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Distinguishing the binary of news – fake and real: The illusory truth effect 区分新闻的二元性——假与真:虚幻真相效应
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-18 DOI: 10.1386/ajms_00042_1
Yanfang Wu
This study seeks to uncover the effects of source and repetition on the illusory truth effect and the dissemination of fake news on social media with an online experiment. This study found that in a personalized source system where trustworthy traditional news sources and personal contacts converged on social media, repetition has a big influence on the trustworthiness of news source and balance of news story. Although most people intend to share real news stories with balance, the illusory truth effect causes mis-judgement, which makes fake news more likely to go viral than real news. The multi-group SEM analysis of the two groups – without source and with source – showed that readers in the no source group rated the effect of repetition on news evaluation as more significant than the with source group. The findings suggest that the effect of source has diminished in the evaluation of news quality. However, sharers on social media are becoming more influential.
本研究旨在通过网络实验揭示来源和重复对虚假真相效应和虚假新闻在社交媒体上传播的影响。本研究发现,在可信赖的传统新闻来源和个人联系融合于社交媒体的个性化消息源系统中,重复对新闻来源的可信度和新闻故事的平衡性有较大的影响。虽然大多数人都想平衡地分享真实的新闻故事,但虚幻真相效应会导致误判,这使得假新闻比真实新闻更容易传播。对两组(无来源和有来源)的多组SEM分析显示,无来源组的读者认为重复对新闻评价的影响比有来源组的读者更显著。研究结果表明,新闻来源对新闻质量评价的影响已经减弱。然而,社交媒体上的分享者正变得越来越有影响力。
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引用次数: 0
Arab diasporic media in Turkey: A story of (trans)national narratives in the Middle East 土耳其的阿拉伯流散媒体:中东(跨)国家叙事的故事
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-27 DOI: 10.1386/ajms_00037_1
Mohammed Alrmizan
The aim of this article is to investigate what seems to be a developing phenomenon of regime-critical Arab diasporic media post-Arab Spring in Turkey. First, the article explores the academic literature covering the concepts of (Arab) diaspora and (Arab) diasporic media. Second, it highlights the development of the Arab diasporic media in Turkey drawn from Syrian, Egyptian, Yemeni and Libyan landscapes. Finally, the article discusses the reasons that made Turkey welcome such a phenomenon. Methodologically, the article employs a qualitative analysis of secondary sources to explore and describe the subject. The Arab diasporic media in Turkey began to emerge noticeably in the aftermath of the Arab Spring in 2011 and ended up mostly in Istanbul. Turkey was motivated to welcome the Arab diaspora and diasporic media because it has some tensions with Arab regimes, the AKP’s support to Muslim Brotherhood Movement, and geographical, economic and political interests. However, although some of these media are still active, many had to end their operations, mainly due to financial issues.
这篇文章的目的是调查在阿拉伯之春之后土耳其对政权批判的阿拉伯流散媒体的发展现象。首先,本文探讨了涵盖(阿拉伯)侨民和(阿拉伯)侨民媒体概念的学术文献。其次,它突出了土耳其阿拉伯散居媒体的发展,这些媒体来自叙利亚、埃及、也门和利比亚。最后,文章探讨了土耳其欢迎这一现象的原因。在方法上,本文采用二手资料的定性分析来探索和描述这个主题。2011年阿拉伯之春之后,土耳其的阿拉伯侨民媒体开始引人注目地出现,最终主要集中在伊斯坦布尔。土耳其之所以欢迎阿拉伯侨民和海外媒体,是因为它与阿拉伯政权关系紧张,正义与发展党对穆斯林兄弟会运动的支持,以及地缘、经济和政治利益。然而,尽管其中一些媒体仍然活跃,但许多媒体不得不停止运营,主要是由于资金问题。
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引用次数: 1
A disconnect in media accountability: Spanish journalists’ and citizens’ perceptions of established and innovative instruments at the organizational level 媒体问责的脱节:西班牙记者和公民对组织层面已建立和创新工具的看法
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-20 DOI: 10.1386/ajms_00040_1
Xavier Ramon, Marcel Mauri-Ríos, Jesús Díaz-Campo, J. Suárez-Villegas
In the current media landscape, accountability can be promoted through a wide range of established and innovative instruments. Focusing on the Spanish context, this article examines journalists’ perceptions of in-house accountability instrument effectiveness and analyses citizens’ knowledge and understanding of these mechanisms. A mixed- methods approach was employed: an online survey was administered to Spanish journalists (N = 228), and six citizen focus groups (38 participants in total) were established in several regions of Spain (Andalusia, Basque Country, Catalonia, Galicia, Madrid and Valencia). Findings showed that journalists’ evaluation of media accountability instruments is remarkably limited, scoring 5.82 out of 10 points in the highest case. From the citizens’ perspective, the overwhelming lack of visibility and relative distrust towards these instruments are revealed. This double disconnect from accountability brings to light the need to rethink and reinvigorate the existing instruments so they can effectively contribute to the goal of rebuilding trust in journalism.
在目前的媒体环境中,可以通过广泛的既定和创新手段来促进问责制。本文以西班牙为背景,考察记者对内部问责机制有效性的看法,并分析公民对这些机制的认识和理解。采用混合方法:对西班牙记者进行在线调查(N = 228),并在西班牙的几个地区(安达卢西亚、巴斯克地区、加泰罗尼亚、加利西亚、马德里和瓦伦西亚)建立了六个公民焦点小组(总共38名参与者)。调查结果显示,记者对媒体问责工具的评价非常有限,最高的情况下得分为5.82分(满分10分)。从公民的角度来看,对这些工具的极度缺乏可见性和相对不信任被揭示出来。这种与问责制的双重脱节表明,有必要重新思考和重振现有的工具,以便它们能够有效地为重建新闻信任的目标做出贡献。
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引用次数: 1
Who are professional politicians talking to? The making of Members of the European Parliament’s audiences on Twitter and Facebook 职业政客在跟谁说话?欧洲议会议员在Twitter和Facebook上的受众
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1386/ajms_00018_1
S. Roginsky
This article looks at the representations that politicians develop depending on the audiences they believe they are reaching through social media platforms. The objective is twofold: to analyse these representations, and to understand how such representations are constructed. Based on a longitudinal study over a period of five years on the use of digital platforms by Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), the article highlights how the representations of audiences are related to the types of use that politicians make of these platforms. It also considers the representations of the audiences as they are built up by the followers of politicians themselves. Finally, the analysis of audiences’ representations highlights that those following MEPs on social media have a keen interest and awareness of (European) politics, calling into question the promotional discourses that tend to present the average citizen as the main audience of politicians on those platforms.
本文着眼于政治家根据他们认为他们通过社交媒体平台接触到的受众而发展的表征。目标是双重的:分析这些表征,并理解这些表征是如何构建的。基于对欧洲议会议员(MEPs)使用数字平台的五年纵向研究,这篇文章强调了受众的表现与政治家对这些平台的使用类型之间的关系。它还考虑了观众的代表,因为他们是由政治家自己的追随者建立起来的。最后,对受众表征的分析强调,那些在社交媒体上关注欧洲议会议员的人对(欧洲)政治有着浓厚的兴趣和意识,这对那些倾向于将普通公民作为这些平台上政治家的主要受众的宣传话语提出了质疑。
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引用次数: 1
She belongs in the kitchen, not in Congress? Political engagement and sexism on Twitter 她该去厨房,不该去国会?推特上的政治参与和性别歧视
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1386/ajms_00022_1
Rebekah Tromble, K. Koole
Social media offer direct lines of communication to many democratic representatives, and, in some instances, they may provide policy-makers and journalists with a better sense of public views. But, are the voices expressed on social media worth heeding? Impersonal and anonymous communication often invites negativity and abuse, including racism and sexism. Indeed, evidence suggests that women face particularly high levels of abuse online. And yet we know relatively little about the role of sexism in citizens’ digitally mediated interactions with their political representatives. Do people direct more criticism and hostility towards female politicians? Using Twitter data comparing political engagement in the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and the United States, we actually find reason for optimism. In the United Kingdom and the United States, there are no differences in the tone of messages sent to male and female politicians, and Dutch citizens direct more positive messages towards women. Across all three countries, gendered insults towards women are rare.
社交媒体为许多民主代表提供了直接的沟通渠道,在某些情况下,它们可能会让政策制定者和记者更好地了解公众的观点。但是,社交媒体上表达的声音值得关注吗?非个人和匿名的交流往往会招致消极和辱骂,包括种族主义和性别歧视。事实上,有证据表明,女性在网上受到的虐待尤其严重。然而,我们对性别歧视在公民与他们的政治代表的数字媒介互动中的作用知之甚少。人们对女性政治家的批评和敌意是否更多?通过比较荷兰、英国和美国的Twitter数据,我们找到了乐观的理由。在英国和美国,传递给男性和女性政治家的信息在语气上没有区别,荷兰公民向女性传递了更多积极的信息。在这三个国家,对女性的性别侮辱都很少见。
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引用次数: 11
Dysfunctional democracy vs. direct representation 功能失调的民主vs.直接代表制
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1386/ajms_00023_1
S. Coleman
The challenge democratic politics face at the moment is not how to preserve its pristine stability from radical disturbance, but how to salvage its most fundamental norms from the prevalent drift towards authoritarianism, populism and xenophobia. If there is to be an effective salvage operation, democracies must be open to radical reconfiguration ‐ perhaps even re-invention. To realize this opportunity, however, entails confronting the fundamental mismatch that exists between governmental logic and the increasingly embedded practices of socially networked citizens. This entails drawing upon the fullest range of interactive features of the current media ecology in order to establish a permanent and ongoing conversation between representatives and the citizens they represent, while at the same time facilitating lateral interaction between citizens and between decision-making institutions and those most likely to be affected by their decisions.
民主政治目前面临的挑战不是如何保持其原始稳定,不受激进干扰,而是如何从普遍倾向威权主义、民粹主义和仇外心理的趋势中挽救其最基本的规范。如果要进行有效的拯救行动,民主国家必须对彻底的重新配置——甚至是重新发明——持开放态度。然而,要实现这一机会,就必须面对政府逻辑和社会网络化公民日益根深蒂固的实践之间存在的根本不匹配。这就需要充分利用当前媒介生态的各种互动特征,以便在代表和他们所代表的公民之间建立一种永久和持续的对话,同时促进公民之间以及决策机构和最有可能受其决定影响的人之间的横向互动。
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引用次数: 2
Politicians and political parties’ use of social media in-between elections 政治家和政党在选举期间使用社交媒体
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1386/ajms_00017_1
Todd Graham, Julia Schwanholz
Digital transformation changes the relationship between citizens and politics. The observation of this nexus is highly relevant for representative democracy. After the successful 2008 Obama campaign, a vast body of research that explores how and why politicians use social media has emerged. However, we still know very little about how social media are being adopted and used in-between elections, and still less yet about what this means for political representation. Therefore, this special issue brings together innovative research that focuses on how the use of social media is impacting upon the relationship between politicians and political parties, and citizens. First, we discuss some pros and cons of this transformation in the context of the relevant literature and, especially, in relation to Stephen Coleman’s concept of ‘direct representation’. Finally, we discuss the findings and merits of the contributions and what the issue adds to our understanding of the phenomenon to the state of research.
数字化转型改变了公民与政治之间的关系。对这种联系的观察与代议制民主密切相关。在2008年奥巴马竞选成功后,出现了大量探讨政治家如何以及为什么使用社交媒体的研究。然而,我们仍然对社交媒体在选举期间是如何被采用和使用的知之甚少,更不知道这对政治代表意味着什么。因此,本期特刊汇集了一些创新研究,重点关注社交媒体的使用如何影响政治家、政党和公民之间的关系。首先,我们在相关文献的背景下讨论了这种转变的一些利弊,特别是与斯蒂芬·科尔曼的“直接代表”概念有关。最后,我们讨论了研究结果和贡献的优点,以及这个问题增加了我们对研究现状的理解。
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引用次数: 1
Facebook as a ‘trusted space of everyday communication’: Parties, citizens and direct representation Facebook是一个“可信赖的日常交流空间”:政党、公民和直接代表
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-01 DOI: 10.1386/ajms_00019_1
A. Larsson
Detailing processes related to direct representation in a longitudinal fashion, the study at hand gauges the degree to which Swedish political parties have utilized their Facebook pages during a four-year period covering two elections. Moreover, the study provides insights into citizen interaction by measuring the types of engagement preferred by Facebook users in relation to the party pages. Results indicate that while the bulk of parties appear as largely organizing their online activity in relation to election campaigns, the small, non-parliamentary Pirate Party emerges as taking an approach more in line with the permanent campaign aspect of direct representation. Moreover, while results indicate that citizens are indeed engaging with parties on Facebook, they do so mostly through ‘liking’ rather than commenting ‐ arguably a tendency suggesting limited interest in online discussion and deliberation.
这项研究以纵向的方式详细介绍了与直接代表有关的过程,评估了瑞典政党在为期四年的两次选举中利用其Facebook页面的程度。此外,该研究还通过衡量Facebook用户偏好的参与类型与政党页面的关系,为公民互动提供了见解。结果显示,虽然大多数政党似乎都在组织与竞选活动有关的在线活动,但小型的非议会海盗党却采取了更符合直接代表的永久性竞选方面的方法。此外,虽然结果表明,公民确实在Facebook上参与政党活动,但他们主要是通过“点赞”而不是评论来进行的——可以说,这种趋势表明人们对在线讨论和审议的兴趣有限。
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引用次数: 2
Closed doors, empty desks: The declining material conditions of the Czech local print newsroom 紧闭的门,空荡荡的办公桌:捷克当地印刷新闻编辑室物质条件的下降
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1386/AJMS_00009_1
Monika Metyková, L. Císařová
The crisis of journalism has been the subject of extensive scholarly and public debate. We argue that this debate needs to focus on actual developments on the ground that may be specific for a given society and that have serious consequences for the material conditions of journalists' work. We focus specifically on local print newsrooms in the Czech Republic, one of the 'new democracies' of Eastern Europe. We interviewed local journalists in middle-management positions at key stages of the transformation of the local newspaper publishing group Vltava Labe Press (VLP). We first approached journalists in 2015 when VLP's German owners ‐ the publishing house Verlagsgruppe Passau ‐ sold the company to the Slovak investment group Penta and followed up a year later when the 're-structuralization' of the local newspaper publisher was completed. It is not surprising that our case study demonstrates that commercial pressures impact directly on the material conditions and the locations and spaces of journalists' work, with the latter ones representing areas that form a crucial part of workplace autonomy, but have thus far been under-researched.
新闻业的危机一直是广泛的学术和公众辩论的主题。我们认为,这场辩论需要关注当地的实际发展,这可能是特定社会的具体情况,并对记者工作的物质条件产生严重后果。我们特别关注捷克共和国的当地印刷新闻编辑室,捷克共和国是东欧“新民主国家”之一。我们采访了在当地报纸出版集团Vltava Labe Press (VLP)转型关键阶段担任中层管理职位的当地记者。我们第一次接触记者是在2015年,当时VLP的德国所有者——出版社Verlagsgruppe Passau——将该公司出售给斯洛伐克投资集团Penta,一年后,当地报纸出版商的“重组”完成。毫不奇怪,我们的案例研究表明,商业压力直接影响到记者工作的物质条件和地点和空间,后者代表了构成工作场所自主的关键部分的领域,但迄今为止尚未得到充分研究。
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引用次数: 1
Financial capability, the financial crisis and trust in news media 金融能力、金融危机与新闻媒体信任
IF 0.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1386/AJMS_00011_1
Steve Schifferes, S. Knowles
Since the Global Financial Crisis of 2008 the financial media has been analysed from the perspectives of experts and far less from the audiences who consume it. This article fills this gap by exploring public consumption of financial news and their levels of satisfaction. It explores another, less researched, issue; that of financial literacy, which is a major impediment to public understanding and is weaker among women, young people and the less affluent. Consequently, the study makes the following suggestions: financial journalism needs to respond to a wide audience and provide more useful, unbiased and accessible financial news; personal finance news, which is an under-researched genre, could build financial capability levels and might improve trust between media and its audiences; and the financial media should be considered a key player by policy-makers if they want to bolster financial capability.
自2008年全球金融危机以来,人们一直从专家的角度来分析金融媒体,而很少从消费它的受众的角度来分析。本文通过探讨公众对财经新闻的消费及其满意度来填补这一空白。它探讨了另一个研究较少的问题;金融知识,这是公众理解的主要障碍,在妇女、年轻人和不太富裕的人群中较弱。因此,本研究提出以下建议:财经新闻需要回应更广泛的受众,提供更多有用的、公正的、可访问的财经新闻;个人理财新闻是一个研究不足的类型,可以建立金融能力水平,并可能提高媒体与受众之间的信任;如果决策者想要提高金融能力,财经媒体应该被视为一个关键角色。
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引用次数: 6
期刊
Journal of Applied Journalism & Media Studies
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