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The Politics of Bad Options: Why the Eurozone's Problems Have Been So Hard to Resolve. Stefanie Walter, Ari Ray, and Nils Redeker. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2020. 321 p. £ 30.00 糟糕选择的政治:为什么欧元区的问题如此难以解决。Stefanie Walter、Ari Ray和Nils Redeker。牛津,牛津大学出版社,2020年。321页30.00英镑
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.1017/ipo.2022.6
Camilla Mariotto
At a time when debates about reform of the EU economic and monetary policy (EMU) have reig-nited and conflicts over the choice of crisis strategies have been reinvigorated
在关于欧盟经济和货币政策改革的辩论重新升温,围绕危机战略选择的冲突再次爆发之际
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引用次数: 20
IPO volume 52 issue 1 Cover and Front matter IPO第52卷第1期封面和封面
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.1017/ipo.2022.7
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引用次数: 0
IPO volume 52 issue 1 Cover and Back matter IPO第52卷第1期封面和封底
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-21 DOI: 10.1017/ipo.2022.8
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引用次数: 0
Differentiated or Segmented? The European Union after Two Decades of Crises. Review of Josef Bátora and John-Erik Fossum, eds, Towards a Segmented European Political Order. The European Union's Post-Crises Conundrum London/New York: Routledge, 2020, pp. i–xxii, 1–290. ISBN 978-1-138-49533-3. 区分还是分段?二十年危机后的欧盟。Josef Bátora和John Erik Fossum评论,eds,走向分段的欧洲政治秩序。《欧盟危机后的困境》伦敦/纽约:劳特利奇,2020年,第i–xxii页,第1–290页。是978-1-138-49533-3。
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-11 DOI: 10.1017/ipo.2022.3
Simona Piattoni
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引用次数: 0
Polar Stars. Why the Political Ideologies of Modernity Still Matter Mauro Barisione. Milano: Milano University Press, 2021, 302p. €22 (paperback) 极星。为什么现代性的政治意识形态仍然重要?米兰:米兰大学出版社,2021,302p。€22(平装)
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-07 DOI: 10.1017/ipo.2022.2
F. Vegetti
Ideology is one of the most discussed topics in political science. It has been the subject of some of the longest-lasting and most prolific agendas in the discipline, spanning over its hybridizations with sociology, psychology and economics. It has been used as a lens through which to study numerous political phenomena, from legislative to electoral behavior. Furthermore, it has been blessed by a fortunate fate for ideas: it has been declared dead too soon. Starting from prominent scholars dazzled by historical contingencies, passing by political actors trying to find a place for themselves out of traditional divisions, the rumor about the end of ideology has actually ensured its endurance, by breeding a fertile research field in turn. It is to this body of literature that the book by Mauro Barisione wishes to contribute. However, the goal of Polar Stars is more ambitious than just weighing in on the ‘end of ideology’ debate. The first contribution of this work is to provide a theoretical framework to understand political ideologies tout court, or more specifically, to connect the positions taken by political actors (being implemented policies or expressed preferences) with a concise set of guiding principles. These are the three ‘polar stars’ after which the book is titled: the principle of order (guiding the ideological ‘matrix’, or template, of conservatism), the principle of freedom (guiding the matrix of liberalism), and the principle of equality (guiding the matrix of progressivism/socialism). The way these principles arose in Western societies since the advent of modernity, their rationalization into the three ideological matrices, their ebbs and flows over the last four centuries, and their connection to ‘political’ (related to the organization of the society) and ‘metapolitical’ (related to the relationship between the state and society) goals, is the topic of three thematic chapters of the book. Moreover, a further chapter investigates the different hybridizations between the three ideological matrices, offering an interesting interpretation of extremism as the tendency to pursue a pure ideological type, that is, to follow one polar star to the detriment of the others. This discussion nicely integrates the tension between ‘moderate’ and ‘radical’, two terms that are often associated with ideological labels in everyday speech, within the ‘polar stars’ framework. These chapters, which overall make about half of the book, draw on extensive literature in history and political philosophy. The second contribution of this book is to demonstrate, argumentatively and empirically by drawing on parties’ own political manifestos, how the three ideological matrices and their hybrids (and by extension, the polar stars guiding them) still characterize the political landscape in Western democracies today. This is where the book most closely contributes to the ‘end of ideology’ debate. Indeed, a thread running through the chapters is that the logic of m
意识形态是政治学中讨论最多的话题之一。它一直是该学科中一些持续时间最长、最丰富的议程的主题,跨越了社会学、心理学和经济学的交叉点。它被用作研究从立法到选举行为等许多政治现象的镜头。此外,它还受到了思想的幸运命运的眷顾:它过早地被宣告死亡。从被历史偶发事件弄得眼花缭乱的杰出学者开始,经过试图在传统分裂中找到自己位置的政治行动者,意识形态终结的谣言反过来又孕育了一个肥沃的研究领域,从而确保了它的持久性。Mauro Barisione的书希望对这一文学体系有所贡献。然而,北极星的目标比仅仅参与“意识形态终结”的辩论更为雄心勃勃。这项工作的第一个贡献是提供了一个理论框架来理解政治意识形态,或者更具体地说,将政治行为者所采取的立场(正在实施的政策或表达的偏好)与一套简明的指导原则联系起来。这就是本书命名的三颗“北极星”:秩序原则(指导保守主义的意识形态“母体”或模板)、自由原则(指导自由主义母体)和平等原则(指导进步主义/社会主义母体)。自现代性出现以来,这些原则在西方社会中出现的方式,它们在三种意识形态矩阵中的合理化,它们在过去四个世纪中的起起落落,以及它们与“政治”(与社会组织有关)和“元政治”(与国家与社会之间的关系有关)目标的联系,是本书三个主题章节的主题。此外,还有一章研究了这三种意识形态矩阵之间的不同杂交,对极端主义提供了一种有趣的解释,即追求纯粹意识形态类型的倾向,即追随一颗极星而损害其他极星。这个讨论很好地整合了“温和”和“激进”之间的紧张关系,这两个术语在日常讲话中经常与意识形态标签联系在一起,在“极地之星”框架内。这些章节占了全书的一半左右,引用了大量的历史和政治哲学文献。本书的第二个贡献是,通过借鉴各政党自己的政治宣言,论证性和经验性地论证了这三种意识形态矩阵及其混合体(以及引外引,引导它们的北极星)如何仍然是当今西方民主政治格局的特征。这是本书对“意识形态终结”辩论贡献最大的地方。事实上,贯穿全书章节的一条线索是,现代性的逻辑仍然存在,它使社会内部的关键利益冲突合理化,从而产生了三种意识形态矩阵,并为当前的政治分歧提供了信息。在这方面,有专门的一章
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引用次数: 0
Political Party Funding and Private Donations in Italy by Chiara Fiorelli. Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan. 2021. 156p. Chiara Fiorelli在意大利的政党资助和私人捐赠。瑞士:帕尔格雷夫·麦克米伦。2021年第156页。
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-07 DOI: 10.1017/ipo.2022.1
I. McMenamin
Political finance is a difficult subject, both empirically and theoretically. Following the money is difficult; it takes a much greater effort to establish some basic numbers than in other areas of political science. Theoretically, political finance has often been isolated from the centre of political science and, indeed, from the centre of any other discipline. Chiara Fiorelli’s excellent book overcomes these challenges to provide us with a slew of basic data that contribute to one of the defining debates of European political science. The book provides an exhaustive analysis of private donations received by Italian parties in 1987, 1994, and 2013 and uses them to assess the extent to which Italian parties are still connected to society. So, political finance is not an explanation for the party system, as in the cartel party thesis, or a factor in corruption. Instead, the size, provenance, and destination of private donations are used as indicators of the nature of the parties, like, for example, party membership numbers or party organizational structures. The sharp changes in the nature of the Italian party system and political finance arrangements make for a rich case study. It is these changes that motivate the selection of years. 1987 is the last election year before the ‘Tangentopoli’ scandal destroyed the post-war party system and the generous system of public funding. The 1994 election was the first one of the new era and 2013 was the most recent when the research began. The early chapters discuss an impressive (and, indeed, almost frightening!) range of literature. Although some sections are almost too conscientious in referring to relevant scholarship, the main focus is on the cartel party thesis. In using private donations to assess the capability of parties to connect to society, Fiorelli introduces a concept and a measure that can potentially be used in any representative democracy. The connective capability of a party consists of diversity (the range of interests donating to the party) and intensity (the number of donations). She generates an index that insightfully compares the connective capability of the parties at any given time. Unfortunately, the way the index is constructed does not allow comparisons across time, which is a pity, given the longitudinal emphasis of the cartel thesis and much of the party literature, as well as the long and interesting time period studied in the book. Nonetheless, in future research, it should be possible to rework the index so that it is comparable across time and even has an absolute meaning. In spite of this limitation, Fiorelli makes a convincing argument that the parties’ connective capability has declined across time. Personalization is the next most important discussion in the book. Here again, the decline of the party is documented. Donations to candidates relative to donations to the party itself rise over time and undermine the coherence and autonomy of political parties. Private mone
政治金融无论从经验上还是从理论上都是一个难题。跟随金钱是困难的;与政治学的其他领域相比,建立一些基本数字需要付出更大的努力。从理论上讲,政治金融学往往与政治学的中心隔绝,事实上,与任何其他学科的中心隔绝。Chiara Fiorelli的优秀著作克服了这些挑战,为我们提供了一系列基础数据,为欧洲政治学的一场决定性辩论做出了贡献。该书对意大利政党在1987年、1994年和2013年收到的私人捐款进行了详尽的分析,并用这些捐款来评估意大利政党与社会的联系程度。因此,政治金融并不是卡特尔政党理论中政党制度的解释,也不是腐败的一个因素。相反,私人捐款的规模、来源和目的地被用作政党性质的指标,例如党员人数或政党组织结构。意大利政党制度和政治财政安排的性质发生了急剧变化,这是一个丰富的案例研究。正是这些变化激发了对年份的选择。1987年是“Tangetopoli”丑闻摧毁战后政党体系和慷慨的公共资金体系之前的最后一个选举年。1994年的选举是新时代的第一次选举,2013年是研究开始的最近一次选举。前几章讨论了一系列令人印象深刻(事实上,几乎令人恐惧!)的文学作品。尽管有些章节在提及相关学术时过于认真,但主要关注的是卡特尔政党的论点。在使用私人捐款来评估政党与社会联系的能力时,Fiorelli引入了一个可以在任何代议制民主中使用的概念和措施。政党的联系能力包括多样性(向政党捐赠的利益范围)和强度(捐赠数量)。她生成了一个指数,深入地比较了各方在任何特定时间的联系能力。不幸的是,该指数的构建方式不允许跨时间进行比较,这是一个遗憾,因为卡特尔论文和许多政党文献的纵向重点,以及书中研究的漫长而有趣的时间段。尽管如此,在未来的研究中,应该有可能重新制定该指数,使其在不同时间内具有可比性,甚至具有绝对意义。尽管存在这种限制,Fiorelli提出了一个令人信服的论点,即各方的联系能力随着时间的推移而下降。个性化是本书下一个最重要的讨论。这里再次记录了该党的衰落。相对于对政党本身的捐款,对候选人的捐款会随着时间的推移而增加,并破坏政党的一致性和自主权。意大利的私人资金似乎倾向于可能的赢家,而不是现任者。从这一点很难判断捐赠者是在寻求对即将上任的政府的影响力,还是与公众舆论保持一致的无私支持者。随着时间的推移,捐赠中似乎没有明显的意识形态偏见。然而,左派倾向于接受更少但更多的捐款。
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引用次数: 0
The life cycle of conspiracy theories: evidence from a long-term panel survey on conspiracy beliefs in Italy 阴谋论的生命周期:来自意大利阴谋信仰长期小组调查的证据
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-03 DOI: 10.1017/ipo.2021.57
Moreno Mancosu, S. Vassallo
Abstract Conspiracy theories are gaining increasing interest in academic and public debate. A broad research agenda focused on the socio-political and psychological determinants of conspiracy theory beliefs, on the effect of social media as a new channel of dissemination, on the role played by populist leaders in explaining those theories, and on the impact on social and political outputs. This introduction to the special issue proposes a summary of this growing literature and addresses an aspect that is still under-investigated: the life cycle of conspiracy theories. Previous empirical studies investigated the topic either in a cross-sectional fashion or by employing short-term panels – focusing on how conspiracy theories change over a small period (e.g., before and after an election). Using panel survey data, we take a medium-term approach. We base our investigation on a longitudinal study composed of two survey waves, administered in 2016 and late 2020. Respondents were asked to rate the plausibility of different ‘classic’ conspiracy theories. This allows comparing changes in beliefs in those conspiracy theories over this 4-year time frame. Results show that believes in these theories decrease over time. Furthermore, this decline can only be marginally explained by individual socio-demographic characteristics or political orientations. After thoroughly describing these differences over time, we speculate on why this decline occurs, mainly basing our argument on the role of the media landscape in shaping public opinion.
阴谋论在学术界和公众辩论中引起了越来越大的兴趣。广泛的研究议程侧重于阴谋论信仰的社会政治和心理决定因素,社交媒体作为一种新的传播渠道的影响,民粹主义领导人在解释这些理论时所发挥的作用,以及对社会和政治产出的影响。这篇特刊的介绍对这一不断增长的文献进行了总结,并提出了一个尚未得到充分研究的方面:阴谋论的生命周期。以前的实证研究要么以横断面的方式调查这个话题,要么采用短期小组——关注阴谋论在一段时间内(例如,选举前后)是如何变化的。使用面板调查数据,我们采取中期方法。我们的调查基于一项纵向研究,该研究由两波调查组成,分别于2016年和2020年底进行。受访者被要求对不同“经典”阴谋论的可信性进行打分。这可以比较在这4年的时间框架内,这些阴谋论的信念的变化。结果表明,随着时间的推移,人们对这些理论的信任度逐渐下降。此外,这种下降只能用个别社会人口特征或政治倾向来解释。随着时间的推移,在彻底描述了这些差异之后,我们推测了这种下降发生的原因,主要基于我们对媒体景观在塑造公众舆论中的作用的论点。
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引用次数: 4
The Covid pandemic enters the ballot box: The impact of conspiracy theories on Italians' voting behaviour during the COVID-19 crisis 新冠肺炎大流行进入投票箱:新冠肺炎危机期间阴谋论对意大利投票行为的影响
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-13 DOI: 10.1017/ipo.2021.56
Danilo Serani
Abstract The spread of the coronavirus disease-2019 (COVID-19) pandemic in 2020 was the impetus for an exogenous shock. In addition to the disruption brought on by the spread of COVID-19, conspiracy theories flourished on many aspects of the disease. However, the association between belief in conspiracy theories and voting behaviour has not been studied sufficiently, especially in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper investigates the association between a belief in conspiracy theories and an intention to vote for populist parties (PPs). This association is analysed in a case study of Italian voters, where PPs can be found in the government and in the opposition. By conducting a cross-sectional analysis during the third wave of panel data fielded in December 2020, this article shows that individuals who have anti-vax attitudes and who also have a higher propensity to believe in conspiracy theories are more likely to vote for PPs, although it is worth considering the roles PPs play in either the government or in the opposition.
2020年新型冠状病毒病(COVID-19)大流行的传播是外源冲击的动力。除了COVID-19的传播带来的破坏之外,阴谋论还在该疾病的许多方面蓬勃发展。然而,阴谋论信仰与投票行为之间的关系尚未得到充分研究,特别是在2019冠状病毒病大流行的背景下。本文调查了阴谋论信仰与民粹主义政党(PPs)投票意向之间的关系。在意大利选民的案例研究中分析了这种联系,在那里,人民党可以在政府和反对派中找到。通过在2020年12月进行的第三波小组数据中进行横断面分析,本文表明,持反疫苗态度和更倾向于相信阴谋论的个人更有可能投票给人民党,尽管值得考虑的是人民党在政府或反对派中所扮演的角色。
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引用次数: 4
Who Enters Politics and Why? Basic Human Values in the UK Parliament James Weinberg, Bristol, Bristol University Press, 2020. 232 p. £ 75.00 谁进入政界?为什么?《英国议会的基本人类价值观》,詹姆斯·温伯格,布里斯托尔,布里斯托尔大学出版社,2020年。232便士,75英镑
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-11 DOI: 10.1017/ipo.2021.58
V. Mete
Contrary to the prevailing narrative that all politicians are nothing more than privileged idlers, the decision to enter politics today is a very challenging, dare I say almost heroic, one. In fact, career politicians are obliged to operate in an anti-political climate that generates constant popular disdain and hostility towards political representatives and those holding institutional office. This being the case, then it is natural to wonder who those attracted to a political career are. What individual qualities do they possess, and what reasons do they have for undertaking such an uncertain, tough, and at the end of the day somewhat unrewarding, career? Political science and political sociology scholars who have investigated this topic have tended to focus their attention, however, on the socio-demographic characteristics and the political and institutional features of political representatives. What has been developed to a far lesser extent, on the other hand, is the exploration of the individual motivations and underlying values of those individuals who decide to embark on a career in politics and who attain significant positions of power within the political sphere. Any such studies have generally been of a biographical (or on occasion auto-biographical) nature, or in any case of a qualitative character. There is a lack of more systematic studies conducted using quantitative methods. In his work Who enters politics and why? Basic human values in the UK parliament, James Weinberg has tried to fill this gap. The most original aspect of Weinberg’s work, and one that I personally consider appreciable, is his contribution to political science and political sociology from a different perspective, that of political psychology. There are basically three research questions that the author tries to answer in this work, namely:
人们普遍认为,所有的政治家都不过是享有特权的游手好闲者,与这种说法相反,如今进入政界的决定是一个非常具有挑战性的决定,我敢说,这几乎是一个英勇的决定。事实上,职业政治家不得不在一种反政治的气氛中工作,这种气氛不断地引起公众对政治代表和那些担任机构职务的人的蔑视和敌意。既然如此,那么人们自然会想知道那些被政治生涯吸引的人是谁。他们拥有什么样的个人品质?他们从事这样一份不确定、艰难、最终有些毫无回报的职业的原因是什么?然而,研究这一主题的政治科学和政治社会学学者倾向于将注意力集中在政治代表的社会人口特征和政治和制度特征上。另一方面,在较小程度上发展起来的是对那些决定走上政治生涯并在政治领域获得重要权力职位的个人的动机和潜在价值的探索。任何这样的研究通常都是传记性的(或者偶尔是自传式的),或者在任何情况下都是定性的。目前还缺乏使用定量方法进行的更系统的研究。在他的著作中,谁进入政界,为什么?在英国议会的基本人类价值观中,詹姆斯·温伯格试图填补这一空白。温伯格作品中最具原创性的方面,也是我个人认为值得欣赏的方面,是他从政治心理学的另一个角度对政治科学和政治社会学的贡献。在这项工作中,作者试图回答的研究问题基本上有三个,即:
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引用次数: 1
Rich kids of Europe? Social basis and strategic choices in the climate activism of Fridays for Future 欧洲的富家子弟?未来星期五气候行动主义的社会基础和战略选择
IF 1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-28 DOI: 10.1017/ipo.2021.54
Donatella della Porta, M. Portos
Abstract In 2018, Swedish teenager Greta Thunberg began a school strike that quickly spread across the globe. After a ritual strike every Friday by school pupils to call for urgent action against climate change had gone on for several months, what had become Fridays for Future (FFF) called for various global days of action throughout 2019, bringing millions of people out onto the streets in the largest climate protests in world history. Drawing on unique protest survey data on FFF events across European cities in 2019, this article explores the structural bases of organized collective mobilization for climate justice. Nuancing narratives that focus on either the privileged background of climate justice protesters or the environmentalism of the poor, our results show the heterogeneity of the social composition of the protests, suggesting the need for cross-class alliances for mass mobilizations. Moreover, our analysis reveals that the social background of protesters shaped their attitudes regarding what institutions and approaches can be relied upon to tackle climate and environmental challenges. This suggests an important and under-studied connection between social background and the strategic choices of environmental movements.
2018年,瑞典少女格蕾塔·滕伯格(Greta Thunberg)发起了一场学校罢工,这场罢工迅速蔓延到全球。学生们每周五举行例行罢工,呼吁采取紧急行动应对气候变化,这一活动已经持续了好几个月。之后,“未来星期五”(FFF)呼吁2019年全年在全球范围内采取各种行动,数百万人走上街头,发起了世界历史上规模最大的气候抗议活动。本文利用2019年欧洲各城市FFF活动的独特抗议调查数据,探讨了有组织的气候正义集体动员的结构基础。通过关注气候正义抗议者的特权背景或穷人的环境保护主义,我们的研究结果显示了抗议活动的社会构成的异质性,表明需要跨阶级联盟进行大规模动员。此外,我们的分析表明,抗议者的社会背景影响了他们对可以依靠哪些制度和方法来应对气候和环境挑战的态度。这表明社会背景和环境运动的战略选择之间存在着重要的、尚未得到充分研究的联系。
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引用次数: 9
期刊
Italian Political Science Review-Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica
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