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Translator’s Introduction to “Transcendence and Paratranscendence” 译者“超越与超越”引论
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.10.2.0248
Benjamin Brewer
Abstract:Translation of Oskar Becker’s “Transcendence and Paratranscendence” (1937). The essay is the first announcement of Becker’s project of “paraontology,” a phenomenological investigation of essence that attempted to encompass both mathematical and “natural” entities (which he took to include racial identity).
摘要:奥斯卡·贝克尔《超越与超验》(1937)的翻译。这篇文章是贝克尔“旁本体论”项目的首次宣布,这是一项对本质的现象学研究,试图涵盖数学和“自然”实体(他认为这包括了种族认同)。
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引用次数: 1
Kant and Slavery—Or Why He Never Became a Racial Egalitarian 康德与奴隶制——或者为什么他从未成为种族平等主义者
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.10.2.0263
Huaping Lu-Adler
Abstract:According to an oft-repeated narrative, while Kant maintained racist views through the 1780s, he changed his mind in the 1790s. Pauline Kleingeld introduced this narrative based on passages from Kant’s Metaphysics of Morals (1797) and “Toward Perpetual Peace” (1795). On her reading, Kant categorically condemned chattel slavery (and colonialism) in those texts, which meant that he became more racially egalitarian. But the passages involving slavery, once contextualized, either do not concern modern, race-based chattel slavery or at best suggest that Kant mentioned it as a cautionary tale for labor practices in Europe. Overall, Kant never explicitly considered chattel slavery as a moral problem to be addressed on its own. Rather, he treated it primarily in terms of its function in human history. If he ended up expressing some qualms about its practices, it was likely because they threatened to deepen intra-European conflicts and undermine the prospect of perpetual peace. The humanity of the enslaved “Negroes” was never part of the reasoning. This was not a casual oversight on Kant’s part. It reflects the complexity of his philosophical system: everything he did or did not say about chattel slavery begins to make sense once we connect his philosophy of history and his depiction of “Negroes” as natural slaves.
摘要:根据一种经常被重复的叙述,康德在18世纪80年代一直保持着种族主义观点,但在18世纪90年代他改变了主意。Pauline Kleingeld根据康德的《道德形而上学》(1797)和《走向永久和平》(1795)中的段落介绍了这种叙述。在她的阅读中,康德明确谴责了这些文本中的动产奴隶制(和殖民主义),这意味着他变得更加种族平等。但涉及奴隶制的段落,一旦被置于语境中,要么与现代的,以种族为基础的动产奴隶制无关,要么至多表明康德提到它是作为欧洲劳工实践的一个警示故事。总体而言,康德从未明确地将动产奴隶制视为一个需要单独解决的道德问题。相反,他主要是从它在人类历史中的作用来看待它的。如果他最后对欧盟的做法表达了一些疑虑,那很可能是因为这些做法可能会加深欧洲内部的冲突,破坏永久和平的前景。被奴役的“黑人”的人性从来不是推理的一部分。这不是康德不经意的疏忽。这反映了他的哲学体系的复杂性:一旦我们把他的历史哲学和他对“黑人”作为天然奴隶的描述联系起来,他对动产奴隶制所做或未说的一切就开始有意义了。
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引用次数: 5
“Retrospective Significance”: On Reparations, Ontological Incoherence and Living in a Catastrophe “回顾意义”:论赔偿、本体论的不连贯与灾难中的生活
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.10.2.0198
Rinaldo Walcott
Abstract:This paper attempts to articular a notion of a Black ontological order or form experienced through a set of conditions that seek to produce a coherent incoherent blackness. I argue that Black being is one that is only known through an external essential imposition of a Euro-American narrative of what I call global niggerdom in which all Black people are made the same through post-Enlightenment modernist antiblack logics. The conditions, identifications, and practices that constitute global niggerdom, however, only hold insofar as Black people are specified from without. The paper turns to the debates on reparations and their ethnicization to make the case that the Euro-American logics that produce global niggerdom also collapse when Black people turn to nation as the force through which to make sense of themselves.
摘要:本文试图通过一系列寻求产生连贯不连贯的黑人的条件来表达黑人本体论秩序或形式的概念。我认为黑人的存在只能通过外在的欧美叙事的基本强加来了解,我称之为全球黑鬼,在这种叙事中,所有黑人都是一样的,通过后启蒙运动现代主义的反黑人逻辑。然而,构成全球黑鬼的条件、身份和做法,只有在黑人被从外部指定的情况下才成立。本文转向关于赔偿及其种族化的辩论,以证明当黑人转向国家作为理解自己的力量时,产生全球黑鬼的欧美逻辑也会崩溃。
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引用次数: 0
The Powers of Dignity: The Black Political Philosophy of Frederick Douglass 《尊严的力量:弗雷德里克·道格拉斯的黑人政治哲学
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.10.2.0312
R. Sundstrom
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引用次数: 1
The Karen Call: Emergency, Destiny, and Surveillance 卡伦电话:紧急,命运和监视
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.10.2.0141
C. Warren
Abstract:In this thought experiment, I provide a philosophical reading of the “Karen call” to explain its persistence and impact. I argue the call is an act of shepherding in the twenty-first century—fulling the ethical responsibility and duty of Dasein, as Heidegger presents it in his philosophy. Every call performs ontological labor—a guarding and surveillance of Being—requiring a vigilant policing of ontological boundaries and a marshaling of violence (state sanctioned) to prevent black encroachment (the violation of ontological interdiction). The cell phone, as modern technology, is the nexus between “the call of Being” and the “call to law enforcement” (Karen call). This guarding relies on the cell phone as an indispensable technology of surveillance. The Karen call is a response to an ontological emergency.
摘要:在这个思想实验中,我提供了对“卡伦呼叫”的哲学解读,以解释它的持久性和影响。我认为,这一呼吁是21世纪的一种引导行为——正如海德格尔在其哲学中所提出的那样,履行这个在的伦理责任和义务。每一个召唤都在进行本体论劳动——对存在的守护和监视——需要对本体论边界进行警惕的监管,并对暴力进行编组(国家批准),以防止黑人入侵(违反本体论禁令)。手机作为现代技术,是“存在的呼唤”和“执法的呼唤”(Karen call)之间的纽带。这种保护依赖于手机作为一种不可或缺的监控技术。卡伦的呼唤是对本体论紧急情况的回应。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Ontology and Blackness, a Dossier 简介:本体与黑暗,一个档案
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.10.2.0137
David S. Marriott
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引用次数: 0
What Is an Anti-Racist Philosophy of Race and History? A New Look at Kant, Hegel, and Du Bois 什么是反种族主义的种族和历史哲学?康德、黑格尔和杜波依斯的新观点
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.10.1.0071
Elvira Basevich
Abstract:In this article, I defend the pragmatic relevance of race in history. Kant and Hegel's racist development thesis assumes that nonwhite, non-European racial groups are defective practical agents. In response, philosophers have opted to drop race from a theory of history and progress. They posit that denying its pragmatic relevance amounts to anti-racist egalitarianism. I dub this tactic "colorblind cosmopolitanism" and offer grounds for its rejection. Following Du Bois, I ascribe, instead, a pragmatic role to race in history. Namely, Du Bois argues that race is an "instrument of progress" that advances emancipatory struggle. He appeals to the writing of history—or historiography—to cultivate group consciousness of historical memory in order to (1) strengthen intragroup bonds among the racially oppressed, especially black Americans, and (2) create intergroup bonds that reconstruct the republic on the basis of universal ideals. I detail Du Bois's defense of the black struggle for freedom in the wake of the U.S. Civil War to provide a concrete illustration of "spirit" in American history.
摘要:在本文中,我为种族在历史上的实用主义相关性进行了辩护。康德和黑格尔的种族主义发展理论假设,非白人、非欧洲种族群体是有缺陷的实践主体。作为回应,哲学家们选择将种族从历史和进步理论中剔除。他们认为,否认其实际意义等同于反种族主义的平均主义。我把这种策略称为“不分肤色的世界主义”,并提供了拒绝这种策略的理由。与杜波依斯的观点相反,我认为种族在历史上起着务实的作用。也就是说,杜波依斯认为种族是推动解放斗争的“进步工具”。他呼吁历史写作——或史学——培养历史记忆的群体意识,以便(1)加强受种族压迫的群体间的联系,尤其是美国黑人;(2)建立群体间的联系,在普遍理想的基础上重建共和国。我详细介绍了杜波依斯在美国内战之后为黑人争取自由的斗争所做的辩护,以提供美国历史上“精神”的具体例证。
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引用次数: 1
Toward a Black Radical Critique of Natality 走向黑人对本性的激进批判
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.10.1.0090
Andrés Fabián Henao Castro
In this article I criticize Hannah Arendt's concept of natality as unable to confront the ways in which racial capitalism links the biopolitical cultivation of natality to the necropolitical natal alienation that is structural to modern slavery. I base this argument in an understanding of social death as the production of racial capitalism, one that gives slavery an aftermath, post-abolition, which continues to dispossess Black and brown people of their capacity to begin something anew via their inclusion into juridical personhood. I conclude this article with an articulation of the political impossibility of Black and brown people to begin something anew under a polis that remains structured by racial capitalism in Ralph Ellison's phenomenological description of the invisible man's misrecognized new beginnings with the Brotherhood.
在这篇文章中,我批评汉娜·阿伦特(Hannah Arendt)的出生概念无法面对种族资本主义将出生的生命政治培养与现代奴隶制结构性的死亡政治出生异化联系起来的方式。我的论点是基于对社会死亡的理解,认为这是种族资本主义的产物,它给奴隶制带来了后果,在废除奴隶制之后,它继续剥夺黑人和棕色人种通过纳入法律人格而重新开始的能力。在这篇文章的最后,我用Ralph Ellison的现象学描述来总结黑人和棕色人种在一个仍然由种族资本主义构成的城邦中重新开始的政治不可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Disability and White Supremacy 残疾与白人至上
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.10.1.0048
J. Reynolds
Abstract:It is widely known that Black Americans are significantly more likely to be killed by the police in the United States than white Americans. What is less widely known is that nearly half of all people killed by the police are people with disabilities. The aim of this article is to better understand the intersection of racism and ableism in the United States. Contributing to the growing literature at the intersection of philosophy of disability and critical philosophy of race, I argue that theories concerning white supremacy should take more seriously the ways in which it functions as a process and apparatus of making abled and disabled. I conclude by discussing why understanding white supremacy in this manner is a valuable coalitional tool in fights for social justice more generally.
摘要:众所周知,在美国,黑人被警察杀害的可能性明显高于白人。鲜为人知的是,在被警察杀害的所有人中,近一半是残疾人。本文的目的是更好地理解美国种族主义和能力主义的交叉点。我认为,关于白人至上主义的理论应该更认真地对待它作为一种使有能力和有能力的人成为残疾人的过程和工具的作用。最后,我讨论了为什么以这种方式理解白人至上主义是更广泛地争取社会正义的宝贵联盟工具。
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引用次数: 3
On James Baldwin and Black Rage 关于詹姆斯·鲍德温和黑色狂怒
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.10.1.0001
M. Cherry
Abstract:What I aim to elucidate in this article is Baldwin's moral psychology of anger in general, and black rage in particular, as seen in his nonfiction. I'll show that Baldwin's thinking is significant for moral psychology and is relevant to important questions at the intersection of philosophy of emotions, race, and social philosophy. It also has pragmatic application to present-day anti-racist struggle. Baldwin's theoretical account of Black rage, I'll argue, (1) dignifies Blacks by centering them as people with agential capacities and (2) provides them with a pragmatic politics of rage that is useful in the fight against white supremacy and racial injustice.
摘要:我在这篇文章中要阐明的是鲍德温在非小说作品中对愤怒的道德心理,尤其是黑人的愤怒。我将证明鲍德温的思想对道德心理学有重要意义,并且与情感哲学、种族哲学和社会哲学交叉点的重要问题有关。它也适用于当今的反种族主义斗争。鲍德温对黑人愤怒的理论描述,我认为,(1)通过将黑人作为具有代理能力的人来树立他们的尊严,(2)为他们提供了一种务实的愤怒政治,这在反对白人至上主义和种族不公正的斗争中是有用的。
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引用次数: 1
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Critical Philosophy of Race
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