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Introduction: The Causes of Stasis in Aristotle’s Politics: Critical Responses to Cairns, Canevaro, and Mantzouranis 引言:亚里士多德政治学停滞的原因:对凯恩斯、卡纳瓦罗和曼祖拉尼斯的批判回应
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-04-25 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340403
T. Lockwood
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引用次数: 0
Servile Stories and Contested Histories: Empire, Memory, and Criticism in Livy’s Ab Urbe Condita 卑贱的故事和有争议的历史:李维的《城市状况》中的帝国、记忆和批评
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-04-25 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340409
Max Lykins
Scholars often turn to Livy’s famous digression on Aulus Cossus and the spolia opima (4.17–20) to shed light on his larger political inclinations. These readings generally regard Livy as either an Augustan (or at least a patriotic Roman) or an apolitical skeptic. Yet neither view, I argue, fully explains the Cossus affair. What is needed is an interpretation that recognizes the political nature of the Cossus digression and its skepticism toward Augustus. Attending to Livy’s rhetorical strategy in the digression allows us to see it as an instance of oblique criticism of Augustus and his control over Roman life. The explanatory power of this reading extends to episodes from the life of Romulus as well. I argue Livy uses these stories to make a theoretical argument about the nature of despotism, namely, that it seeks to control narratives of the past just as much as it aims for political domination.
学者们经常求助于李维关于奥勒斯·科苏斯和斯普利亚·奥普马(4.17-20)的著名题外话,以揭示他更大的政治倾向。这些解读通常认为李维要么是奥古斯都(或者至少是一个爱国的罗马人),要么是一个不关心政治的怀疑论者。然而,我认为,这两种观点都不能完全解释科苏斯事件。我们需要的是一种解释,承认科苏斯的离题及其对奥古斯都的怀疑的政治本质。注意到李维在题外话中的修辞策略,我们可以把它看作是对奥古斯都及其对罗马生活的控制的间接批评。这种解读的解释力也延伸到了罗穆卢斯生活中的片段。我认为李维用这些故事来做一个关于专制本质的理论论证,也就是说,它试图控制对过去的叙述,就像它的目标是政治统治一样。
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引用次数: 0
Tyranny in Tragedy 悲剧中的暴政
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-04-25 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340407
Edmund Stewart
The meaning of the word tyrannos in Greek tragedy is much debated. Some have assumed that the word is always a neutral term signifying ‘ruler’ alone. Others argue for competing ideologies regarding tyranny: the result of an evolution in thinking on autocracy. This article challenges both of these assumptions. The negative meaning of tyrannos is always latent in tragedy, even where the word is used objectively and not as a term of abuse. Tyrannos does not simply indicate a powerful individual but implies absolute power, fortune and wealth. This absolute power leads to ruin and tyrannical vice. Tyrannos signifies not a bad or illegitimate ruler, but rather one with the potential to develop such characteristics. It is the tyrant who evolves, whereas Greek conceptions of tyranny remain largely unchanged from at least the time of Aeschylus to that of Aristotle.
在希腊悲剧中,“僭主”一词的含义一直备受争议。有些人认为这个词一直是一个中性词,仅表示“统治者”。另一些人则争论关于暴政的竞争意识形态:这是对专制思想演变的结果。本文挑战了这两种假设。tyrannos的负面含义总是潜藏在悲剧中,即使这个词是客观地使用的,而不是作为一个辱骂的术语。Tyrannos不仅仅指强大的个人,还意味着绝对的权力、财富和财富。这种绝对的权力导致毁灭和残暴的恶习。泰拉诺斯并不意味着一个坏的或非法的统治者,而是一个有可能发展出这些特征的人。是暴君在演变,而希腊人对暴政的观念,至少从埃斯库罗斯时代到亚里士多德时代,基本上没有改变。
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引用次数: 0
Classics East and West, Ancient and Modern 经典东方与西方,古代与现代
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-04-25 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340411
Matthew C. Dean
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引用次数: 0
Notes on Contributors 投稿人说明
3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-02-06 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340387
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引用次数: 0
Xenophon and the Athenian Democracy: The Education of an Elite Citizenry, written by Matthew R. Christ 《色诺芬与雅典民主:精英公民的教育》,作者:马修·克里斯特
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-02-06 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340401
Fiona Hobden
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引用次数: 0
Recasting the Die? A New History of Julius Caesar 重铸骰子?《凯撒新史
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-02-06 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340396
A. H. Lushkov
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: A Memorial in Honor of Rex Stem, Scholar and Friend 简介:纪念雷克斯·斯坦,学者和朋友
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-02-06 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340386
M. Clarke, Daniel J. Kapust, John T. Scott
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引用次数: 0
Machiavelli’s Catilinarian Oration
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-02-06 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340394
John T. Scott
In the Discourses on Livy, Machiavelli claims that writers who are afraid to condemn Caesar instead criticize Catiline. I argue that Machiavelli follows this advice by inverting it. He openly condemns Caesar and the empire he founded while signaling that he has in mind another inimical example: the Church. He signals his intention by echoing Cicero’s fourth Catilinarian oration, imitating Cicero’s image of the ruin of Rome if Catiline’s conspiracy were to succeed through his own vision of the Italy wrought by wicked Roman emperors who succeeded Caesar. The reader of Machiavelli who recognizes this echo is in a position to see Machiavelli’s own Catilinarian oration against another successor of Caesar. In making my argument, I draw on Rex Stem’s treatment of the functions of exemplementarity as employed by authors of texts and as received by their readers.
在《论李维》中,马基雅维利声称,害怕谴责凯撒的作家反而批评了卡提林。我认为,马基雅维利遵循了这个建议,只是把它颠倒过来。他公开谴责凯撒和他建立的帝国,同时暗示他想到了另一个不利的例子:教会。他通过呼应西塞罗的第四次卡提林演说来表达他的意图,模仿西塞罗的形象,即如果卡提林的阴谋通过他自己对继承凯撒的邪恶罗马皇帝所创造的意大利的看法而成功,那么罗马就会毁灭。马基雅维利的读者,如果认识到这种呼应,就能看到马基雅维利自己的,卡提林演说,反对另一个凯撒的继任者。在提出我的论点时,我借鉴了雷克斯·斯特恩(Rex Stem)对文本作者所使用和读者所接受的范例功能的处理。
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引用次数: 0
Republicanism in Desperate Times: Cicero’s Critique of Cato’s Stoicism 绝望时代的共和主义:西塞罗对卡托斯多葛主义的批判
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 0 CLASSICS Pub Date : 2023-02-06 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340391
Mark E. Yellin
This essay examines two articles by Rex Stem about Cicero and Cato: ‘The First Eloquent Stoic and Cato the Younger’ and ‘Cicero as Orator and Political Philosopher: The Value of the Pro Murena for Ciceronian Political Thought’. It places these articles in dialogue and draws upon them to present an overarching argument about Cicero’s critique of Cato’s Stoicism. It also assesses their respective defenses of Roman republicanism, offering counterarguments to Cicero’s critique of Cato and underlining the ways in which the two men were allies.
本文考察了雷克斯·斯特恩关于西塞罗和卡托的两篇文章:《第一个雄辩的斯多葛派和年轻的卡托》和《作为演说家和政治哲学家的西塞罗:对西塞罗政治思想的支持》。它把这些文章放在对话中,并利用它们来提出一个关于西塞罗对卡托斯多葛主义的批判的总体论点。它还评估了他们各自对罗马共和主义的捍卫,对西塞罗对卡托的批评提出了反驳,并强调了两人是盟友的方式。
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引用次数: 0
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