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“L’Européen Sait et ne sait pas”: Frantz Fanon and Epistemologies of Ignorance "L'Européen Sait et ne sait pas':弗朗茨-法农与无知的认识论
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.12.1.0083
Magali Bessone
This article argues that Frantz Fanon’s critique of the epistemology of the colonial situation is a complex, pluralized, epistemology of ignorance, where ignorance takes three main forms. Fanon first produces a critique of colonial ideology, in which ignorance is the product of the colonizers’ false justificatory ideology. Fanon unveils how Europeans, through human sciences such as “ethnopsychiatry” and “ethnophilosophy,” deliberately produce ignorance and devaluation of colonized subjects and colonized knowledge for purposes of domination. Second, ignorance is the unintentional result of the partial, situated, standpoint of embodied knowers. Fanon does not intend to substitute a “black truth” to white ideology. He rather insists that while truth is unattainable under colonial conditions, the affective perspective of the oppressed/colonized is a necessary constitutive part of any objective account of the world. Third, by analyzing the “Conducts of confession in North Africa,” characterized by deliberate denial, lies, and opacity as resistance mechanisms, Fanon insists that no objective knowledge is possible in a colonial situation because of the total separation, and impossible epistemic collaboration, of dominant and dominated knowers. An anticolonial politics has to focus on producing the conditions of possibility of knowledge.
本文认为,弗朗茨-法农对殖民状况认识论的批判是一种复杂的、多元化的无知认识论,其中无知有三种主要形式。法农首先对殖民意识形态进行了批判,认为无知是殖民者虚假的合理化意识形态的产物。法农揭示了欧洲人如何通过 "人种精神病学 "和 "人种哲学 "等人文科学,出于统治的目的,故意制造无知,贬低殖民地主体和殖民地知识。其次,无知是具身知识者的片面、处境和立场的无意结果。法农无意用 "黑人真理 "取代白人意识形态。他坚持认为,虽然在殖民条件下真理是无法实现的,但被压迫者/被殖民者的情感视角是任何客观描述世界的必要构成部分。第三,通过分析 "北非的忏悔行为"(以蓄意否认、谎言和不透明作为抵抗机制),法农坚持认为,由于统治者和被统治者在认识论上的完全分离和不可能的合作,在殖民条件下不可能有客观的知识。反殖民主义政治必须注重创造知识的可能性条件。
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引用次数: 0
Living Plots in the Stone-Time of Necropolitics 亡灵政治石器时代的活情节
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.12.1.0003
Kris F. Sealey
Necropolitical arrangements of bifurcations delineate those ontological antagonisms that code Blackness as ontological lack (as non-position). In this article, I attempt to think about this evacuation of being in terms of the necropolitical’s fleshy excess, as what Alexander Weheliye’s work names “habeus viscus.” In so doing, I explore the implications, for our understanding of the “repressed proximities” of which the necropolitical consists, of arrangements that always-already include entanglements with their fleshy excess. In other words, if the nonposition of the excluded is always positioned within, then living in/against the death-logics of necropolitics is always happening from that “nonposition within.” Hence, a reading of Achille Mbembe’s account of necropolitics must reckon with what Katherine McKittrick names “the creative consequences of the plot and the plantation,” with the implications of the inextricable proximal entanglements between the killing of life and the living that persists, despite. This article focuses on this “living despite.” Through a constellation of thinkers like Katherine McKittrick, Alexander Weheliye, and Zakiyyah Iman Jackson (to name a few), it aims to show that there are, perhaps, other futures that are already “now,” shattering what Édouard Glissant refers to as the “stone of time,” shattering (necropolitical) history as destiny.
亡灵政治的分叉安排划定了那些本体论上的对立,将黑人编码为本体论上的缺失(作为非立场)。在本文中,我试图从亡灵政治的肉体过剩的角度来思考这种存在的疏散,即亚历山大-韦赫利耶作品中所称的 "habeus viscus"。在这样做的过程中,我探讨了我们对 "被压抑的接近性 "的理解的意义,而 "被压抑的接近性 "正是 "死亡政治 "的组成要素。换句话说,如果被排斥者的非位置总是定位在内部,那么生活在/反对死亡政治学的死亡逻辑就总是从 "内部的非位置 "出发。因此,阅读阿奇尔-姆贝姆贝关于死亡政治学的论述,必须考虑到凯瑟琳-麦基特里克(Katherine McKittrick)所称的 "情节和种植园的创造性后果",考虑到生命的杀戮与尽管存在却依然存活的生命之间不可分割的近似纠葛所产生的影响。本文聚焦于这种 "尽管活着"。通过凯瑟琳-麦基特里克(Katherine McKittrick)、亚历山大-韦赫里耶(Alexander Weheliye)和扎基亚-伊曼-杰克逊(Zakiyyah Iman Jackson)等思想家的群策群力,本文旨在表明,或许还有其他的未来已经是 "现在",打破了爱德华-格利桑(Édouard Glissant)所说的 "时间之石",打破了作为命运的(死亡政治)历史。
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引用次数: 0
“This Land of Thorns Is Not Habitable”: Diagnosing the Despair of Racialized Meta-oppression "这片荆棘之地不适合居住":诊断种族化元压迫的绝望情绪
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.12.1.0126
Jacqueline Renée Scott
This article addresses the growing literature in critical race studies, which holds that racism is permanent or incurable, and that by adopting this pessimistic view of racism, we can enact improved and healthier racialized lives. I argue that the focus on curing anti-Black racism, and the failure to do so in the civil rights era and its aftermath has left people of all races, to varying degrees, stuck in pessimistic states of racialized anger, resentment, guilt, and shame. These pessimistic states have brought about an additional level of oppression for targets of racialized oppression. I call it “meta-oppression,” and it is the oppression of being oppressed. I argue that this oppression has exacerbated the effects of the social disease of racism, and it has literally affected the physiologies of many African Americans. This article provides a diagnosis of these existential and physiological states of meta-oppression and a clarification of its characteristics. This diagnosis is an initial step in a larger project of formulating and enacting effective treatments for it. I then argue that meta-oppression is a helpful diagnostic tool for clarifying the characteristics and ramifications on Blacks of US systemic racism during the post–civil rights movement period. I aim to establish meta-oppression as an existential and physiological condition that requires attention so as to expand the social imaginations of people of color and to allow us to engage in more systemic joyful affirmations of our racialized lives while still living within racist conditions.
本文论述了批判性种族研究中日益增多的文献,这些文献认为种族主义是永久性的或不可治愈的,通过采用这种对种族主义的悲观看法,我们可以制定更好、更健康的种族化生活。我认为,在民权时代及其之后,人们一直关注如何治愈反黑人的种族主义,但却没能做到这一点,这在不同程度上让所有种族的人都陷入了种族化的愤怒、怨恨、内疚和羞愧等悲观状态。这些悲观状态给种族化压迫的对象带来了额外的压迫。我称之为 "元压迫",即被压迫的压迫。我认为,这种压迫加剧了种族主义这一社会疾病的影响,对许多非裔美国人的生理产生了切实的影响。本文对这些元压迫的存在和生理状态进行了诊断,并阐明了其特征。这一诊断是为元压迫制定和实施有效治疗这一更大计划的第一步。然后,我认为元压迫是一种有用的诊断工具,有助于澄清后民权运动时期美国系统性种族主义的特征及其对黑人的影响。我的目标是将元压迫确立为一种需要关注的存在和生理状况,从而拓展有色人种的社会想象力,让我们在生活在种族主义环境中的同时,能够更加系统地快乐地肯定我们的种族化生活。
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引用次数: 0
Du Bois, Marx, and the Jewish Question Reconsidered 杜波依斯、马克思与犹太问题再思考
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.12.1.0051
Asaf Angermann
W. E. B. Du Bois’s groundbreaking scholarship on race and racial prejudice was inseparable from his lifelong struggle for racial justice, Black liberation, and against social and political oppression. Both in his theoretical and in his historical-political work, Du Bois substantially and critically engaged with the “Jewish question”: with Jewish life, history, and politics, with the experiential perspective of an oppressed minority, and with the fight against prejudice and racial hatred. Throughout in life, and in particular in later years, Du Bois was influenced by Karl Marx’s critical analysis of social and economic life; Marx’s own discussion of the “Jewish question,” concerning the difference between political equality and human emancipation, proved substantial to his argument on civil rights and racial justice. In this article, I argue that Du Bois did not only draw from the Jewish experience and from Marx’s work on the “Jewish question” in his work on African American history and politics, but also that he, in fact, reconsidered the “Jewish question” from an African American perspective, offering his own reading and understanding of the “Jewish question,” thus applying his concept of double consciousness for rethinking it as a question of racial identity and racial consciousness, and as relevant and applicable to Black liberation and the fight against racism.
W.杜波依斯关于种族和种族偏见的开创性学术研究与他毕生为种族正义、黑人解放以及反对社会和政治压迫而进行的斗争密不可分。在他的理论和历史政治著作中,杜波依斯实质性地、批判性地探讨了 "犹太人问题":犹太人的生活、历史和政治,被压迫少数民族的经验视角,以及反对偏见和种族仇恨的斗争。杜波依斯一生,尤其是晚年,一直受到卡尔-马克思对社会和经济生活的批判性分析的影响;马克思本人对 "犹太人问题 "的讨论,即政治平等与人类解放之间的区别,对他关于公民权利和种族正义的论证具有重要意义。在这篇文章中,我认为杜波依斯在其关于美国黑人历史和政治的著作中不仅借鉴了犹太人的经验和马克思关于 "犹太人问题 "的论述,而且事实上他从美国黑人的视角重新思考了 "犹太人问题",提出了他自己对 "犹太人问题 "的解读和理解,从而运用他的双重意识概念将 "犹太人问题 "重新视为一个种族身份和种族意识的问题,并将其视为与黑人解放和反对种族主义的斗争相关和适用的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Necropolitics, Border Walls, and a Murder of Jim and Juan Crows in the Americas 美洲的亡灵政治、边境墙以及吉姆和胡安乌鸦谋杀案
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.12.1.0024
Melissa W. Wright
Across the Mexico-United States borderlands, overlapping white supremacist and Anglo-nationalist movements are building private walls as monuments to Donald Trump. Numerous social justice activists and ecological stewards have warned that these Trumpist border walls present specific and new threats to social and ecological landscapes, particularly along the riparian sections of the borderlands. To slow their building and even topple these walls, justice activists and ecological caretakers are working to fortify networks with similar efforts elsewhere. In an effort to provide analyses useful to such justice endeavors, I employ Achille Mbembe’s concept of necropolitics to situate the borderland activist struggles against the Trumpist walls within a broader context of struggle against the commemoration of racist terror in the US South. Specifically, I use Mbembe’s theorization of necropolitical deathworlds to illustrate some potential common cause linking protests against Trumpist walls in the Paso del Norte region of the Mexico-US border with a Black Lives Matter/Say Her Name coalition that is bringing down Confederate monuments in central Texas. In placing these movements in connection with each other, I highlight a synergy of the white supremacy of Jim Crow with the Anglo nationalism behind a Juan Crow variant of racist terror and anti-immigrant hatred driving the Trumpist wall constructions. Recognition of this convergence is one way, I maintain, for identifying opportunities for making common cause across the Americas’ myriad struggles to destroy the racist monuments that glorify the necropolitical legacy of racist colonialism and its ongoing social and ecological devastation.
在墨西哥和美国边境地区,白人至上主义和盎格鲁民族主义运动相互重叠,正在修建私人隔离墙,作为唐纳德-特朗普的纪念碑。众多社会正义活动家和生态管理者警告说,这些特朗普主义边境墙对社会和生态景观构成了新的具体威胁,尤其是在边境地区的河岸地带。为了减缓这些围墙的修建速度,甚至推倒它们,正义活动家和生态保护者们正努力与其他地方的类似努力一起强化网络。为了提供对此类正义努力有用的分析,我采用了阿奇尔-姆本贝(Achille Mbembe)的 "死亡政治学"(necropolitics)概念,将边境地区活动家反对特朗普主义隔离墙的斗争置于反对纪念美国南方种族主义恐怖斗争的大背景中。具体而言,我使用姆贝贝的死亡世界理论来说明一些潜在的共同原因,将墨西哥-美国边境北帕索地区反对特朗普主义隔离墙的抗议活动与德克萨斯州中部推倒邦联纪念碑的黑人生命事务/说出她的名字联盟联系起来。通过将这些运动相互联系起来,我强调了吉姆-克罗的白人至上主义与盎格鲁民族主义背后的胡安-克罗变体的种族主义恐怖和反移民仇恨的协同作用,而这正是特朗普主义修建隔离墙的驱动力。我认为,认识到这一趋同性是一种方法,可以找到机会,在美洲的无数斗争中建立共同事业,摧毁美化种族主义殖民主义的死政治遗产及其持续的社会和生态破坏的种族主义纪念碑。
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引用次数: 0
On Necropolitics: Achille Mbembe and the Critique of Black Reason 论死亡政治学阿奇尔-姆本贝与黑人理性批判
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.12.1.0001
Eduardo Mendieta
This is a brief introduction to a special section on the work of Achille Mbembe.
这是对阿奇勒-姆贝贝作品专栏的简要介绍。
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引用次数: 0
Fatal Longings: Nostalgia, Slavery, and Medicine 致命的渴望怀旧、奴隶制与医学
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.12.1.0182
Jesús Luzardo
This article analyzes the politics of nostalgia’s history as a fatal disease between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, especially as it was applied to slaves in late eighteenth-century Cuba. I trace nostalgia’s medical history beginning with its inauguration in Swiss medicine in 1688, and then describe the contours of its transformation into a military disease primarily affecting white soldiers in France and the United States. Finally, I translate and analyze key elements of Francisco Barrera y Domingo’s work on nostalgia as experienced by slaves in sugar mills in Havana. I show that Barrera uses his analysis of nostalgia and its treatment to describe the slaves’ harrowing conditions and homesickness. Nevertheless, in denying slaves the ability to return home and in failing to propose the abolition of the slave system in the wake of the Haitian Revolution, I argue, Barrera in fact deploys the diagnosis of nostalgia in order to medicalize and pathologize the slaves’ reactions and resistance to their captivity. Thus, despite his sympathy to the slaves, I conclude that for Barrera, nostalgia functions as a tool to better manage the slaves as laborers and as property.
本文分析了十七世纪至十九世纪期间乡愁作为一种致命疾病的政治历史,尤其是在十八世纪晚期的古巴,乡愁被应用于奴隶身上。我追溯了怀旧病的医学史,从 1688 年它在瑞士医学界的诞生开始,然后描述了它转变为一种主要影响法国和美国白人士兵的军事疾病的轮廓。最后,我翻译并分析了弗朗西斯科-巴雷拉-伊-多明戈(Francisco Barrera y Domingo)关于哈瓦那糖厂奴隶所经历的乡愁的著作的主要内容。我的研究表明,巴雷拉通过对乡愁及其处理方法的分析,描述了奴隶们的悲惨境遇和思乡之情。然而,我认为,巴雷拉剥夺了奴隶返回家园的能力,而且没有提出在海地革命之后废除奴隶制度的建议,巴雷拉实际上是在利用对乡愁的诊断,将奴隶对其被囚禁的反应和反抗医学化和病理学化。因此,尽管巴雷拉同情奴隶,但我的结论是,对他来说,怀旧是一种工具,可以更好地将奴隶作为劳动力和财产来管理。
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引用次数: 0
An Irrealist Theory of Race 非现实主义的种族理论
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.12.1.0106
J. Ganeri
In this article I draw upon an analogy between a debate in the critical philosophy of race over the metaphysics of race and a debate in Buddhist philosophy of mind over the metaphysics of selves. I argue that there is a defensible irrealist theory of race, corresponding to the performativist theory of self found in certain Buddhist thinkers.
在本文中,我将种族批判哲学中关于种族形而上学的争论与佛教心灵哲学中关于自我形而上学的争论进行类比。我认为,有一种可以辩护的种族非现实主义理论,与某些佛教思想家的表演主义自我理论相对应。
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引用次数: 0
Her Mother’s Tongue: Bilingual Dwelling, Being In-Between, and the Intergenerational Co-creation of Language-Worlds 她的母语双语居住、介于两者之间以及代际共创语言世界
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.12.1.0145
Helen Ngo
This article takes up the idea of language as a home and dwelling, and reconsiders what this might mean in the context of diasporic bilingualism, where as a “heritage speaker” of a minority language, the “mother tongue” may be experienced as both deeply familiar yet also alien or alienating. Drawing on a range of philosophical and literary accounts (Cassin, Arendt, Anzaldúa, Vuong, among others), this article explores how the so-called “mother tongue” is experienced by heritage speakers in an English-dominant world. From navigating one’s being in-between language-worlds, to the experience of language loss and efforts of reconnection, I argue that bilingual dwelling involves many complex layers often overlooked by philosophical accounts of language that do not attend to the lived world of the migrant and racialized outsider. By turning to the example of bilingual parenting, I then examine how such an undertaking, while labor-intensive, offers opportunities to refresh and co-create language-worlds anew.
作为少数民族语言的 "遗产使用者","母语 "可能被视为既熟悉又陌生或疏远。本文借鉴了一系列哲学和文学论述(卡辛、阿伦特、安扎尔杜阿、武昂等),探讨了在英语占主导地位的世界中,讲少数民族语言的人如何体验所谓的 "母语"。从游走于语言世界之间,到语言失传的经历和重新连接的努力,我认为双语居住涉及许多复杂的层面,而语言哲学的论述往往忽视了移民和种族化外来者的生活世界。通过双语养育的例子,我探讨了双语养育虽然是一项劳动密集型工作,但它如何为更新和共同创造新的语言世界提供了机会。
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引用次数: 0
Rodney, Mills, and Rousseau: Revisiting the Social Contract Idea 罗德尼、米尔斯和卢梭:重新审视社会契约思想
IF 1.1 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.11.2.0339
Siphiwe Ndlovu
Abstract:Some scholars tend to argue that Black marginality is due largely to the exclusion of Blacks from meaningful economic participation as well as generalized social exclusions. This, owing to the division of the world’s populations along a racial hierarchy on the one hand, and in geopolitical terms along the dichotomy of Metropoles and dependencies. While there have been some cosmetic changes, particularly in relation to the complexion of the ruling personnel in the aftermath of Independence, the view adopted here is that the colonial structure remains largely intact. This is because the material base of colonial countries or regions remains fundamentally predisposed toward satisfying the economic interest of industrialized Western powers, the former colonizers. The argument advanced here therefore, is that such marginality is due not from exclusions per se but rather from inclusion albeit only as junior, and therefore inferior, partners. So at the root of the problem is the problem of “white supremacy,” which establishes and maintains asymmetrical relations between the races. This system underlies as it underpins the standard contract and thus functions as a clandestine and unofficial political system. The article thus delves into the social contract theory, particularly the works of Charles Mills and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, with the view of ascertaining how their ideas help us understand the modern world in terms of race relations. Furthermore, Walter Rodney’s concept of “white power” is appropriated as it provides a useful framework within which to understand the white power complex.
摘要:一些学者倾向于认为,黑人边缘化主要是由于黑人被排除在有意义的经济参与之外,以及普遍的社会排斥。这一方面是由于世界人口按种族等级划分,而在地缘政治方面,则是由于大都市和附属国的二分法。虽然有一些表面上的变化,特别是在独立后统治人员的肤色方面,但这里采取的观点是,殖民结构基本上保持不变。这是因为殖民国家或地区的物质基础从根本上仍然倾向于满足工业化的西方列强,即前殖民者的经济利益。因此,这里提出的论点是,这种边缘化不是由于排除本身,而是由于纳入,尽管只是作为初级的,因此是劣等的合作伙伴。因此,问题的根源是“白人至上”问题,它建立并维持了种族之间的不对称关系。这一制度是标准合同的基础,因此是一种秘密和非官方的政治制度。因此,本文深入探讨了社会契约理论,特别是查尔斯·米尔斯和让-雅克·卢梭的作品,以确定他们的思想如何帮助我们从种族关系的角度理解现代世界。此外,沃尔特·罗德尼(Walter Rodney)的“白人权力”概念是恰当的,因为它为理解白人权力情结提供了一个有用的框架。
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引用次数: 0
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