Abstract A review of three books shows that the crisis of democracy literature is exceptionally diverse. It ranges from overconfident postulations and proposals without systematic arguments and comparative analysis on the one hand to novel theorizing and balanced accounts, including cautious use of historical evidence, on the other hand. Accordingly, there is much variation in how much the different contributions succeed in drawing lessons from historical developments to better understand and reduce contemporary challenges.
{"title":"Democracy under pressure: historical lessons for current challenges?","authors":"Svend-Erik Skaaning","doi":"10.1017/ipo.2022.24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2022.24","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A review of three books shows that the crisis of democracy literature is exceptionally diverse. It ranges from overconfident postulations and proposals without systematic arguments and comparative analysis on the one hand to novel theorizing and balanced accounts, including cautious use of historical evidence, on the other hand. Accordingly, there is much variation in how much the different contributions succeed in drawing lessons from historical developments to better understand and reduce contemporary challenges.","PeriodicalId":43368,"journal":{"name":"Italian Political Science Review-Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42453511","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The study of African politics, with its emphasis on presidential power, stresses the role of top leaders. However, there has not yet been a systematic evaluation of leadership and leadership transitions on key governance outcomes. Existing work explores regime transitions or individual leaders ’ attributes, but rarely combines the circumstances of a leader ’ s rise to power and their policy outputs. This leaves many important questions unanswered. For instance: in the context of an increasing institutionalization of multi-party elections, should we expect elected executives to govern differently than non-elected peers? Should we anticipate shifts in development policy from the leaders of military juntas that have taken power in the last 10 years?
{"title":"Political Leadership in Africa: Leaders and Development South of the Sahara By Giovanni Carbone and Alessandro Pellegata, 2020, Cambridge University Press, 386pp, €38.95.","authors":"Jaimie Bleck","doi":"10.1017/ipo.2022.26","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2022.26","url":null,"abstract":"The study of African politics, with its emphasis on presidential power, stresses the role of top leaders. However, there has not yet been a systematic evaluation of leadership and leadership transitions on key governance outcomes. Existing work explores regime transitions or individual leaders ’ attributes, but rarely combines the circumstances of a leader ’ s rise to power and their policy outputs. This leaves many important questions unanswered. For instance: in the context of an increasing institutionalization of multi-party elections, should we expect elected executives to govern differently than non-elected peers? Should we anticipate shifts in development policy from the leaders of military juntas that have taken power in the last 10 years?","PeriodicalId":43368,"journal":{"name":"Italian Political Science Review-Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43694727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"‘Consequences of Context: How the Social, Political and Economic Environment Affects Voting Hermann Schmitt, Paolo Segatti and Cees van der Eijk (edited by). London, Lanham: ECPR Press / Rowman & Littlefield, 2021. 316p. £88,00/$115,00 (hardcover)’","authors":"N. Maggini","doi":"10.1017/ipo.2022.25","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2022.25","url":null,"abstract":"study of how","PeriodicalId":43368,"journal":{"name":"Italian Political Science Review-Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44415284","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The positions of the radical right parties (RRPs) concerning the family have generally been examined through a socio-cultural lens, but very little is known about their distributive preferences. Based on the theoretical insights from the literature on varieties of familialism and social investment, the article investigates the RRPs' family policy agenda in terms of preference and support for familialism and de-familialism. Furthermore, cross-country similarities and differences will be investigated through an explanatory framework that combines the literature on partisan politics with that on historical institutionalism. A content analysis of party manifestos has shown that the RRPs adopt a male-breadwinner policy agenda, mostly intended to please their authoritarian electorate. However, comparative empirical research has highlighted some cross-country differences. These are explained by considering the counter-feedback mechanism triggered by the policy legacies, which provides RRPs with divergent electoral incentives and disincentives to promote their family policy agenda.
{"title":"Investigating the radical right's family policy agenda: evidence from six European countries","authors":"Giovanni Amerigo Giuliani","doi":"10.1017/ipo.2022.23","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2022.23","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The positions of the radical right parties (RRPs) concerning the family have generally been examined through a socio-cultural lens, but very little is known about their distributive preferences. Based on the theoretical insights from the literature on varieties of familialism and social investment, the article investigates the RRPs' family policy agenda in terms of preference and support for familialism and de-familialism. Furthermore, cross-country similarities and differences will be investigated through an explanatory framework that combines the literature on partisan politics with that on historical institutionalism. A content analysis of party manifestos has shown that the RRPs adopt a male-breadwinner policy agenda, mostly intended to please their authoritarian electorate. However, comparative empirical research has highlighted some cross-country differences. These are explained by considering the counter-feedback mechanism triggered by the policy legacies, which provides RRPs with divergent electoral incentives and disincentives to promote their family policy agenda.","PeriodicalId":43368,"journal":{"name":"Italian Political Science Review-Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44252844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract An institutionalized party system is often regarded as a precondition for a well-functioning democracy. Recent recesses in democracy and, in particular, in the liberal dimension of democracy in relatively established party systems, however, warrant a fresh look into how party system institutionalization shapes liberal democracy. We use a dataset that covers 58 European party systems over more than a century to assess how party system institutionalization in the governmental arena – closure – is related to more robust liberal democracy. Our results show that stable coalition combinations are conducive to higher levels of liberalism, while infrequent government changes and the exclusion of new parties from the governmental arena have a detrimental role.
{"title":"Party system closure and the liberal dimension of democracy: a double-edged sword","authors":"Martin Mölder, Z. Enyedi, Fernando Casal Bértoa","doi":"10.1017/ipo.2022.22","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2022.22","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract An institutionalized party system is often regarded as a precondition for a well-functioning democracy. Recent recesses in democracy and, in particular, in the liberal dimension of democracy in relatively established party systems, however, warrant a fresh look into how party system institutionalization shapes liberal democracy. We use a dataset that covers 58 European party systems over more than a century to assess how party system institutionalization in the governmental arena – closure – is related to more robust liberal democracy. Our results show that stable coalition combinations are conducive to higher levels of liberalism, while infrequent government changes and the exclusion of new parties from the governmental arena have a detrimental role.","PeriodicalId":43368,"journal":{"name":"Italian Political Science Review-Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48956063","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Over the past two decades, probably no topic in the field of political science has received as much attention as contemporary populism. From general theoretical essays, to contributions on populist parties, especially in European political systems, as well as studies focusing on populist leadership, communication or style, we now have impressive literature devoted to the description and interpretation of this phenomenon. Yves Mény, former lecturer at SciencesPo and President of the European University Institute in Florence and then of the Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna in Pisa, has in fact inaugurated this prolific line of research by publishing, together with Yves Surel, Par le peuple, pour le peuple. Le populisme et les démocraties (Paris, Fayard, 2000), a milestone text for the scientific study of populism. In short, the latter suggested that the causes of the ‘populist mobilization’ affecting European democracies should be sought in the factors that shaped their construction after World War II, especially in the ‘imbalance’ between the ‘constitutional’ (rule of law, checks and balances) and the ‘popular’ (popular sovereignty lightened by the principle of representation) pillars. Popolo ma non troppo can be seen both as a reprise and an extension of this general reasoning, mainly focused on democracies themselves: indeed, the study does not start from the observation of the success of populist parties and movements, in order to then simply search for the explanatory factors in the structural characteristics of democratic regimes. Rather, the analytical trajectory set out by Mény aims first of all to specify the developments (historical, socio-economic, political) that have forged the ‘democratic bricolage’ (Chap. 2), emphasizing the hybrid character of the political systems that, in both Europe and the United States, have gradually replaced the ancien régime. The structure of the book fully reflects this research agenda. From the point of view of the topics addressed, it can be roughly divided into two parts. The first (Chapters 1–4) portrays the stages that marked the advent of mass democracy, particularly the differentiation of two paths of integration of the ‘people’ – a concept that is polysemic by nature – in the democratic project, a perennial ‘work in progress’. The path typical of the Anglo-American systems could be defined as ‘realist-pragmatic’. Here, the ‘people’ means a collection of citizens and social groups, who must be guaranteed the freedom to pursue their legitimate interests and exercise their rights, including sovereignty. These actions lead to accentuated social and political competition. Instead, the ‘Franco-continental’ path constitutionalizes the ‘abstract’ myth of the (sovereign) people, which, at a certain point in history, the convenience of the political elites will conduct to identify as a ‘nation’. This second development confers inalienable rights on the people but severely limits their actual exercise, thus creating
在过去的二十年里，政治学领域可能没有哪个话题像当代民粹主义那样受到如此多的关注。从一般的理论文章，到对民粹主义政党的贡献，特别是在欧洲政治体系中，以及对民粹主义领导、沟通或风格的研究，我们现在有令人印象深刻的文献致力于描述和解释这一现象。Yves Mény，前SciencesPo讲师，佛罗伦萨欧洲大学研究院院长，后来又是比萨圣安妮学院院长，事实上，他与Yves Surel、Par le pepeuple、pour le peuple一起出版了这一多产的研究成果，开创了这一研究领域。《民粹主义与民主》（巴黎，法亚德，2000年），民粹主义科学研究的里程碑式文本。简言之，后者建议，影响欧洲民主国家的“民粹主义动员”的原因应该从二战后塑造民主国家建设的因素中寻找，特别是在“宪法”（法治、制衡）和“人民”（代表权原则减轻的人民主权）支柱之间的“不平衡”中。Popolo ma non troppo可以被视为这一一般推理的重演和延伸，主要关注民主国家本身：事实上，这项研究并不是从观察民粹主义政党和运动的成功开始，然后简单地寻找民主政权结构特征的解释因素。相反，梅尼提出的分析轨迹首先旨在具体说明形成“民主拼凑”的发展（历史、社会经济、政治）（第2章），强调欧洲和美国逐渐取代旧制度的政治制度的混合特征。该书的结构充分反映了这一研究议程。从所涉及的主题来看，它大致可以分为两个部分。第一章（第1-4章）描述了标志着大众民主出现的阶段，特别是在民主项目中，“人民”的两种融合路径的分化，这是一个本质上是多义性的概念，这是长期的“正在进行的工作”。英美体系的典型路径可以被定义为“现实主义实用主义”。在这里，“人民”是指公民和社会团体的集合，必须保障他们追求合法利益和行使包括主权在内的权利的自由。这些行动导致社会和政治竞争加剧。相反，“佛朗哥大陆”道路将（主权）人民的“抽象”神话宪法化，在历史的某个时刻，政治精英们会为了方便而将其视为一个“国家”。第二个事态发展赋予人民不可剥夺的权利，但严重限制了人民的实际行使，从而在庄严宣布人民主权原则和实际实现人民主权原则之间造成了“差距”——法国和意大利宪法展示了这一演变的象征性例证。在佛朗哥大陆道路达到更先进水平的国家
{"title":"Popolo ma non troppo. Il malinteso democratico Yves Mény, Bologna: Il Mulino, 2019. 210p., €15 (paperback)","authors":"F. Chiapponi","doi":"10.1017/ipo.2022.21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2022.21","url":null,"abstract":"Over the past two decades, probably no topic in the field of political science has received as much attention as contemporary populism. From general theoretical essays, to contributions on populist parties, especially in European political systems, as well as studies focusing on populist leadership, communication or style, we now have impressive literature devoted to the description and interpretation of this phenomenon. Yves Mény, former lecturer at SciencesPo and President of the European University Institute in Florence and then of the Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna in Pisa, has in fact inaugurated this prolific line of research by publishing, together with Yves Surel, Par le peuple, pour le peuple. Le populisme et les démocraties (Paris, Fayard, 2000), a milestone text for the scientific study of populism. In short, the latter suggested that the causes of the ‘populist mobilization’ affecting European democracies should be sought in the factors that shaped their construction after World War II, especially in the ‘imbalance’ between the ‘constitutional’ (rule of law, checks and balances) and the ‘popular’ (popular sovereignty lightened by the principle of representation) pillars. Popolo ma non troppo can be seen both as a reprise and an extension of this general reasoning, mainly focused on democracies themselves: indeed, the study does not start from the observation of the success of populist parties and movements, in order to then simply search for the explanatory factors in the structural characteristics of democratic regimes. Rather, the analytical trajectory set out by Mény aims first of all to specify the developments (historical, socio-economic, political) that have forged the ‘democratic bricolage’ (Chap. 2), emphasizing the hybrid character of the political systems that, in both Europe and the United States, have gradually replaced the ancien régime. The structure of the book fully reflects this research agenda. From the point of view of the topics addressed, it can be roughly divided into two parts. The first (Chapters 1–4) portrays the stages that marked the advent of mass democracy, particularly the differentiation of two paths of integration of the ‘people’ – a concept that is polysemic by nature – in the democratic project, a perennial ‘work in progress’. The path typical of the Anglo-American systems could be defined as ‘realist-pragmatic’. Here, the ‘people’ means a collection of citizens and social groups, who must be guaranteed the freedom to pursue their legitimate interests and exercise their rights, including sovereignty. These actions lead to accentuated social and political competition. Instead, the ‘Franco-continental’ path constitutionalizes the ‘abstract’ myth of the (sovereign) people, which, at a certain point in history, the convenience of the political elites will conduct to identify as a ‘nation’. This second development confers inalienable rights on the people but severely limits their actual exercise, thus creating","PeriodicalId":43368,"journal":{"name":"Italian Political Science Review-Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45785025","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"IPO volume 52 issue 2 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/ipo.2022.19","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2022.19","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43368,"journal":{"name":"Italian Political Science Review-Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43829990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"IPO volume 52 issue 2 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/ipo.2022.20","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2022.20","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43368,"journal":{"name":"Italian Political Science Review-Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47335722","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In recent decades, there has been an institutional shift in the literature on authoritarian regimes, with scholars investigating the role of political institutions, such as elections and political parties, in shaping regime stability and economic performance. However, scant attention has been devoted to the effect of political institutions on policy outcomes, and more specifically, on income inequality. This paper adds to this debate and sheds light on the role of formal and informal institutions, on the one hand, and state capacity, on the other, in influencing levels of income inequality in autocracies. We argue that, while the presence of elections and multiparty competition creates more favourable conditions for the adoption of redistributive policies, state capacity increases the likelihood of successfully implemented policy decisions aimed at reducing the level of inequality. Our empirical analysis rests on a time-series cross-sectional dataset, which includes around 100 countries from 1972 to 2014. The findings indicate that both political institutions and a higher level of state capacity lead to lower levels of income inequality in authoritarian contexts.
{"title":"Income inequality in authoritarian regimes: the role of political institutions and state capacity","authors":"Angelo Vito Panaro, A. Vaccaro","doi":"10.1017/ipo.2022.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2022.17","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In recent decades, there has been an institutional shift in the literature on authoritarian regimes, with scholars investigating the role of political institutions, such as elections and political parties, in shaping regime stability and economic performance. However, scant attention has been devoted to the effect of political institutions on policy outcomes, and more specifically, on income inequality. This paper adds to this debate and sheds light on the role of formal and informal institutions, on the one hand, and state capacity, on the other, in influencing levels of income inequality in autocracies. We argue that, while the presence of elections and multiparty competition creates more favourable conditions for the adoption of redistributive policies, state capacity increases the likelihood of successfully implemented policy decisions aimed at reducing the level of inequality. Our empirical analysis rests on a time-series cross-sectional dataset, which includes around 100 countries from 1972 to 2014. The findings indicate that both political institutions and a higher level of state capacity lead to lower levels of income inequality in authoritarian contexts.","PeriodicalId":43368,"journal":{"name":"Italian Political Science Review-Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42343031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Emergence of Illiberalism. Understanding a Global Phenomenon , edited by Boris Vormann and Michael D. Weinman (2021) is a timely publication that attempts to make sense of the crisis of liberal democracy that has affected most parts of the world over the past decade. Echoing the argument first raised by Chantal Mouffe in her famous article ‘ The “ End of Politics ” and the Challenge of Right-Wing Populism ’ (in F. Panizza, 2005, Populism and the Mirror of Democracy , London: Verso, 72 – 98)
{"title":"The Emergence of Illiberalism. Understanding a Global Phenomenon. Edited by Boris Vormann and Michael D. Weinman. London: Routledge, 2021. 272p. $34.99 Paperback, £120 Hardback, $26.24 eBook.","authors":"Simone Benazzo","doi":"10.1017/ipo.2022.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2022.18","url":null,"abstract":"The Emergence of Illiberalism. Understanding a Global Phenomenon , edited by Boris Vormann and Michael D. Weinman (2021) is a timely publication that attempts to make sense of the crisis of liberal democracy that has affected most parts of the world over the past decade. Echoing the argument first raised by Chantal Mouffe in her famous article ‘ The “ End of Politics ” and the Challenge of Right-Wing Populism ’ (in F. Panizza, 2005, Populism and the Mirror of Democracy , London: Verso, 72 – 98)","PeriodicalId":43368,"journal":{"name":"Italian Political Science Review-Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43964617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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