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Critical Philosophy of Race最新文献

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Creolizing the Nation Creolizing the Nation
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.10.1.0128
J. Gordon
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引用次数: 0
Impure at the Origins: The Role of Mixed-Race Bodies in Colonization, Slavery, and Racial Demarcation 起源不纯:混血儿在殖民、奴隶制和种族划分中的角色
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-06-18 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.9.2.0323
Sabrina L. Hom
Abstract:Although race mixing is often treated as a marginal matter or a transgression against dominant racial logic, this article argues that mixed-race bodies and interracial sexuality are central to the invention of whiteness and the origin of the white settler state in several ways. Race mixing is at the foundation of the modern conception of race; at the material and political origin of the white settler state; and serves as the grounding against which cultural and legal categories of race are articulated. The conceptual history of race looks to mixed-race bodies as the means to define race and delimit races. The colonization and economic success of the white settler state in the United States depended on mixed-race individuals who served as emissaries and interpreters, while interracial sexuality was central to the economy of slavery. Dominant conceptions of whiteness, and of the identity of the white settler state, rely on the scrutiny of mixed bodies as a means of racial demarcation. Mixed race histories and subjects are of central interest to studies of the invention of whiteness and processes of racialization.
摘要:尽管种族混合经常被视为边缘问题或对主流种族逻辑的违背,但本文认为,混血身体和跨种族性行为在白人的发明和白人移民国家的起源中发挥了重要作用。种族混合是现代种族概念的基础;白人移民国家的物质和政治起源;并作为种族的文化和法律类别被阐明的基础。种族的概念史将混合种族的身体视为定义种族和划分种族的手段。美国白人移民州的殖民和经济成功依赖于充当使者和翻译的混血儿,而跨种族的性行为是奴隶制经济的核心。白人的主流观念,以及白人移民国家的身份认同,依赖于对混合身体的审查,作为种族划分的一种手段。混合种族的历史和主题是研究白人的发明和种族化过程的中心兴趣。
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引用次数: 0
Two Kinds of Postracialism: Declaration and Aspiration 两种后主义:宣言与渴望
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-06-18 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.9.2.0270
H. Massey
Abstract:Philosophers who work on race and racism have been reluctant to embrace the notion that the United States is, or will soon be, a postracial society. For many, this view is refuted by a wealth of evidence that racism persists in many forms and that race continues to have a significant impact on one's life chances. Nevertheless, some critics of postracialism have refused to reject it in principle or have exempted a particular variety of it from their critiques. This essay attempts to show that the ideal of a postracial society is actually a combination of two contradictory tendencies, each defined by its temporality. Distinguishing these tendencies allows us to see that there are two fundamentally different types of postracialism with contradictory assumptions and conflicting priorities.
摘要:从事种族和种族主义研究的哲学家们一直不愿意接受美国是或即将成为后种族社会的观点。对许多人来说,这种观点被大量证据所驳斥,这些证据表明,种族主义以多种形式存在,种族继续对一个人的生活机会产生重大影响。然而,一些后现代主义的批评者拒绝在原则上否定它,或者将其特定种类从他们的批评中豁免出来。本文试图表明,后种族社会的理想实际上是两种矛盾趋势的结合,每一种趋势都有其时间性。区分这些趋势可以让我们看到,有两种根本不同的后种族主义,它们有着相互矛盾的假设和相互冲突的优先事项。
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引用次数: 0
Active Ignorance, Antiracism, and the Psychology of White Shame 主动无知、反种族主义和白人羞耻心理
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-06-18 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.9.2.0342
E. Peck
Abstract:Active white ignorance is accompanied by an epistemic and affective insensitivity that allows American white people to avoid the negative affect that might typically accompany harmdoing. Resisting active ignorance about racism and white supremacy, therefore, often gives rise to shame. Yet, thinkers have debated the value of shame for white people's antiracism. This article asserts that shame is an appropriate response for white people recognizing our culpability for and complicity in racist injustices and violence. However, the article exposes problems with philosophical accounts of white shame, and draws on recent psychological research to show that contextual factors actually determine whether shame can support white antiracism. The article proposes a role for shame in what José Medina calls an "ethics and epistemology of discomfort," arguing that there are conditions under which shame may encourage the sustained self-interrogation, sensitivity, and humility required if white people are to contribute meaningfully to antiracist action.
摘要:白人的主动无知伴随着认知和情感的不敏感,这使美国白人能够避免通常伴随伤害而来的负面影响。因此,抵制对种族主义和白人至上主义的主动无知往往会引起羞耻。然而,思想家们一直在争论白人反种族主义的羞耻感的价值。这篇文章断言,羞耻是白人认识到我们对种族主义不公正和暴力的罪责和共谋的恰当回应。然而,这篇文章揭露了白人羞耻感的哲学描述中的问题,并借鉴了最近的心理学研究,表明背景因素实际上决定了羞耻感是否能支持白人反种族主义。这篇文章提出了羞耻感在何塞·梅迪纳所说的“不适的伦理和认识论”中的作用,认为如果白人要对反种族主义行动做出有意义的贡献,羞耻感可能会在某些条件下鼓励持续的自我审问、敏感和谦逊。
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引用次数: 0
White Privilege: Unconscious Racism, Freud, and Neuroscience of Implicit Bias 白人特权:无意识的种族主义、弗洛伊德和内隐偏见的神经科学
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-06-18 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.9.2.0295
K. Golden
Abstract:Through an appraisal of neuroscience viewpoints on nonconscious mind with respect to white racial bias, this article shows how Freud's philosophical approach to unconscious mentality assists insights into white privilege and complements the model neuroscience provides. The article addresses four areas: Freud's concept of displaced affect, a link between American white people's self-reported egalitarianism and suppressed prejudice, how studies linking automatic race bias with the amygdala correlate nonconscious race-bias with fear response, and how race bias develops from two brain bases involving conscious and nonconscious processes. This article concludes that white individuals will be better positioned to embrace a principle of social fairness if widespread racism, racial bias and their psychic denial by whites, are made clearer to people. Combining a Freud-informed and experimentally empirical approach can help.
摘要:通过对白人种族偏见的非意识心理的神经科学观点的评价,本文展示了弗洛伊德对无意识心理的哲学方法如何帮助深入了解白人特权,并补充了神经科学提供的模型。这篇文章涉及四个领域:弗洛伊德的流离失所情绪概念,美国白人自我报告的平等主义与被压抑的偏见之间的联系,将自动种族偏见与杏仁核联系起来的研究如何将非意识种族偏见与恐惧反应联系起来,以及种族偏见如何从涉及意识和非意识过程的两个大脑基础发展而来。这篇文章的结论是,如果白人普遍存在的种族主义、种族偏见和他们在心理上的否认能让人们更清楚地了解,白人将更容易接受社会公平原则。将弗洛伊德知情和实验经验相结合可以有所帮助。
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引用次数: 1
Introduction from Altered Man: The History of Race and Degeneration from the Seventeenth to the Nineteenth Century 《变了的人》简介:十七世纪到十九世纪的种族与退化史
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-06-18 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.9.2.0179
Claude-Olivier Doron, Nicholard Anthony Eppert
Abstract:This article includes Nicholas Anthony Eppert's English translation of the introduction from Claude-Olivier Doron's L'homme altèrè: races et dégénérescence (XVII–XIX siècles), published in French in 2016. Inspired by a Foucauldian methodology, Doron provides a novel way to approach the historiography and philosophy of race and racism. Rather than focusing on traditional ways to conceptualize race, through alterity, and racism as emerging from polygenist theories that saw races as issuing from different origins and thwarting the idea of the unity of the human species, Doron argues that race is originally linked to theories of degeneration, and can be expressed through the concept of alteration. This allows him to envisage how discursive practices of race and racism and apparatuses of power that seek to govern race operate under theories of monogenism, which take the human species as a singular unity, and under the juridico-legal and metaphysical banner of "humanity" or "the universal."
摘要:本文收录了尼古拉斯·安东尼·埃珀特对克劳德·奥利维尔·多伦2016年以法语出版的《L'homme altèrè:种族与发展》(XVII-XIX siècles)引言的英译本。受傅方法论的启发,多伦提供了一种新颖的方法来研究种族和种族主义的史学和哲学。多伦认为,种族最初与退化理论有关,可以通过改变的概念来表达,而不是专注于通过交替和种族主义来概念化种族的传统方式,因为种族主义是从多元理论中产生的,多元理论认为种族来自不同的起源,阻碍了人类物种统一的理念。这使他能够设想种族和种族主义的散漫实践以及试图治理种族的权力机构是如何在单基因主义理论下运作的,该理论将人类物种视为一个单一的整体,并在“人性”或“普遍性”的法律和形而上学旗帜下运作
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引用次数: 0
Frederick Douglass's Prospective Aesthetic Theory 弗雷德里克·道格拉斯的前瞻美学理论
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-06-18 DOI: 10.5325/critphilrace.9.2.0240
Michael Kelly
Abstract:Frederick Douglass developed an aesthetic theory during the Civil War in four lectures entitled "Life Pictures," "Lecture on Pictures," "Age of Pictures," and "Pictures and Progress." But his aesthetic theory is underestimated by Douglass scholars and others, often in favor of his various types of aesthetic practice, such as photography, autobiography, and speeches. There are several reasons to give Douglass's aesthetic theory its due. First, we can recognize that Douglass self-consciously engaged in theory to combat the racist belief that, being black, he was incapable of expounding any philosophy. Second, we can understand why he was convinced that art was able to contribute to abolition and racial equality. Third, we can better appreciate the aesthetics of Douglass's picture making, speeches, political activities, and lived experiences if we know more about his theoretical account of them. Prospectively, many key elements of contemporary critical aesthetic theory are present in Douglass's aesthetic theory.
摘要:弗雷德里克·道格拉斯(Frederick Douglass)在南北战争期间的四次演讲中发展了一种美学理论,题为“生活图片”、“图片讲座”、“图像时代”和“图片与进步”。但他的美学理论被道格拉斯学者和其他人低估了,往往倾向于他的各种美学实践,如摄影、自传和演讲。有几个原因使道格拉斯的美学理论得到应有的评价。首先,我们可以认识到,道格拉斯自觉地从事理论工作,以打击种族主义信念,即作为黑人,他无法阐述任何哲学。其次,我们可以理解为什么他相信艺术能够为废除死刑和种族平等做出贡献。第三,如果我们更多地了解道格拉斯对绘画、演讲、政治活动和生活经历的理论描述,我们可以更好地欣赏道格拉斯的美学。展望未来,当代批判美学理论的许多关键要素都存在于道格拉斯的美学理论之中。
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引用次数: 0
The “Unknown” Middle Easterner: Post-Racial Anxieties and Anti-MENA Racism Throughout Colonized Space-Time “未知的”中东人:贯穿殖民时空的后种族焦虑和反中东和北非种族主义
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-01-06 DOI: 10.5325/CRITPHILRACE.9.1.0048
George N. Fourlas
Abstract:Here, the claim that Middle Eastern (MENA) persons are racialized is a response to complexities that define the United States (US); namely, the language of race is seen as antiquated or misleading, and thus it fails to capture MENA American experiences, leading some to call for different terminology (i.e., xenophobia or Islamophobia). The author argues that we should call social-political violence committed against MENA people racism because to name it otherwise is to ground the experience in an incomplete description which affords lighter moral responsibility and omits historical conflict. The article first elaborates the problem of racial conflict in the US and the specific problem of MENA racialization. It then responds with a historical argument that emphasizes key genealogical markers in the co-emergence of orientalism, colonialism, and racialization. The article closes by contrasting the idea of race with competing terms to defend its use on descriptive and normative grounds.
摘要:在这里,中东人被种族化的说法是对定义美国(US)的复杂性的回应;也就是说,种族语言被认为是过时的或误导性的,因此它无法捕捉中东和北非美国的经验,导致一些人要求使用不同的术语(即仇外心理或伊斯兰恐惧症)。作者认为,我们应该把针对中东和北非人民的社会政治暴力称为种族主义,因为否则的话,就会把这种经历建立在一种不完整的描述上,这种描述可以减轻道德责任,并忽略了历史冲突。文章首先阐述了美国的种族冲突问题以及中东和北非地区种族化的具体问题。然后,它回应了一个历史论点,强调了东方主义、殖民主义和种族化共同出现的关键家谱标志。文章最后将种族的概念与竞争的术语进行了对比,以捍卫其在描述性和规范性基础上的使用。
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引用次数: 1
What’s the Matter with Value? Anna Julia Cooper’s Political-Economic Thought 价值有什么问题?安娜·朱莉娅·库珀的《政治经济思想》
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-01-06 DOI: 10.5325/CRITPHILRACE.9.1.0102
Alena Wolflink
Abstract:This article proceeds from a perspective on value and valuation that is distinct from moral and economic discourses of value in that it conceives of value as primarily, and even paradigmatically, political. Drawing from the insights of Anna Julia Cooper’s political-economic writings, this article argues that value and values, markets and morals, and the constellation of issues entangled in modern discourses of valuation all have the effect of devaluing black life. It explores the tensions between economics and moral sentiments, as Cooper depicts them in her discussion of the concepts of worth and material. Cooper demonstrates the concept of matter to rely upon a tension between material goods and the common good. Cooper’s discussion is therefore pivotal to understanding how political priorities mesh with systems of material interdependence.
摘要:本文从价值和估价的角度出发,这与价值的道德和经济话语不同,因为它将价值视为主要的,甚至是象征性的政治。本文借鉴安娜·朱莉娅·库珀的政治经济学著作,认为价值与价值、市场与道德以及现代价值话语中纠缠的一系列问题都具有贬低黑人生活的作用。它探讨了经济学和道德情感之间的紧张关系,正如库珀在讨论价值和物质概念时所描述的那样。库珀证明了物质的概念依赖于物质商品和公共利益之间的张力。因此,库珀的讨论对于理解政治优先事项如何与物质相互依存的体系相结合至关重要。
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引用次数: 1
Racism and “Self-Love”: The Case of White Nationalism 种族主义与“自爱”:白人民族主义的案例
IF 1.1 Q2 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-01-06 DOI: 10.5325/CRITPHILRACE.9.1.0001
M. J. Monahan
Abstract:The rise in the public profile of “alt-right” and “white nationalist” groups in recent years is often described as a rise in “hate groups.” The presumption in this nomenclature is that these sorts of groups are defined essentially in terms of their shared hatred for some or all nonwhite individuals and groups. However, the rhetoric of such groups is couched not as hatred, but rather in terms of “self-love”—they do not hate other groups, they are just looking out for themselves. The author’s argument in this article is that, even if we assume the sincerity of white nationalists’ claims to be only interested in sustaining and defending whites and whiteness, the kind of “self-love” this exhibits is morally and politically pernicious precisely because it is constitutively linked to a foundational contempt for nonwhites.
摘要:近年来,“另类右翼”和“白人民族主义”团体在公众视野中的崛起通常被描述为“仇恨团体”的崛起。这种命名法的假设是,这些群体基本上是根据他们对某些或所有非白人个人和群体的共同仇恨来定义的。然而,这些群体的言辞并不是用仇恨来表达的,而是用“自爱”来表达的——他们并不憎恨其他群体,他们只是在为自己着想。作者在这篇文章中的论点是,即使我们假设白人民族主义者声称的诚意只对维持和捍卫白人和白人感兴趣,这种“自爱”在道德上和政治上都是有害的,因为它在本质上与对非白人的基本蔑视联系在一起。
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引用次数: 1
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Critical Philosophy of Race
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