Pub Date : 2010-09-09DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V10I1.59310
G. Maina
Book review: From soldiers to citizens: Demilitarization of conflict and society Joao Gomes Porto, Chris Alden and Imogen Parsons 2007 Aldershot. Ashgate, 192 pp. ISBN 978-0-7546-7210-4
书评:从士兵到公民:冲突和社会的非军事化Joao Gomes Porto, Chris Alden和Imogen Parsons 2007奥尔德肖特。阿什盖特，192页。ISBN 978-0-7546-7210-4
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Harriet Nabukeera-Musoke has been working with Isis Women’s International Cross Cultural Exchange (Isis-WICCE) for ten years, where she now presides as the Exchange Programme Coordinator. She has taken part in research missions to document women’s experiences of the armed conflict in Uganda and women’s peace initiatives in Burundi, Liberia and Mozambique.
{"title":"Transitional justice and gender in Uganda: Making peace, failing women during the peace negotiation process","authors":"H. Nabukeera-Musoke","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V9I2.52176","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V9I2.52176","url":null,"abstract":"Harriet Nabukeera-Musoke has been working with Isis Women’s International Cross Cultural Exchange (Isis-WICCE) for ten years, where she now presides as the Exchange Programme Coordinator. She has taken part in research missions to document women’s experiences of the armed conflict in Uganda and women’s peace initiatives in Burundi, Liberia and Mozambique.","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2010-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V9I2.52176","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The introduction of a multidimensional approach towards peace missions in complex emergencies emphasises the importance of coordination between the military and humanitarian components at all levels of interaction. Cooperation and coordination between the military and humanitarian components are critical in achieving a common goal for these operations: to alleviate suffering and prevent loss of life. The challenge of finding suitable personnel who can develop, enhance and sustain effective working relationships and overcome the potential for conflict in civil-military coordination, has not been addressed in practice and research. The military needs to identify personnel who, firstly, conform to the generic psychological peacekeeping profile and secondly, portray the knowledge, skills, and abilities to perform the coordination function satisfactorily. Due to the absence of a psychological selection profile for civil-military coordination officers, the selection and screening of competent military personnel members remain a challenge. Through this descriptive field research (conducted in the Sudan), a psychological selection profile for civil-military coordination officers is developed and defined. The theoretical foundation and primary data from field research are integrated into a job competency model for civil-military coordination officers, useful for future selection purposes. The results of this research are presented as a model of provisional selection criteria for civil-military coordination officers. Preliminary predictor and criterion data were collected to describe the relationship between selection measures and performance ratings of job incumbents. Areas for further research are discussed. Are these events indicative of a militarised SADC strategic culture as opposed to the declared pacifist preferences to resolve conflicts?
{"title":"The psychological selection profile for civil-military coordination officers in peace-support operations : the results of field research in the Sudan","authors":"G. Lloyd, G. V. Dyk, F. D. Kock","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V9I3.52179","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V9I3.52179","url":null,"abstract":"The introduction of a multidimensional approach towards peace missions in complex emergencies emphasises the importance of coordination between the military and humanitarian components at all levels of interaction. Cooperation and coordination between the military and humanitarian components are critical in achieving a common goal for these operations: to alleviate suffering and prevent loss of life. The challenge of finding suitable personnel who can develop, enhance and sustain effective working relationships and overcome the potential for conflict in civil-military coordination, has not been addressed in practice and research. The military needs to identify personnel who, firstly, conform to the generic psychological peacekeeping profile and secondly, portray the knowledge, skills, and abilities to perform the coordination function satisfactorily. Due to the absence of a psychological selection profile for civil-military coordination officers, the selection and screening of competent military personnel members remain a challenge. Through this descriptive field research (conducted in the Sudan), a psychological selection profile for civil-military coordination officers is developed and defined. The theoretical foundation and primary data from field research are integrated into a job competency model for civil-military coordination officers, useful for future selection purposes. The results of this research are presented as a model of provisional selection criteria for civil-military coordination officers. Preliminary predictor and criterion data were collected to describe the relationship between selection measures and performance ratings of job incumbents. Areas for further research are discussed. Are these events indicative of a militarised SADC strategic culture as opposed to the declared pacifist preferences to resolve conflicts?","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2010-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V9I3.52179","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448410","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The right to intervene under the AU Act is a radical departure from, and in stark contrast with, the principle of State sovereignty and non-intervention, the very cornerstones of the erstwhile OAU. Although intervention has traditionally been opposed by African States and regarded as imperialism; under the AU Act, AU Member States have themselves accepted sovereignty not as a shield but as a responsibility where the AU has the right to intervene to save lives from mass atrocity crimes. Today, human rights are not a purely domestic concern and sovereignty cannot shield repressive States. Thus, if a State is unable or unwilling to protect its people the responsibility falls on other States. What is certain is that the thresholds for intervention are serious crimes under international law, which are subject to universal jurisdiction. Therefore, Article 4(h) can be viewed as providing for statutory intervention in form of enforcement action by consent to prevent or halt mass atrocity crimes. However, yet to be answered is how to reconcile the AU right to intervene with the provisions of the UN Charter, especially where the AU exercises military intervention. Nonetheless, the AU should reduce the need for costly intervention and focus more on preventive strategies.
{"title":"The end of humanitarian intervention: Evaluation of the African Union’s right of intervention","authors":"Dan Kuwali","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V9I1.52165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V9I1.52165","url":null,"abstract":"The right to intervene under the AU Act is a radical departure from, and in stark contrast with, the principle of State sovereignty and non-intervention, the very cornerstones of the erstwhile OAU. Although intervention has traditionally been opposed by African States and regarded as imperialism; under the AU Act, AU Member States have themselves accepted sovereignty not as a shield but as a responsibility where the AU has the right to intervene to save lives from mass atrocity crimes. Today, human rights are not a purely domestic concern and sovereignty cannot shield repressive States. Thus, if a State is unable or unwilling to protect its people the responsibility falls on other States. What is certain is that the thresholds for intervention are serious crimes under international law, which are subject to universal jurisdiction. Therefore, Article 4(h) can be viewed as providing for statutory intervention in form of enforcement action by consent to prevent or halt mass atrocity crimes. However, yet to be answered is how to reconcile the AU right to intervene with the provisions of the UN Charter, especially where the AU exercises military intervention. Nonetheless, the AU should reduce the need for costly intervention and focus more on preventive strategies.","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2010-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V9I1.52165","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Parading elements of the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) Brigade took pride of place at the opening of the 2007 SADC Summit in Lusaka, Zambia. This SADC Brigade is tied in closely to both the security architecture of the African Standby Force (ASF) of the African Union (AU) and the SADC Mutual Defence Pact. In the recent past (1998), military interventions by SADC members into Lesotho and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo) caused the SADC to become known for its military (ad)ventures rather than for amicable progress towards a security community committed to development. In part, internal war in the DR Congo and other war-legacies such as those in Angola still taint the strategic landscape of the SADC. In addition, very sophisticated ships and aircraft are being delivered to South Africa while political militancy plays a prominent role in the 2008 Zimbabwean crisis. Are these events indicative of a militarised SADC strategic culture as opposed to the declared pacifist preferences to resolve conflicts?
{"title":"Strategic culture of the Southern African Development Community: Militarised pathways to security?","authors":"F. Vrey","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V9I1.52166","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V9I1.52166","url":null,"abstract":"Parading elements of the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) Brigade took pride of place at the opening of the 2007 SADC Summit in Lusaka, Zambia. This SADC Brigade is tied in closely to both the security architecture of the African Standby Force (ASF) of the African Union (AU) and the SADC Mutual Defence Pact. In the recent past (1998), military interventions by SADC members into Lesotho and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo) caused the SADC to become known for its military (ad)ventures rather than for amicable progress towards a security community committed to development. In part, internal war in the DR Congo and other war-legacies such as those in Angola still taint the strategic landscape of the SADC. In addition, very sophisticated ships and aircraft are being delivered to South Africa while political militancy plays a prominent role in the 2008 Zimbabwean crisis. Are these events indicative of a militarised SADC strategic culture as opposed to the declared pacifist preferences to resolve conflicts?","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2010-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V9I1.52166","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sierra Leone’s transition has witnessed a number of landmark procedural and legal innovations which have had widespread implications for international gender justice. The 11-year conflict had shattered the country, leaving more than a million people displaced and thousands of women coping with the aftermath of sexual violence. Then, in 1999, the Lome Peace Accord in 1999 traded amnesty for peace and made provision for the establishment of the Sierra Leone Truth Commission. The United Nations Security Council subsequently established a Special Court to prosecute those who bore ‘the greatest responsibility’ for atrocities committed during the conflict.
塞拉利昂的过渡见证了一些具有里程碑意义的程序和法律创新，这些创新对国际性别正义产生了广泛影响。这场长达11年的冲突摧毁了这个国家，导致100多万人流离失所，数千名妇女遭受性暴力的后果。然后，在1999年，洛美和平协议(Lome Peace Accord)以大赦换取和平，并规定成立塞拉利昂真相委员会(Sierra Leone Truth Commission)。联合国安理会随后成立了一个特别法庭，起诉那些对冲突期间犯下的暴行负有“最大责任”的人。
{"title":"Addressing gender-based violence in the Sierra Leone conflict: Notes from the field","authors":"Lotta Teale","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V9I2.52173","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V9I2.52173","url":null,"abstract":"Sierra Leone’s transition has witnessed a number of landmark procedural and legal innovations which have had widespread implications for international gender justice. The 11-year conflict had shattered the country, leaving more than a million people displaced and thousands of women coping with the aftermath of sexual violence. Then, in 1999, the Lome Peace Accord in 1999 traded amnesty for peace and made provision for the establishment of the Sierra Leone Truth Commission. The United Nations Security Council subsequently established a Special Court to prosecute those who bore ‘the greatest responsibility’ for atrocities committed during the conflict.","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2010-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V9I2.52173","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448217","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zimbabwe has been a nation on the brink, but its current inclusive government provides a potential for the 'situation' to be resolved without open conflict. Whatever the future, there remain millions of Zimbabweans who are crying for justice, for the truth and for punishment of perpetrators of massive human rights violations. The causes of Zimbabwe's current catastrophe are quite clear : the abuse of power and raw unadulterated greed, fuelled by the complete absence of accountability. Perhaps it would have been different if concepts of transitional justice had been more developed when Zimbabwe gained independence almost thirty years ago. If that is the case, then we must ensure that the inevitable next transition is accompanied by some form of justice.
{"title":"What transitional justice in Zimbabwe? Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) prepares for popular participation : views from the field","authors":"Mary Ndlovu","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V9I2.52175","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V9I2.52175","url":null,"abstract":"Zimbabwe has been a nation on the brink, but its current inclusive government provides a potential for the 'situation' to be resolved without open conflict. Whatever the future, there remain millions of Zimbabweans who are crying for justice, for the truth and for punishment of perpetrators of massive human rights violations. The causes of Zimbabwe's current catastrophe are quite clear : the abuse of power and raw unadulterated greed, fuelled by the complete absence of accountability. Perhaps it would have been different if concepts of transitional justice had been more developed when Zimbabwe gained independence almost thirty years ago. If that is the case, then we must ensure that the inevitable next transition is accompanied by some form of justice.","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2010-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V9I2.52175","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article examines the intersections between politics and economic development issues in the violence-ravaged Darfur region of Sudan. Also, the constraints and opportunities available to the United Nations, the African Union, and other entities to help bring the violence to an end are analysed. Within the context of the Responsibility to Protect argument and the new African Union’s desire to protect citizens against government violence in Africa, the question is: Does the AU have the capability to protect citizens against government violence? With a specific focus on Sudanese Darfur, the article offers a strategic vision for reducing and hopefully ending human rights violations that have ravaged much of sub-Saharan Africa. I argue that in order for the UN and AU to fully protect citizens against government-sponsored violence, the self-empowerment of African States, regional African Organisations, non-governmental organisations, citizens and the African Union must be recognised as the first lines of defence against government and government-sponsored atrocities against citizens. The article concludes with recommendations for ending the violence in Darfur.
{"title":"Resolving African crises : leadership role for African States and the African Union in Darfur","authors":"Kelechi A. Kalu","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V9I1.52164","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V9I1.52164","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the intersections between politics and economic development issues in the violence-ravaged Darfur region of Sudan. Also, the constraints and opportunities available to the United Nations, the African Union, and other entities to help bring the violence to an end are analysed. Within the context of the Responsibility to Protect argument and the new African Union’s desire to protect citizens against government violence in Africa, the question is: Does the AU have the capability to protect citizens against government violence? With a specific focus on Sudanese Darfur, the article offers a strategic vision for reducing and hopefully ending human rights violations that have ravaged much of sub-Saharan Africa. I argue that in order for the UN and AU to fully protect citizens against government-sponsored violence, the self-empowerment of African States, regional African Organisations, non-governmental organisations, citizens and the African Union must be recognised as the first lines of defence against government and government-sponsored atrocities against citizens. The article concludes with recommendations for ending the violence in Darfur.","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2010-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V9I1.52164","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Harnischfeger, Johannes 2008 Frankfurt/New York, Campus Verlag, 244 pp. ISBN 978-3-593-38256-2
Johannes Harnischfeger, 2008法兰克福/纽约，Campus Verlag, 244页。ISBN 978-3-593-38256-2
{"title":"Book Review: Democratization and Islamic law: The Sharia conflict in Nigeria","authors":"F. Ugochukwu","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V9I3.52182","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V9I3.52182","url":null,"abstract":"Harnischfeger, Johannes 2008 Frankfurt/New York, Campus Verlag, 244 pp. ISBN 978-3-593-38256-2","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2010-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V9I3.52182","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article seeks to examine the evolution of the conflict resolution community in South Africa through a combination of history and policy analysis. Each section roughly corresponds to the past and future of conflict resolution in the country. The connection between these sections is at times causal – in the sense that some events directly shaped the next – but more often thematic – meaning that certain trends may be traced throughout the evolution of the community. Consultation with more than ten conflict resolution organisations and interviews with over twenty leading practitioners offer valuable insights to the investigation. The article begins with an analysis of the rise and fall of the National Peace Accord. The study demonstrates that government endorsement of the Accord did not detract from the ability of the peace committees to furnish the nation with a reservoir of practical conflict resolution skills. Communication, aided in part by the South African Council of Churches, helped avert violence and steer the country clear of civil war. Peace work was more successful when national, regional, and local levels were coordinated. At the same time, the Accord’s attempt to resolve greater structural inequalities in its peacebuilding initiatives fell short of its goals. The business community enjoyed managing the process, but offered little in terms of actual resources and training as it high-tailed it ‘back to the balance sheets’.1 The second section of the article analyses the work of the South African Law Commission’s Project 94. This project would mark a shift to the spirit of the National Peace Accord by wedding local conflict resolution mechanisms to the state. The places to which people already go to resolve conflicts – the ‘other law’ – have been providing justice to South Africans for decades. But recognition of these ordering mechanisms is itself beset with difficulties. The ‘other law’ is pluralistic in nature, making it difficult to make naturally subversive and organic entities conform to the formal justice system. The state is under-resourced, but seems wary of granting too much power to unpredictable dispute resolution structures. Guidelines may provide some certainty, but this does not disguise the uncertainty of the political process itself – the Draft Bill may disappear once it enters the legislature. This political reality is compounded by the fact that the Draft Bill itself permits either the government or community dispute resolution structures to end their liaison at any time, undermining commitment. The creation of a new National Peace Accord therefore appears unlikely in the short term. The hope is that the reader will leave with a better understanding of the conflict resolution community and of the complexity of issues facing South Africa today. If nothing else, South Africa’s unbridled forays into conflict resolution will be revealed as undeniably inspiring.
本文试图通过历史和政策分析相结合的方法来考察南非冲突解决社区的演变。每一部分都大致对应着这个国家解决冲突的过去和未来。这些部分之间的联系有时是因果关系——从某种意义上说，一些事件直接影响了下一个事件——但更多的是主题性的——这意味着某些趋势可能贯穿整个社区的演变。咨询了十多个冲突解决组织，并采访了二十多位主要从业人员，为调查提供了宝贵的见解。本文首先分析了《全国和平协定》的兴衰。这项研究表明，政府对《协定》的赞同并没有减损和平委员会为国家提供实际解决冲突技能储备的能力。南非教会理事会(South African Council of Churches)在一定程度上帮助沟通，避免了暴力，使这个国家远离了内战。当国家、区域和地方各级协调一致时，和平工作就会更加成功。与此同时，《协定》在其建设和平倡议中解决更大的结构性不平等的努力未能达到其目标。商界喜欢管理这个过程，但在实际资源和培训方面提供的很少，因为它“回到了资产负债表上”本文第二节分析了南非法律委员会的“94号项目”的工作。该项目将标志着向《全国和平协定》精神的转变，将地方冲突解决机制与国家结合起来。人们已经去解决冲突的地方——“其他法律”——几十年来一直在为南非人伸张正义。但是，承认这些排序机制本身就困难重重。“他者法”本质上是多元的，因此很难使自然颠覆性的有机实体符合正式的司法体系。政府资源不足，但似乎对赋予不可预测的争端解决机构太多权力持谨慎态度。指导方针可能提供一些确定性，但这并不能掩盖政治进程本身的不确定性- -法案草案一旦进入立法机关就可能消失。使这一政治现实更加复杂的是，法案草案本身允许政府或社区争端解决机构在任何时候终止其联系，破坏承诺。因此，在短期内似乎不可能达成新的《全国和平协定》。希望读者在离开时能更好地了解解决冲突的团体和南非今天面临的问题的复杂性。如果不出意外的话，南非对解决冲突的肆无忌惮的尝试无疑将被证明是鼓舞人心的。
{"title":"The spirit of the National Peace Accord: The past and future of conflict resolution in South Africa","authors":"D. Olukotun","doi":"10.4314/AJCR.V9I1.52167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4314/AJCR.V9I1.52167","url":null,"abstract":"This article seeks to examine the evolution of the conflict resolution community in South Africa through a combination of history and policy analysis. Each section roughly corresponds to the past and future of conflict resolution in the country. The connection between these sections is at times causal – in the sense that some events directly shaped the next – but more often thematic – meaning that certain trends may be traced throughout the evolution of the community. Consultation with more than ten conflict resolution organisations and interviews with over twenty leading practitioners offer valuable insights to the investigation. The article begins with an analysis of the rise and fall of the National Peace Accord. The study demonstrates that government endorsement of the Accord did not detract from the ability of the peace committees to furnish the nation with a reservoir of practical conflict resolution skills. Communication, aided in part by the South African Council of Churches, helped avert violence and steer the country clear of civil war. Peace work was more successful when national, regional, and local levels were coordinated. At the same time, the Accord’s attempt to resolve greater structural inequalities in its peacebuilding initiatives fell short of its goals. The business community enjoyed managing the process, but offered little in terms of actual resources and training as it high-tailed it ‘back to the balance sheets’.1 The second section of the article analyses the work of the South African Law Commission’s Project 94. This project would mark a shift to the spirit of the National Peace Accord by wedding local conflict resolution mechanisms to the state. The places to which people already go to resolve conflicts – the ‘other law’ – have been providing justice to South Africans for decades. But recognition of these ordering mechanisms is itself beset with difficulties. The ‘other law’ is pluralistic in nature, making it difficult to make naturally subversive and organic entities conform to the formal justice system. The state is under-resourced, but seems wary of granting too much power to unpredictable dispute resolution structures. Guidelines may provide some certainty, but this does not disguise the uncertainty of the political process itself – the Draft Bill may disappear once it enters the legislature. This political reality is compounded by the fact that the Draft Bill itself permits either the government or community dispute resolution structures to end their liaison at any time, undermining commitment. The creation of a new National Peace Accord therefore appears unlikely in the short term. The hope is that the reader will leave with a better understanding of the conflict resolution community and of the complexity of issues facing South Africa today. If nothing else, South Africa’s unbridled forays into conflict resolution will be revealed as undeniably inspiring.","PeriodicalId":43186,"journal":{"name":"African Journal on Conflict Resolution","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2010-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4314/AJCR.V9I1.52167","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70448490","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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