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Political leadership and conflict resolution: an African example 政治领导与冲突解决:一个非洲的例子
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V11I2.69834
W. Warfield, Ashad Sentongo
Challenges to post-conflict leadership in African states highlight the need for democratic capacity building, with clear participatory processes involving communities and the leadership as a necessary condition to mitigate new or resurrected conflicts. This article explores transformational leadership and how it relates to democratic capacity building in Rwanda. We argue that community capacity building through grassroots leadership is a necessary and sufficient ingredient for the development and sustenance of democracy in postconflict societies. Reconciliation through justice, political reforms including decentralisation, and women’s empowerment as critical variables in this process characterise a transformational agenda to gradually achieve stability at the grassroots. Despite dilemmas of justice and democracy, transformative leadership in Rwanda continues to evolve at both state and grassroots levels through processes based on indigenous knowledge and practices like gacaca and ingando to achieve the greater good of reconciliation.
非洲国家冲突后领导层面临的挑战凸显了民主能力建设的必要性,将社区和领导层参与的明确过程作为缓解新冲突或复活冲突的必要条件。本文探讨了变革型领导及其与卢旺达民主能力建设的关系。我们认为,通过基层领导进行社区能力建设是冲突后社会发展和维持民主的必要和充分因素。通过司法实现和解、包括权力下放在内的政治改革以及赋予妇女权力是这一进程中的关键变量,这些都是逐步实现基层稳定的转型议程的特征。尽管面临正义与民主的困境,卢旺达的变革性领导在国家和基层层面继续发展,通过基于土著知识和实践(如gacaca和ingando)的进程,实现和解的更大利益。
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引用次数: 6
Post-conflict development in Liberia: governance, security, capacity building and a developmental approach 利比里亚冲突后发展:治理、安全、能力建设和发展方法
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V11I2.69835
E. B. Gariba
This article examines the causes of the Liberian Civil War of 1989–2003, and proposes policy alternatives that the current government can pursue to ensure durable peace and development. The paper argues that bad governance accounted for the conflict. Therefore, if peace, security and development are to be attained, there is a need for the current government to adopt and implement four policy options: good governance, security sector reform, a long-term development approach, and capacity building at the national and local levels. Although the new President of Liberia has taken some critical steps towards implementing some of these policies, more work needs to be done to address
本文考察了1989-2003年利比里亚内战的原因,并提出了当前政府可以采取的政策选择,以确保持久的和平与发展。这篇论文认为,糟糕的治理是造成冲突的原因。因此,如果要实现和平、安全和发展,现任政府需要采取并实施四项政策选择:善治、安全部门改革、长期发展方法以及国家和地方层面的能力建设。虽然利比里亚新总统为执行其中一些政策采取了一些关键步骤,但仍需要做更多的工作来解决这些问题
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引用次数: 7
Hammarskjöld's visit to South Africa Hammarskjöld的南非之行
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V11I1.68150
C. Saunders
In the last eighteen months of his life Dag Hammarskjold was taken up with two major African issues, the Congo and South Africa. In the Congo he organised a United Nations (UN) mission to stabilise the country as it threatened to collapse into chaos following decolonisation; in South Africa he tried to deal with the conflict situation after the Sharpeville massacre by engaging in discussions with the South African Prime Minister, Hendrik Verwoerd. For that purpose he made a long-delayed visit to South Africa in January 1961. What did he try to achieve through his contacts with the South African government, and what other significance did his visit have for the unfolding history of apartheid and the struggle against it? This paper will focus on these questions, while a more substantial version, with detailed references to the sources upon which it is based, will be presented to the Dag Hammarskjold Foundation in mid-2011 as part of the commemorations marking fifty years since Hammarskjold’s death.
在他生命的最后18个月里,达格·哈马舍尔德被两个主要的非洲问题所困扰,刚果和南非。在刚果,他组织了一个联合国特派团,以稳定这个国家,因为它在非殖民化后有陷入混乱的危险;在南非,他试图通过与南非总理亨德里克·维沃尔德(Hendrik Verwoerd)进行讨论来处理沙佩维尔大屠杀后的冲突局势。为此目的,他于1961年1月对南非进行了一次拖延已久的访问。他试图通过与南非政府的接触达到什么目的?他的访问对种族隔离的历史和反对种族隔离的斗争有什么其他意义?本文将集中讨论这些问题,而作为哈马舍尔德逝世50周年纪念活动的一部分,将于2011年年中向达格·哈马舍尔德基金会提交一个更充实的版本,详细参考其所依据的资料来源。
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引用次数: 3
The effectiveness of regional peacemaking in Southern Africa - problematising the United Nations-African Union-Southern African Development Community relationship 南部非洲区域建立和平的有效性- -联合国-非洲联盟-南部非洲发展共同体关系的问题
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V11I1.68157
Sarah Ancas
With ever increasing urgency, the United Nations (UN) has worked to develop the budding security relationship between itself and regional economic communities (RECs) in Africa, especially the African Union (AU), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). In conflict resolution efforts in Southern Africa, this relationship has sometimes featured competition and tension, with more than one organisation vying for the lead, or in other cases, trying to pass the blame for failures. Since the UN’s early peace mission in the Congo under Dag Hammarskjold, achieving  peace and stability in Africa has been a monumental task. This article explores whether new regional partnerships can help facilitate this goal in Southern Africa and whether the current principles of cooperation between the UN and regional organisations are sufficient for the task at hand. This article takes lessons from the conflict resolution efforts in Madagascar, Zimbabwe, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) to illustrate recent examples of cooperation and/or competition as they are unfolding in the present, with an emphasis on analysing the institutional relationship between the UN, AU and SADC in Southern Africa. This article concludes that there are still major limitations on the successful regionalisation of conflict management efforts in Southern Africa and that the UN and its partner organisations need to clarify and improve their working relationship to improve their chances of facilitating successful peacemaking.
在日益紧迫的情况下,联合国(UN)努力发展自身与非洲区域经济共同体(RECs),特别是非洲联盟(AU)、西非国家经济共同体(ECOWAS)和南部非洲发展共同体(SADC)之间刚刚萌芽的安全关系。在南部非洲解决冲突的努力中,这种关系有时以竞争和紧张为特征,不止一个组织在争夺领导权,或者在其他情况下,试图推卸失败的责任。自联合国早前在哈马舍尔德领导下向刚果派遣维和任务以来,实现非洲和平与稳定的任务十分艰巨。本文探讨了新的区域伙伴关系是否有助于在南部非洲实现这一目标,以及目前联合国与区域组织之间的合作原则是否足以完成手头的任务。本文从马达加斯加、津巴布韦和刚果民主共和国(DRC)的冲突解决努力中吸取教训,以说明当前正在展开的合作和/或竞争的最新例子,重点分析联合国、非盟和南部非洲发展共同体在南部非洲的机构关系。本文的结论是,南部非洲冲突管理工作的成功区域化仍然存在重大限制,联合国及其伙伴组织需要澄清和改善他们的工作关系,以提高他们促进成功建立和平的机会。
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引用次数: 10
Hammarskjöld and apartheid South Africa: Mission unaccomplished Hammarskjöld和种族隔离的南非:未完成的使命
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V11I1.68152
Tor Sellström
With regard to Africa, the latter part of Dag Hammarskjold’s tenure as Secretary-General of the United Nations (UN) (April 1953–September 1961) was dominated by the process of decolonisation and the Congo war. His active involvement, leadership and personal sacrifices in favour of national self-determination and peace are here well documented. Less known is that Hammarskjold also was requested by the UN Security Council to seek ways and means to uphold the principles of the UN Charter and to safeguard human rights in the Union of South Africa. To this end, he visited the country between 6 and 12 January 1961, holding six meetings with Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd. After the visit, he reported to the Security Council that ‘no mutually acceptable arrangement’ had been found, adding that he wished to once again pursue the matter at an appropriate time (Hammarskjold 1961). The Congo war and Hammarskjold’s death in Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) would put an end to this ambition. Introduced by comments on Hammarskjold, the UN and Africa, and with the addendum ‘mission unaccomplished’, this article discusses some aspects of the Secretary-General’s brief stay in apartheid South Africa in January 1961.
关于非洲,达格·哈马舍尔德担任联合国秘书长(1953年4月至1961年9月)的后半段主要是非殖民化进程和刚果战争。他在民族自决与和平方面的积极参与、领导和个人牺牲在这里都有充分的记录。鲜为人知的是,联合国安理会还要求哈马舍尔德寻求维护《联合国宪章》原则和保障南非联盟人权的方法和手段。为此目的,他于1961年1月6日至12日访问了该国,同亨德里克·维沃尔德总理举行了六次会议。访问结束后,他向安全理事会报告说,没有找到“双方都能接受的安排”,并补充说,他希望在适当的时候再次探讨此事(哈马舍尔德,1961年)。刚果战争和哈马舍尔德在北罗得西亚(赞比亚)的死亡将终结这一野心。本文以对哈马舍尔德、联合国和非洲的评论为引言,并附有“任务未完成”的增编,讨论了秘书长1961年1月在种族隔离的南非短暂停留的一些方面。
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引用次数: 2
Towards an indigenous model of conflict resolution: reinventing women's roles as traditional peacebuilders in neo-colonial Africa 走向解决冲突的本土模式:重塑妇女在新殖民主义非洲作为传统和平建设者的角色
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V11I2.69832
C. Isike, U. O. Uzodike
Women have always been at the centre of peace processes across different pre-colonial African societies. Their peace agency in these societies can be located in their cultural and socio-political roles as well as their contributions to the overall well-being of these societies. It is noteworthy that women’s peacebuilding roles then were reinforced by perceptions which stereotyped women as natural peacemakers, and as being more pacific than men. However, women in neo-colonial African states appear to have lost this myth/sacredness that surrounded their being and social existence in pre-colonial Africa. This is because apart from being marginalised socially, economically and politically, they have increasingly become victims of male violence. How and why did women transform from being active participants in precolonial politics and peace processes to being passive observers of politics and peacebuilding in neo-colonial Africa? And second, given their pre-colonial peacebuilding antecedents, do women have the potential to transform politics and conflict in neo-colonial Africa?
妇女一直处于殖民前非洲不同社会和平进程的中心。它们在这些社会中的和平作用可以定位于它们的文化和社会政治作用以及它们对这些社会的全面福祉的贡献。值得注意的是,妇女在建立和平方面的作用在当时得到了加强,因为人们认为妇女是天生的和平缔造者,比男子更和平。然而,非洲新殖民国家的女性似乎已经失去了这种神话/神圣性,这种神话/神圣性围绕着她们在前殖民时期的存在和社会存在。这是因为她们除了在社会、经济和政治上被边缘化之外,还越来越多地成为男性暴力的受害者。在新殖民时期的非洲,妇女如何以及为什么从积极参与前殖民政治与和平进程转变为消极观察政治与建设和平?其次,考虑到她们在殖民前的和平建设背景,女性是否有潜力改变新殖民时期非洲的政治和冲突?
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引用次数: 25
Dealing with injustice: Dag Hammarskjöld and the international community today 处理不公正:达格Hammarskjöld和今天的国际社会
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V11I1.68155
H. Melber
What can be done when governments and leaders in states do not abide to internationally codified norms and values? The Westphalian order allows regimes to claim their domestic sovereignty over and above minimum standards of universally established normative frameworks, not least with regard to human rights. Is such a protective shield more legitimate than externally initiated interventions when basic norms are violated? Or is it not a matter of conscience and loyalty to fundamental human values if not a form of solidarity to take a stance against such injustices in the absence of any legitimacy of such forms of rule among the own people in these countries? The role of the United Nations, advocating a Responsibility to Protect and representing the most advanced form of institutionalised global governance, is hereby critical. This article discusses the options at hand when confronted with crimes against humanity. It pays special  attention to the understanding represented by Dag Hammarskjold as second Secretary-General, his view of the international civil servant and the obligations of the United Nations to advance rights for people, at times against their rulers.
当各国政府和领导人不遵守国际规范和价值观时,我们能做些什么?威斯特伐利亚秩序允许政权在普遍确立的规范框架的最低标准之上,尤其是在人权方面,主张其国内主权。当基本规范被违反时,这种保护措施是否比外部发起的干预更合法?或者,在这些国家的本国人民的这种形式的统治没有任何合法性的情况下,采取反对这种不公正的立场,如果不是一种团结的形式,难道不是良心和对基本人类价值的忠诚的问题吗?因此,联合国的作用至关重要,因为它倡导“保护的责任”,代表着最先进的制度化全球治理形式。本文讨论了在面对危害人类罪时手头的选择。委员会特别注意第二任秘书长达格·哈马舍尔德所代表的理解、他对国际公务员的看法以及联合国促进人民权利的义务,有时是反对他们的统治者。
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引用次数: 2
Power, conflict and consensus building in Africa: ideology revisited 非洲的权力、冲突和共识的建立:意识形态的重新审视
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V11I2.69829
B. Onuoha
This paper interrogates and rejects the effectiveness of consensus building as a mechanism for conflict resolution in Africa. Drawing from the conflict/consensus theoretical debates of the 1960s, the paper argues that because of the inherent character of power, and considering the nature of the state in Africa which is subordinated to private interests, the political leaders will not readily bend to consensus. Instead of consensus the paper suggests a reform of the state. But beyond the reform, the paper points out the compelling need for the development of a virile civil society and a corresponding need for the re-invention of a nationalist ideology both of which will induce as well as facilitate the relative autonomy of the state. Thereafter, a reformed state in Africa will be better placed to adequately manage power and conflict.
本文质疑并否定了建立共识作为解决非洲冲突机制的有效性。从20世纪60年代的冲突/共识理论辩论中,本文认为,由于权力的固有特征,并考虑到非洲国家从属于私人利益的性质,政治领导人不会轻易屈服于共识。这篇论文建议对国家进行改革,而不是达成共识。但除了改革之外,本文还指出,迫切需要发展一个有男子气概的公民社会,并相应地需要重新发明一种民族主义意识形态,这两者都将诱发并促进国家的相对自治。此后,改革后的非洲国家将更有能力妥善管理权力和冲突。
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引用次数: 7
Culture and conflict in urban Tanzania: Professionals’ voices in educational organisations 坦桑尼亚城市的文化与冲突:教育机构中专业人士的声音
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V11I2.69833
C. Mayer, C. Boness
This article is interlinked with an article that has previously been published in this Journal (Mayer, Boness and Louw 2008). Since the previous article focused on value-orientations in cross-cultural encounters and mediation in the Tanzanian educational system, this follow-up article provides an overview of cross-cultural conflicts and their professional management in educational organisations in Tanzania. It firstly gives an insight into current theoretical discourses and will, secondly, present selected empirical data and findings from an ethnographic, qualitative study that has been conducted in selected urban areas in Tanzania.
这篇文章与之前发表在本杂志上的一篇文章相互关联(Mayer, Boness and low 2008)。由于上一篇文章关注的是坦桑尼亚教育系统中跨文化接触和调解的价值取向,因此这篇后续文章概述了坦桑尼亚教育机构中的跨文化冲突及其专业管理。它首先提供了对当前理论论述的见解,其次,将介绍在坦桑尼亚选定的城市地区进行的民族志定性研究中选择的经验数据和发现。
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引用次数: 5
Book Reviews: Crafting an African security architecture: Addressing regional peace and conflict in the 21st century 书评:打造非洲安全架构:应对21世纪的地区和平与冲突
IF 0.3 Pub Date : 2011-01-01 DOI: 10.4314/AJCR.V11I2.69838
M. Mutisi
Crafting an African security architecture: Addressing regional peace and conflict in the 21st century Hany Besada ed. 2010 The International Political Economy of New Regionalism Series Farnham, Surrey, Ashgate 222 pages. ISBN: 978-1-4094-0325-8
《打造非洲安全架构:解决21世纪的地区和平与冲突》,2010,《新地区主义的国际政治经济学》,法纳姆,萨里,阿什盖特,222页。ISBN: 978-1-4094-0325-8
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引用次数: 0
期刊
African Journal on Conflict Resolution
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