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Mining Plato’s Cave: Silver Mining, Slavery, and Philosophical Education 挖掘柏拉图的洞穴:银矿、奴隶制和哲学教育
3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340417
Geoffrey Bakewell
Abstract The Allegory of the Cave (Pl. Resp. 514a1–520e2) is often analyzed in terms of metaphysical, epistemological, political, and psychic hierarchies that are clarified and reinforced by philosophical education. But the Allegory also contains an important historical allusion to the silver mining that took place in classical Attica. Examining the Cave in light of the enslaved miners around Lavrio leads us to reconsider the philosophical ‘liberation’ ( λύσιν … τῶν δεσμῶν , 515c4) at the Allegory’s heart in the context of Athenian slavery and Plato’s thoughts on the practice. Elsewhere in his work Plato generally uses servile metaphors in two ways: to depict ‘bad’ internal psychic subjection and ‘good’ submission to logos as manifested in various entities. This historical dimension of the Allegory works to undermine the ostensible naturalness of the slave/citizen distinction and suggest that philosophical education has the potential to ‘free’ the former and ‘subjugate’ the latter. The implication that these juridical categories are, to an extent, arbitrary and mutable reveals important differences between Plato’s views and those of his classical peers, and it adds to the dialogue’s protreptic dimension for its readers then and now.
摘要:《洞穴的寓言》(Pl. Resp. 514a1-520e2)经常从形而上学、认识论、政治和精神层次的角度进行分析,这些层次是通过哲学教育来澄清和加强的。但寓言也包含了一个重要的历史典故,指的是发生在古典阿提卡的银矿开采。从拉夫里奥周围被奴役的矿工的角度来审视洞穴,让我们重新考虑寓言中哲学上的“解放”(λ τ ν ν δεσμ μ ν, 515c4),在雅典奴隶制和柏拉图对这种做法的思考的背景下。在他的其他著作中,柏拉图通常以两种方式使用奴役的隐喻:描绘“坏的”内在精神服从和“好”服从逻各斯,表现在各种实体中。寓言的这种历史维度破坏了奴隶/公民区别表面上的自然性,并表明哲学教育有可能“解放”前者,“征服”后者。这些法律范畴,在某种程度上,是武断和易变的,这一暗示揭示了柏拉图的观点与他的古典同行之间的重要差异,这为当时和现在的读者增加了对话的保护维度。
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引用次数: 0
Writing as Pharmakon and the Limits of Law in Plato’s Statesman, Phaedrus, and Laws 在柏拉图的《政治家、费德鲁斯和法律》中,作为药魔的写作和法律的限制
3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340415
Leo Trotz-Liboff
Abstract In the Statesman and Phaedrus Plato addresses the problem inherent to law of how a general rule can be applied appropriately to particular circumstances. Previous scholarship has shown the connection between these dialogues’ critiques of written law and writing, a similarity this paper argues extends to the comparison of writing to a pharmakon (‘drug’) in both dialogues. Furthermore, close textual analysis shows that the Stranger’s discussion of measure in the Statesman parallels Socrates’ concept of ‘logographic necessity’ in the Phaedrus according to which the parts of a perfect writing cohere like limbs within an organism. Logographic necessity and measure raise the possibility of overcoming the weakness of writing and written law respectively. Ultimately, the Laws recapitulates these issues to reveal an insuperable gap between legal and philosophic writing. Envisioning the ideal of perfect law is, however, necessary to see how law falls short of what philosophy as Platonic dialogue achieves.
在《政治家》和《费德鲁斯篇》中,柏拉图探讨了法律固有的问题,即一般规则如何恰当地适用于特定情况。以前的学术研究表明,这些对话对成文法的批评与写作之间存在联系,本文认为,这种相似性延伸到两个对话中对写作与药物(“药物”)的比较。此外,仔细的文本分析表明,《政治家》中《陌生人》对尺度的讨论与苏格拉底在《费德鲁斯篇》中提出的“语域必然性”概念相似,根据这一概念,完美写作的各个部分就像有机体中的四肢一样紧密相连。意义的必要性和意义的措施分别提出了克服文字和成文法弱点的可能性。最后,《法律》总结了这些问题,揭示了法律和哲学写作之间不可逾越的鸿沟。然而,有必要设想完美法律的理想,以了解法律如何达不到哲学作为柏拉图式对话所达到的目标。
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引用次数: 0
Diffusion of Political Ideas between Ancient India and Greece: Early Theories of the Origins of Monarchy 古印度与希腊之间政治观念的传播:君主政体起源的早期理论
3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340419
Otto H. Linderborg
Abstract This investigation examines the question of whether the similar theories of the origins of monarchy encountered in certain early Greek and Indian literary sources should be taken as evidence of cross-cultural diffusion of political ideas. The paper argues against the alternative explanation, according to which the similarity in form in the Greek and Indian versions of the kingship theory is rooted in similar social processes, by exposing how the earliest extant Greek version of the theory seems to build on a prototype most closely mirrored in one early Indian source.
摘要本研究探讨的问题是,在某些早期希腊和印度文学资料中遇到的关于君主制起源的类似理论是否应被视为政治思想跨文化传播的证据。这篇论文反对另一种解释,根据这种解释,希腊和印度版本的王权理论在形式上的相似性根植于相似的社会过程,通过揭示最早的现存希腊版本的理论似乎建立在一个早期印度来源中最密切反映的原型之上。
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引用次数: 0
Aristotle on Friendship in Association 亚里士多德谈交往中的友谊
3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340418
Mark C. Brennan
Abstract This paper argues that Aristotle’s account of friendship can be applied equally to cases of friendship in association and personal friendship. It argues that both types of friendship are similar insofar as both are primarily concerned with the common good that serves as the basis of the friendship. This notion of the common good is what allows Aristotle to draw a connection between personal relationships, the more circumscribed associations, and the political association. This focus on the common good allows one to look to the political association to inform one’s understanding of both friendship and justice in both the smaller associations and in personal relationships.
本文认为,亚里士多德关于友谊的论述同样适用于交往中的友谊和个人之间的友谊。它认为,两种类型的友谊是相似的,因为它们都主要关注作为友谊基础的共同利益。这一共同利益的概念使亚里士多德能够将个人关系,更有限的联系,和政治联系联系起来。这种对共同利益的关注允许一个人去关注政治协会,以告知他在较小的协会和个人关系中对友谊和正义的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Recognition and Redistribution in Aristotle’s Account of Stasis: a Response to Our Critics 亚里士多德停滞论中的认识与再分配:对我们的批评的回应
3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340413
Douglas Cairns, Mirko Canevaro, Kleanthis Mantzouranis
Abstract We reply to the objections raised in Polis 40 (2023) by Ryan Balot and Manuel Knoll to our original paper ‘Recognition and Redistribution in Aristotle’s Account of Stasis ’, published in Polis 39 (2022). We argue that Knoll is correct in arguing that Aristotle distinguishes between democratic views of distributive justice and his own, but wrong to argue that this wholly resolves a tension in Aristotle’s exposition between views of democratic justice as, in one sense, based on equality ‘according to worth’ and in another based on arithmetic equality. Balot, we contend, misconstrues our original argument when he represents us as claiming that, according to Aristotle, the injustice which leads agents to engage in stasis exists entirely in their own minds. We did not and do not hold that view and therefore ( pace Balot) are in no way committed to any of its alleged implications. Balot’s misunderstanding on that point entails a wholesale misrepresentation of our original argument.
我们对Ryan Balot和Manuel Knoll在Polis 40(2023)中对我们发表在Polis 39(2022)上的原始论文“亚里士多德停滞账户中的识别和再分配”提出的反对意见进行回应。我们认为,Knoll认为亚里士多德区分了分配正义的民主观点和他自己的观点是正确的,但认为这完全解决了亚里士多德阐述中的民主正义观点之间的紧张关系是错误的,在某种意义上,民主正义是基于“根据价值”的平等,而在另一种意义上,民主正义是基于算术平等。我们认为,巴洛特曲解了我们最初的论点,他代表我们声称,根据亚里士多德,导致代理人陷入停滞的不公正完全存在于他们自己的头脑中。我们过去没有,现在也不持有这种观点,因此(请注意巴洛特)决不相信其所谓的任何影响。巴洛特在这一点上的误解导致了对我们最初论点的全面歪曲。
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引用次数: 0
Sophoclean Epistemology: Justice in the Theban Plays 索福克林认识论:底比斯戏剧中的正义
3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340414
Gillian Hunnisett, Sara MacDonald
Abstract In Oedipus at Colonus Sophocles shows that neither individual reason nor piety are singularly sufficient for either individual happiness or the common good. Human understanding is dependent on a decentering of the individual, such that the reason of the wider community, including that of the gods, can augment the limitations of individual perspective. Sophocles shows not only the dependence of faith and reason on one another, but the degree to which both are dependent on reciprocal good will within a community.
索福克勒斯在《俄狄浦斯在科洛诺斯》中指出,无论是个人的理性还是虔诚,都不足以实现个人的幸福或共同的利益。人类的理解依赖于个人的去中心化,这样,更广泛的社会的理性,包括神的理性,可以扩大个人视角的局限性。索福克勒斯不仅展示了信仰和理性的相互依赖,而且还展示了两者在多大程度上依赖于一个共同体内的相互善意。
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引用次数: 0
Plato’s Second Republic: An Essay on the Laws, written by André Laks 柏拉图的《第二理想国:论法律》,作者是安德烈·拉克斯
3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340422
Robert A. Ballingall
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引用次数: 0
Persistent Dissent and Plato’s Later Theory of Civic Participation 持续的异议与柏拉图的后期公民参与理论
3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340416
Vilius Bartninkas
Abstract Plato in the Laws proposes a simulation of nearly ideal conditions regarding the experts’ persuasion and observes that even in these circumstances some citizens will not agree with the epistemic authorities. In this paper, such situations are labelled as exhibiting persistent dissent . Plato maintains that persistent dissenters lack the virtue of sōphrosynē , but its meaning is notoriously difficult to decipher. This paper offers to examine the role of sōphrosynē in tackling persistent dissent in light of Plato’s reflections on civic participation. This angle will not only uncover the epistemic aspect of sōphrosynē that lays the groundwork for persuasion, but it will also give a less optimistic assessment of the civic theory of the Laws , whilst simultaneously widening our own understanding of the range of disagreements between the experts and the non-experts and the difficulties in removing them.
柏拉图在《法律论》中提出了一个近乎理想的关于专家说服的模拟条件,并观察到即使在这种情况下,一些公民也不会同意知识权威。在本文中,这种情况被标记为表现出持续的异议。柏拉图认为,坚持不懈的反对者缺乏sōphrosynē的美德,但其含义是出了名的难以破译。本文将根据柏拉图对公民参与的思考,考察sōphrosynē在解决持续的异议方面的作用。这个角度不仅将揭示sōphrosynē的认识论方面,为说服奠定了基础,而且还将对法律的公民理论进行不太乐观的评估,同时扩大我们对专家和非专家之间分歧的范围以及消除这些分歧的困难的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Les Trois Républiques. Platon, Diogène de Sinope et Zénon de Citium, edited by Suzanne Husson and Juliette Lemaire 三个共和国。柏拉图,西诺普的第欧根尼和西提姆的芝诺,苏珊娜·胡森和朱丽叶·勒梅尔编辑
3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340423
Stefano Mecci
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引用次数: 0
Cicero, Caesar, and the End of Cicero’s Imperium 西塞罗、凯撒与西塞罗帝国的终结
3区 历史学 Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1163/20512996-12340420
Jonathan P. Zarecki
Abstract This article argues that Cicero laid down his imperium in Brundisium in September 47 after Caesar had, in a meeting between the two men, granted Cicero permission to retain his imperium and title of imperator for as long as Cicero wished to do so. Instead of accepting Caesar’s offer, Cicero instead immediately repudiated it, laid down his imperium in the city of Brundisium, and went immediately to Tusculum to begin a second period of political retirement. Caesar’s offer and his return to Italy in the autumn of 47 gave Cicero an excuse to consider expired the SCU of 7 January 49 and, by immediately renouncing his imperium , perform, under the cover of his now-fulfilled obligation to the Pompeians, a calculated personal statement of political independence.
本文认为,西塞罗于1947年9月在布伦迪西姆宣布了他的统治权。在凯撒与西塞罗的一次会面中,恺撒允许西塞罗保留他的统治权和皇帝的头衔,只要西塞罗愿意。西塞罗没有接受凯撒的提议,而是立即拒绝了,他在布伦迪西翁建立了统治权,并立即前往图斯库卢姆开始了第二次政治隐退。恺撒的提议和西塞罗于公元47年秋天返回意大利,给了西塞罗一个借口,考虑49年1月7日的SCU到期,并立即放弃他的统治权,在他对庞培人已经履行的义务的掩护下,执行一个经过深思熟虑的个人政治独立声明。
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