Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/08905495.2021.2023347
Stefan Huygebaert, Marianne Van Remoortel
What makes a story a “strong” story? Why are some stories more likely than others to be picked up internationally and to circulate in ever-changing forms both within and across language boundaries? In the past decade, these questions have drawn increasing interest among scholars of nineteenth-century literature in particular. The nineteenth century was arguably the first in history that provided the technological underpinnings for literary texts to go viral, thanks to steady advances in the paper and printing industry as well as in communication and transportation. In addition, the lack of international copyright legislation until the 1886 Berne Convention meant that for most of the century texts could be copied and disseminated freely, without the author’s permission. If Meredith McGill’s (2003) ground-breaking archival work revealed the “culture of reprinting” thriving under these conditions in antebellum America, more recent projects such as The Viral Texts Project and Oceanic Exchanges use the latest digital research methods to trace the circulation of texts on a much larger scale than manual browsing could ever allow. While these methods still present important limitations to do with, for instance, digitisation policies, OCR quality, and the availability and granularity of metadata, they have already yielded surprising results as to what texts were most often reprinted: the busiest, longest afterlives were sometimes led by texts that are now almost completely forgotten or no longer classified among an author’s major works (Cordell and Mullen 2017; Van Remoortel 2013). In this article, we build on this earlier scholarship by presenting a case study of such a forgotten text: a Flemish story written by Joseph Octave Delepierre (1802–1879) about a Bruges sculptor, first published in French in 1837. As our research reveals, the story subsequently circulated widely in Western Europe and across the Atlantic. In addition to numerous reprints, translations, and summaries, a number of authors expanded the characters and plot into full-length novellas and children’s books; others turned the story into a play or a poem. We argue that, while technological innovations and legal circumstances created the settings in which the story could go viral, what made it so attractive for reuse was its thematic diversity. As we will demonstrate, the story contains at least three thematic strands, a legal, an art-historical, and a gender one, which later versions accentuated, modified, built on, or left out, depending on their authors’ agendas and new target audiences.
是什么让一个故事成为一个“强大”的故事?为什么有些故事比其他故事更有可能在国际上流传，并以不断变化的形式在语言境内外传播?在过去的十年里，这些问题尤其引起了研究十九世纪文学的学者们越来越大的兴趣。19世纪可以说是历史上第一个为文学文本的传播提供技术基础的世纪，这要归功于造纸业、印刷业以及通信和运输的稳步发展。此外，直到1886年《伯尔尼公约》才有了国际版权立法，这意味着在20世纪的大部分时间里，文本可以在没有作者许可的情况下自由复制和传播。如果说梅雷迪思·麦吉尔(2003)开创性的档案工作揭示了“重印文化”在南北战争前的美国这种条件下蓬勃发展，那么最近的项目，如“病毒文本项目”和“海洋交流”，则使用最新的数字研究方法，在比手工浏览更大的范围内追踪文本的流通。虽然这些方法在数字化政策、OCR质量、元数据的可用性和粒度等方面仍然存在重要的局限性，但它们已经在哪些文本最常被重印方面产生了令人惊讶的结果:最繁忙、最长寿的文本有时是由现在几乎完全被遗忘或不再归类于作者主要作品的文本主导的(Cordell and Mullen 2017;Van remomortel 2013)。在这篇文章中，我们通过对这样一个被遗忘的文本进行案例研究来建立早期的学术研究:约瑟夫·奥克塔夫·德勒皮埃雷(1802-1879)写的关于布鲁日雕塑家的佛兰德故事，于1837年首次以法语出版。我们的研究表明，这个故事随后在西欧和大西洋彼岸广为流传。除了大量的重印、翻译和总结之外，许多作者还将小说中的人物和情节扩展成长篇中篇小说和儿童读物;还有人把这个故事改编成戏剧或诗歌。我们认为，虽然技术创新和法律环境创造了故事可以像病毒一样传播的环境，但使它如此吸引人重复使用的是它的主题多样性。正如我们将展示的那样，这个故事至少包含三个主题，一个法律，一个艺术历史和一个性别，后来的版本根据作者的议程和新的目标受众，强调、修改、建立或省略了这些主题。
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/08905495.2022.2024371
Dawn M. Coleman
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/08905495.2021.2023344
Kira Braham
The traditional account of the Industrial Revolution goes something like this: beginning in the latter half of the eighteenth century, a relentless wave of concentration, mechanization, and rationalization demolished traditional forms of manufacturing. Decentralized systems of cottage industries and village workshops were replaced by hulking factories and “dark Satanic Mills”. Artisans and journeymen were transformed into the industrial proletariat, densely packed into manufacturing districts and subject to a rigid system of time discipline. The hourly wage – the ultimate symbol of abstracted labor – came to define what it meant to make a living. Worker autonomy and subjectivity were crushed by the deadening uniformity that industrialization brought in its wake. The quintessential image here is Dickens’s Coketown, with its grotesquely homogenized workforce that could no more be divided into individuals than the sea could be separated into its component drops. Scholars of the nineteenth century know that the process of industrialization was significantly more heterogeneous and complex. But the traditional narrative of the Industrial Revolution continues to have broad cultural purchase. The contemporary discourse surrounding the emergence of what has come to be known as the gig economy has made this particularly clear. Popularized in the years after the 2008 financial crisis, the term “gig economy” defines a diverse employment model that relies on contingent workers, freelancers, and independent contractors rather than full-time employees. Proponents of the gig economy argue that the spread of “flexible” employment throughout diverse sectors of the economy signals a cultural rejection of oppressive industrial labor regimes. For example, Silicon Valley CEO David Shadpour has argued that that our society is “evolving beyond the constraints of traditional work models” and “demanding the freedom of flexible work environments” (2018). Likewise, the economist Arun Sundararajan celebrates the replacement of “monolithic, centralized systems” with decentralizing labor platforms like TaskRabbit and Lyft (2016, 4). These platforms reject the “faceless, impersonal” nature of industrial capitalism in favor of economic interactions that are “embedded in a community” and “intertwined... with social relations” (35). According to an Uber press release, the gig economy democratizes economic opportunity by offering “turnkey entrepreneurship” to low-income workers who have historically had access only to waged labor (qtd. in Kessler 58). In this
{"title":"The Victorian gig economy: casualization in Henry Mayhew's Morning Chronicle letters","authors":"Kira Braham","doi":"10.1080/08905495.2021.2023344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08905495.2021.2023344","url":null,"abstract":"The traditional account of the Industrial Revolution goes something like this: beginning in the latter half of the eighteenth century, a relentless wave of concentration, mechanization, and rationalization demolished traditional forms of manufacturing. Decentralized systems of cottage industries and village workshops were replaced by hulking factories and “dark Satanic Mills”. Artisans and journeymen were transformed into the industrial proletariat, densely packed into manufacturing districts and subject to a rigid system of time discipline. The hourly wage – the ultimate symbol of abstracted labor – came to define what it meant to make a living. Worker autonomy and subjectivity were crushed by the deadening uniformity that industrialization brought in its wake. The quintessential image here is Dickens’s Coketown, with its grotesquely homogenized workforce that could no more be divided into individuals than the sea could be separated into its component drops. Scholars of the nineteenth century know that the process of industrialization was significantly more heterogeneous and complex. But the traditional narrative of the Industrial Revolution continues to have broad cultural purchase. The contemporary discourse surrounding the emergence of what has come to be known as the gig economy has made this particularly clear. Popularized in the years after the 2008 financial crisis, the term “gig economy” defines a diverse employment model that relies on contingent workers, freelancers, and independent contractors rather than full-time employees. Proponents of the gig economy argue that the spread of “flexible” employment throughout diverse sectors of the economy signals a cultural rejection of oppressive industrial labor regimes. For example, Silicon Valley CEO David Shadpour has argued that that our society is “evolving beyond the constraints of traditional work models” and “demanding the freedom of flexible work environments” (2018). Likewise, the economist Arun Sundararajan celebrates the replacement of “monolithic, centralized systems” with decentralizing labor platforms like TaskRabbit and Lyft (2016, 4). These platforms reject the “faceless, impersonal” nature of industrial capitalism in favor of economic interactions that are “embedded in a community” and “intertwined... with social relations” (35). According to an Uber press release, the gig economy democratizes economic opportunity by offering “turnkey entrepreneurship” to low-income workers who have historically had access only to waged labor (qtd. in Kessler 58). In this","PeriodicalId":43278,"journal":{"name":"Nineteenth-Century Contexts-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":"44 1","pages":"57 - 74"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59415300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/08905495.2022.2024370
Robert Faggen
{"title":"Bright star, green light: the beautiful works and damned lives of John Keats and F. Scott Fitzgerald","authors":"Robert Faggen","doi":"10.1080/08905495.2022.2024370","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08905495.2022.2024370","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43278,"journal":{"name":"Nineteenth-Century Contexts-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":"44 1","pages":"117 - 119"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41556351","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/08905495.2022.2027071
Emily K. Madsen
Robert Ballantyne’s novel, The Young Fur Traders (1856), is seen as a typical boys’ adventure novel; it is also the first of his boys’ adventure novels. The novel was based very closely on Ballantyne’s autobiography, The Hudson’s Bay Company (1848), which covers the Scottish author’s time as an apprentice to the Hudson’s Bay Fur Company. Like H. Rider Haggard and other Victorian contemporaries, Ballantyne’s own labor physically supporting the work of Empire became inspiration for his subsequent fictional writings. Elaine Freedgood has written about this phenomenon, noting:
{"title":"Empire’s clerks: assigning genre categories and the boys’ adventure novel","authors":"Emily K. Madsen","doi":"10.1080/08905495.2022.2027071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08905495.2022.2027071","url":null,"abstract":"Robert Ballantyne’s novel, The Young Fur Traders (1856), is seen as a typical boys’ adventure novel; it is also the first of his boys’ adventure novels. The novel was based very closely on Ballantyne’s autobiography, The Hudson’s Bay Company (1848), which covers the Scottish author’s time as an apprentice to the Hudson’s Bay Fur Company. Like H. Rider Haggard and other Victorian contemporaries, Ballantyne’s own labor physically supporting the work of Empire became inspiration for his subsequent fictional writings. Elaine Freedgood has written about this phenomenon, noting:","PeriodicalId":43278,"journal":{"name":"Nineteenth-Century Contexts-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":"44 1","pages":"75 - 88"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47555314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1080/08905495.2021.2023346
Isabel Corrêa da Silva
By the end of the eighteenth century the replacement of traditional political theology by a model of a “civil religion”meant that the abstract entity of the nation came to occupy the former place of God as the summit of a political system that provides meaning for human interaction and social organization (Schmitt 2005; Ridolfi 2006). In its various shades, this type of sacralization of Leviathan was the politico-philosophical foundation of the establishing of the United States of America and the French Revolution, and consequently of the nineteenth century liberal states. Indeed, throughout the nineteenth century the path of political communities towards MaxWeber’s irreversible “disenchantment of the world” has been made through the dialectic between the secularization of society and the sacralization of the State. Talking and thinking about secularization and sacralization can be too abstract an exercise. Therefore, it is important to take into account its effectiveness within the scope of Portugal’s time and space, which is the focus of this article. In 1820, with the royal family and court absent in Brazil since 1808 as a result of the Napoleonic invasions, Portugal went through a liberal revolution that triggered a process of dismantling and weakening the institutions of the Old Regime, including the Church. Between 1832 and 1834, Portugal experienced a civil war between supporters of two distinct conceptions of monarchy: traditionalist and liberal/constitutional, respectively led by the two brothers, sons of King João VI, Miguel and Pedro. The “war of the two brothers” ended with the triumph of the liberals who were responsible for implementing major secularizing measures such as the dismantling of Church assets and the extinction of religious orders (Paquette 2013; Faria 1987). However, taking into account the character of the majority of the country’s population at the beginning of the nineteenth century – rural, Catholic, and illiterate – historiography has been reticent to recognize any material conditions at the time that would be necessary for the development of a secularized culture (Neto 1998, 222). In reality, Portuguese liberals did not want separation from the Church, but its appropriation. And that was what happened: nationalization of the Church both in the material sense by taking possession of its goods and in the more subjective sense by the appropriation of the system of Catholic beliefs and values which formed the identity and edifying ground of Portuguese society (Ramos and Monteiro 2019).
{"title":"The twilight of Portuguese kingship between religion and secularism (1853–1910)","authors":"Isabel Corrêa da Silva","doi":"10.1080/08905495.2021.2023346","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08905495.2021.2023346","url":null,"abstract":"By the end of the eighteenth century the replacement of traditional political theology by a model of a “civil religion”meant that the abstract entity of the nation came to occupy the former place of God as the summit of a political system that provides meaning for human interaction and social organization (Schmitt 2005; Ridolfi 2006). In its various shades, this type of sacralization of Leviathan was the politico-philosophical foundation of the establishing of the United States of America and the French Revolution, and consequently of the nineteenth century liberal states. Indeed, throughout the nineteenth century the path of political communities towards MaxWeber’s irreversible “disenchantment of the world” has been made through the dialectic between the secularization of society and the sacralization of the State. Talking and thinking about secularization and sacralization can be too abstract an exercise. Therefore, it is important to take into account its effectiveness within the scope of Portugal’s time and space, which is the focus of this article. In 1820, with the royal family and court absent in Brazil since 1808 as a result of the Napoleonic invasions, Portugal went through a liberal revolution that triggered a process of dismantling and weakening the institutions of the Old Regime, including the Church. Between 1832 and 1834, Portugal experienced a civil war between supporters of two distinct conceptions of monarchy: traditionalist and liberal/constitutional, respectively led by the two brothers, sons of King João VI, Miguel and Pedro. The “war of the two brothers” ended with the triumph of the liberals who were responsible for implementing major secularizing measures such as the dismantling of Church assets and the extinction of religious orders (Paquette 2013; Faria 1987). However, taking into account the character of the majority of the country’s population at the beginning of the nineteenth century – rural, Catholic, and illiterate – historiography has been reticent to recognize any material conditions at the time that would be necessary for the development of a secularized culture (Neto 1998, 222). In reality, Portuguese liberals did not want separation from the Church, but its appropriation. And that was what happened: nationalization of the Church both in the material sense by taking possession of its goods and in the more subjective sense by the appropriation of the system of Catholic beliefs and values which formed the identity and edifying ground of Portuguese society (Ramos and Monteiro 2019).","PeriodicalId":43278,"journal":{"name":"Nineteenth-Century Contexts-An Interdisciplinary Journal","volume":"44 1","pages":"39 - 55"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46611497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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