation in the culture of democracy, memory restitution through history, and depolitisation and demystification of ethnicity. From a socio-cultural perspective, the initiatives will be based on deepening dialogue and negotiation at all levels, rehabilitating the social and cultural values and customs likely to enhance social cohesion and peace, promoting rehabilitation of the bashingantahe institution in order to incorporate peaceful conflict resolution mechanisms and human rights into the educational system, designing an integrated national reconciliation programme, providing support to the cultural organisations which promote peace and human rights, and advocating for media involvement in all the above initiatives. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 239-274
自1962年独立以来,布隆迪目睹了冲突和暴力。许多因素有助于解释这些悲剧,其中包括对“他人”的负面形象的创造;对“他者”不断增强的恐惧;胡图族和图西族之间的血仇;以及所谓的“种族群体”的统治幻觉。本文的目的是强调殖民国家在基于种族主义意识形态的种族创造和工具化方面所扮演的角色。自独立以来,统治精英们继续利用和激进这一类别。其结果是,他们不仅能够享受政治利益,还能在制度框架的帮助下延续种族主义,同时假装与之抗争。布隆迪这个建立在乌布辛安塔赫、乌班图、乌布法索尼等道德和社会价值观、对做好工作的热爱和努力的价值基础上的国家,发现自己陷入了一个陷阱。这些价值观出现了危机,导致消极力量合法化,成为社会提升和获得权力的标准。本文认为,由于布隆迪问题复杂多样,解决办法也必须复杂多样。为了达到这一效果并能够产生影响,它必须从许多方面汲取:政治,制度和文化(统一的价值和Ubushingantahe哲学制度)。本文提出了一些要采取的政治举措:倡导公民,参与民主文化,通过历史恢复记忆,以及去政治化和去神秘化种族。从社会文化的角度来看,这些倡议的基础将是深化所有各级的对话和谈判,恢复可能加强社会凝聚力与和平的社会和文化价值和习俗,促进恢复巴欣甘塔赫体制,以便将和平解决冲突的机制和人权纳入教育系统,设计一个综合的民族和解方案;支持促进和平及人权的文化团体,并鼓励传媒参与上述各项活动。《非洲问题研究》,2007年第7卷第2期,第239-274页
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引用次数: 11
Cultural Diversity in Conflict and Peace Making in Africa 非洲冲突与和平进程中的文化多样性
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2008-04-17 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V7I2.39415
M. Sama
Contrary to common belief that Cameroon is a haven of peace in a turbulent Central African sub region, this paper demonstrates that the absence of war in the country does not imply that it is peaceful. Given the linguistic and cultural diversity of the country with its more than 289 ethnic groups and a colonial legacy of French and English cultures and languages, plus remnants of a German sub-stratum, it should be clear that there are many potential ingredients for conflicts in Cameroon. The politicians seem to have nurtured these cultural and/or linguistic diversities in ways that fuel conflict and can even spark civil war. The tension that results from these ethnic and/or linguistic and religious splinters isnot overt, however, due to the repressive nature of the regime in place. However, this tension continues to grow, to the detriment of the country's socio-economic development. There is therefore an acute need for measures to defuse such cultural conflicts which have the potential of sparking future civil strife in the country. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 193-218
与普遍认为喀麦隆是动荡的中非次区域的和平避风港相反,本文表明,该国没有战争并不意味着它是和平的。考虑到喀麦隆的语言和文化多样性,有超过289个民族,法语和英语文化和语言的殖民遗产,加上德国下层的残余,很明显,喀麦隆有许多潜在的冲突因素。政客们似乎以助长冲突甚至引发内战的方式培养了这些文化和/或语言的多样性。然而,由于现有政权的压制性,这些种族和/或语言和宗教分裂造成的紧张局势并不明显。然而,这种紧张局势继续加剧,损害了该国的社会经济发展。因此,迫切需要采取措施来化解这种文化冲突,因为这种冲突有可能在该国引发未来的内乱。《非洲冲突解决》,2007年第7卷第2期,第193-218页
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引用次数: 11
The Impact of Value-Orientations on Cross-cultural Encounters and Mediation: A Survey in Tanzania's Educational System 价值取向对跨文化相遇与调解的影响:坦桑尼亚教育制度的调查
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2008-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V8I1.39420
C. Mayer, C. Boness, L. Louw
This article focuses on the impact of value-orientations on cross-cultural encounters and mediation in the Tanzanian educational system. The purpose of the article is to give an emic perspective on value-orientations in crosscultural encounters and mediation situations in the educational system, to improve understanding of the conflictive aspects of these encounters. To achieve this purpose, the aim of the article is to identify which valueorientations lead to conflicts and how these conflicts are managed. The article will, firstly, provide an overview on current value discourses and, secondly, prove the bilingual validity of value domains based on the Schwartz value model. Thirdly, methodology and empirical findings will be presented. The conclusion leads to recommendations for cross-cultural interactions between Europeans and Tanzanians. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (1) 2008: pp. 39-76
本文关注坦桑尼亚教育系统中价值取向对跨文化接触和调解的影响。本文的目的是对教育系统中跨文化接触和调解情境中的价值取向给出一个主题视角,以提高对这些接触中冲突方面的理解。为了达到这个目的,本文的目的是确定哪些价值取向会导致冲突,以及如何管理这些冲突。本文将首先概述当前的价值话语,然后基于Schwartz价值模型证明价值域的双语有效性。第三,将介绍方法和实证研究结果。这一结论为欧洲人和坦桑尼亚人之间的跨文化互动提出了建议。《非洲问题研究》,2008年第8卷第1期,第39-76页
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引用次数: 9
Ethnic diversity and conflict in Nigeria : lessons from the Niger Delta crisis 尼日利亚的种族多样性和冲突:来自尼日尔三角洲危机的教训
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2008-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V8I1.39414
W. Akpan
This article assesses the viability of ethnicity as an explanation for the worsening orgy of conflict and militarisation in Nigeria's oil producing region. This is against the background that the Niger Delta crisis, despite being widely portrayed as turning on an ethnic pivot, reveals attributes that should compel a rethink of its assumed social character. Drawing on primary ethnographic data, and on relevant secondary sources, the article highlights methodological and epistemic flaws in the argument that petroleum-related struggles in Nigeria's oil region are rooted in ‘ethnic competition'. The article draws vital lessons from the Niger Delta crisis, for peace building and societal re-engineering in Nigeria and other African societies saddled with similar diversity- and resource-related challenges. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 (2) 2007: pp. 161-192
这篇文章评估了种族的可行性,作为尼日利亚石油生产地区日益恶化的冲突和军事化的解释。这是在尼日尔三角洲危机的背景下发生的,尽管人们普遍把它描绘成一个民族的转折点,但它揭示出的一些特征应该迫使人们重新思考其假定的社会特征。根据主要的民族志数据和相关的二手资料,文章强调了尼日利亚油区与石油相关的斗争根植于“种族竞争”这一论点在方法论和认知上的缺陷。本文从尼日尔三角洲危机中汲取了重要的经验教训,为尼日利亚和其他面临类似多样性和资源相关挑战的非洲社会的和平建设和社会再造提供了借鉴。《非洲问题研究》,2007年第7卷第2期,第161-192页
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引用次数: 11
From complementarity to conflict: a historical analysis of farmer-Fulbe relations in West Africa 从互补到冲突:西非农民与富尔贝人关系的历史分析
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2008-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V8I1.39421
Mark Davidheiser, Aniuska M. Luna
This paper provides a socio-historical analysis of conflict between Fulbe pastoralists and farmers in Sub-Saharan Africa. The discussion examines various structural factors that have fostered conditions conducive to conflict generation and intensification, including international development projects, demographic changes, and environmental degradation. Our analysis highlights changes in production systems and land tenure regimes as central to the aggravation of farmer-herder goal incompatibility and intercommunal strife. Many of these changes are the deliberate results of interventions and legislation that were based on Western models and intended to increase production outputs and market integration. Effective conflict mitigation will require the abandonment of top-down, directive policymaking in favour of a more supportive engagement that strives to draw on and build up local resources and capacities. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (1) 2008: pp. 77-104
本文对撒哈拉以南非洲富尔贝族牧民和农民之间的冲突进行了社会历史分析。讨论审查了促成冲突产生和加剧的各种结构因素,包括国际发展项目、人口变化和环境退化。我们的分析强调,生产系统和土地权属制度的变化是农牧民目标不相容和社区间冲突加剧的核心原因。许多这些变化是基于西方模式的干预和立法的刻意结果,旨在增加生产产出和市场一体化。有效缓解冲突需要放弃自上而下的指令性决策,转而采取更具支持性的接触,努力利用和建立当地资源和能力。《非洲问题研究》,2008年第8卷第1期,第77-104页
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引用次数: 29
Sudan : the elusive quest for peace, Ruth Iyob & Gilbert M. Khadiagala : book review 《苏丹:对和平的难以捉摸的追求》,露丝·伊约布和吉尔伯特·m·卡迪亚加拉:书评
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2008-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V8I1.39423
J. Malan
Iyob, Ruth & Khadiagala, Gilbert M. 2006 African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (1) 2008: pp. 135-139
Iyob, Ruth和Khadiagala, Gilbert M. 2006《非洲冲突解决》Vol. 8 (1) 2008: pp. 135-139
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引用次数: 1
The nexus between social capital and reintegration of ex-combatants: a case for Sierra Leone 社会资本与前战斗人员重返社会之间的关系:塞拉利昂的一个案例
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2008-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V8I1.39419
J. Leff
Following the end of the cold war, the international community shifted its attention from duelling ideological warfare to the many intra-state, or internal armed conflicts occurring globally. In response, the United Nations, along with a wide array of aid agencies, have invested greater and greater time and resources in post-conflict environments. When peace is reached after conflict, economic and social conditions are not conducive for ex-combatants to reintegrate on their own. Programmes that address ex-combatants as well as broader post-conflict recovery are essential. Disarmament, Demobilisation, and Reintegration (DDR) is one such programme that has received widespread attention. Policy analysts have debated the factors that contribute to a successful DDR programme.This study examines reintegration, the final phase of DDR, arguing that in order to achieve successful reintegration of ex-combatants, a community-focused approach that generates social capital must be implemented. Using a comprehensive literature review of social capital and community-based reintegration and a thorough case study from Sierra Leone, this paper will demonstrate the relationship between social capital and reintegration. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (1) 2008: pp. 9-38
冷战结束后,国际社会将注意力从激烈的意识形态战争转移到全球发生的许多国家内部或内部武装冲突。作为回应,联合国与各种各样的援助机构一道,在冲突后的环境中投入了越来越多的时间和资源。当冲突后实现和平时,经济和社会条件不利于前战斗人员自行重新融入社会。解决前战斗人员以及更广泛的冲突后恢复问题的方案至关重要。解除武装、复员和重返社会(复员方案)就是其中一个受到广泛关注的方案。政策分析人士就促成成功的复员方案的因素进行了辩论。本研究考察了重返社会,即复员方案的最后阶段,认为为了使前战斗人员成功重返社会,必须实施以社区为重点的方法,产生社会资本。本文通过对社会资本与社区融合的文献综述,以及对塞拉利昂个案的深入研究,论证了社会资本与社区融合之间的关系。《非洲问题研究》Vol. 8 (1), 2008: pp. 9-38
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引用次数: 44
Rectifying horizontal inequalities : lessons from African conflict 纠正横向不平等:非洲冲突的教训
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2008-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V8I1.39422
D. McCoy
In Africa, the decade of the nineteen nineties was characterised by civil war and interstate conflict, but as the decade came to a close and a new millennium emerged many of the protracted conflicts in Africa had officially come to an end. The official resolution of conflict in Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, Liberia and Cote d'Ivoire has helped stem the rampant instability that has plagued the continent for most of its postcolonial history. With the newly established peace agreements comes an even more critical and difficult challenge of creating peaceful societies in these war-ravaged nations. In order to rebuild a nation, one must examine and acknowledge the root causes of the conflict. One of the most prevalent and underrepresented root causes of conflict in Africa and worldwide is that of horizontal inequalities. In that light, the goal of this paper is to provide practical solutions for the long-term resolution of conflict by addressing one of its root causes, that of horizontal inequalities. Reference will be made to solutions proven successful in past cases where conflict emerged as a result of group inequalities, namely Rwanda and Mali. The paper will take the following form: Section one will look at the current literature on conflict and demonstrate the link between horizontal inequalities and conflict. Section two will focus on the two case studies providing background to the conflict, and the action taken after violent conflict ceased. Section three will be dedicated to the lessons learned from the Malian and the Rwandan experience, including policy recommendations that should be instituted for any nation where horizontal inequalities are a major catalyst of conflict. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (1) 2008: pp. 105-134
在非洲,20世纪90年代的特点是内战和国家间冲突,但随着这十年的结束和新千年的到来,非洲许多旷日持久的冲突已经正式结束。塞拉利昂、刚果民主共和国、苏丹、利比里亚和科特迪瓦冲突的正式解决,帮助遏制了在非洲大陆后殖民历史的大部分时间里肆虐的不稳定局面。随着新建立的和平协定,在这些饱受战争蹂躏的国家建立和平社会的挑战更加严峻和困难。为了重建一个国家,必须检查和承认冲突的根源。在非洲和世界范围内,最普遍和代表性不足的冲突根源之一是横向不平等。在这种情况下,本文的目标是通过解决其根源之一,即横向不平等,为长期解决冲突提供切实可行的解决方案。将提到在过去由于群体不平等而产生冲突的案例中证明成功的解决办法,即卢旺达和马里。本文将采取以下形式:第一部分将着眼于当前关于冲突的文献,并展示横向不平等与冲突之间的联系。第二节将着重于提供冲突背景的两个案例研究,以及暴力冲突停止后所采取的行动。第三节将专门讨论从马里和卢旺达的经验中吸取的教训,包括应针对横向不平等是冲突主要催化剂的任何国家提出的政策建议。《非洲问题研究》Vol. 8 (1), 2008: pp. 105-134
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引用次数: 11
African approaches to building peace and social solidarity 非洲建设和平与社会团结的方法
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2007-12-13 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V6I2.39402
Tim Murithi
The African continent continues to be faced with the challenge of establishing peace and development. Numerous peace initiatives have been launched on the continent. Vast amounts of resources have been utilised to craft peace agreements which have often collapsed under the weight of competing interests. It is necessary to examine whether there are other peacebuilding strategies that can be adopted to complement existing efforts to promote peace on the continent. This paper examines African indigenous approaches to building peace and promoting social solidarity. It will begin by looking at the reasons why it is necessary to build peace. The paper will then look at the role that indigenous approaches are playing in promoting peace. It will also examine how these approaches emphasise the importance of promoting social solidarity. Finally, the issue of how to promote a Pan-African solidarity will be discussed. To enable culture to begin to play a significant role in the reconstruction of Africa, it will be necessary to establish education and training programmes based on progressive African cultural values for officials, civil society actors and citizens - keeping in mind that not all traditions are empowering, particularly on issues with regard to gender equality. Progressive cultural principles which promote human dignity and the well-being of the individual and society can provide valuable insights into how Africa can be peacefully reconstructed by using its own indigenous value-systems which emphasise promoting social solidarity. Promoting social solidarity in practice means confronting corruption and trying to ensure democratic governance, power sharing, and the equitable distribution of resources among all members of society. The paper will conclude by examining the strategies that can be adopted for increasing the use of indigenous approaches to building peace and social solidarity in Africa.
非洲大陆继续面临着建立和平与发展的挑战。在非洲大陆发起了许多和平倡议。大量的资源被用来起草和平协定,而这些协定往往在相互竞争的利益的重压下崩溃。有必要审查是否可以采取其他建设和平战略,以补充促进非洲大陆和平的现有努力。本文探讨了非洲建立和平和促进社会团结的土著方法。首先,我们来看看为什么有必要建立和平。然后,该文件将探讨土著方法在促进和平方面所起的作用。它还将审查这些方法如何强调促进社会团结的重要性。最后,将讨论如何促进泛非团结的问题。为了使文化开始在非洲的重建中发挥重要作用,必须根据进步的非洲文化价值为官员、民间社会行动者和公民制订教育和培训方案- -铭记并非所有传统都能赋予权力,特别是在两性平等问题上。促进人的尊严和个人及社会福祉的进步文化原则可以为如何利用强调促进社会团结的本国价值体系和平重建非洲提供宝贵的见解。在实践中促进社会团结意味着打击腐败,努力确保民主治理、权力分享和在所有社会成员之间公平分配资源。最后,本文件将审查可采取的战略,以便更多地利用当地办法在非洲建立和平与社会团结。
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引用次数: 63
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African Journal on Conflict Resolution
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