Abstract This paper explores relationships between vaccination coverage and indicators at the level oflocal administrative units for the case of rural localities of Romania. Positive correlations have been identified in relation to fiscal capacity, coverage of the population with general practitioners, COVID‐19 incidence rate and absence of a marginalized community within the locality. Regional differences are again highlighted in the analysis. This means that there is at least partially an overlap of the disadvantaged rural areas with the ones registering low vaccination uptakes against COVID‐19. Further on, it means that these territorial areas accumulate a series of structural disadvantages that can prove to increase the discrepancies between them and other rural or large urban areas. The paper contributes to enlarging the perspective on vaccination coverage by adding both conceptual and practical insights. From the point ofview of practitioners, the results of the study can be used to tailor intervention in communities with similar characteristics, to underscore public health inequalities across territories. Points for practitioners are relevant for a wide range of stakeholders from public health, public management, and social protection fields, placed in both local and central level decision‐making positions.
{"title":"Territorial Disparities in COVID-19 Vaccination in Romania","authors":"Anca Monica Marin","doi":"10.2478/nispa-2023-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/nispa-2023-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper explores relationships between vaccination coverage and indicators at the level oflocal administrative units for the case of rural localities of Romania. Positive correlations have been identified in relation to fiscal capacity, coverage of the population with general practitioners, COVID‐19 incidence rate and absence of a marginalized community within the locality. Regional differences are again highlighted in the analysis. This means that there is at least partially an overlap of the disadvantaged rural areas with the ones registering low vaccination uptakes against COVID‐19. Further on, it means that these territorial areas accumulate a series of structural disadvantages that can prove to increase the discrepancies between them and other rural or large urban areas. The paper contributes to enlarging the perspective on vaccination coverage by adding both conceptual and practical insights. From the point ofview of practitioners, the results of the study can be used to tailor intervention in communities with similar characteristics, to underscore public health inequalities across territories. Points for practitioners are relevant for a wide range of stakeholders from public health, public management, and social protection fields, placed in both local and central level decision‐making positions.","PeriodicalId":43378,"journal":{"name":"NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy","volume":"16 1","pages":"81 - 107"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43489675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Currently, parental leave policy is one of the key instruments of social policy in the family sphere in many European countries. Despite the common territorial context, parental leave design may vary greatly in different European countries. In this respect, the influence of differentiative parameters of the parental leave system on the social policy results in European countries is still overlooked. Our study aims to compare parental leave policies in European countries using cluster analysis and reveal the differentiation of the results of policies related to parental leave policy in the clusters of countries. We put forward the following research questions: (1) Are groups of European countries shaped according to the characteristics of parental leave policy similar to European geographical regions? Which cluster has the largest proportion of CEE countries? (2) How different are the results of policies associated with parental leave policy in these groups of countries? As an information source, we used the International Review of Leave Policies and Research 2020, which presents data on parental leave policy in 32 European countries. As indicators for cluster analysis, we used the number of maternity, paternity, and parental leave flexibility elements. The research identified three groups of European countries varying in the number of flexibility elements in the structure of each type of leave. We concluded that leave policies in these countries are not conditioned by their geographical location but may result from their social policies. We also observed that a parental leave policy may contribute to reducing gender inequality in the country. The scientific significance of the research lies in revealing similarities and differences between parental leave policies in the context of a wide circle of European countries and in expanding existing knowledge of the public values theory in public administration.
{"title":"Parental Leave Policy in European Countries: A Comparative Approach Using Cluster Analysis","authors":"A. Bagirova, N. Blednova, Aleksandr V. Neshataev","doi":"10.2478/nispa-2023-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/nispa-2023-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Currently, parental leave policy is one of the key instruments of social policy in the family sphere in many European countries. Despite the common territorial context, parental leave design may vary greatly in different European countries. In this respect, the influence of differentiative parameters of the parental leave system on the social policy results in European countries is still overlooked. Our study aims to compare parental leave policies in European countries using cluster analysis and reveal the differentiation of the results of policies related to parental leave policy in the clusters of countries. We put forward the following research questions: (1) Are groups of European countries shaped according to the characteristics of parental leave policy similar to European geographical regions? Which cluster has the largest proportion of CEE countries? (2) How different are the results of policies associated with parental leave policy in these groups of countries? As an information source, we used the International Review of Leave Policies and Research 2020, which presents data on parental leave policy in 32 European countries. As indicators for cluster analysis, we used the number of maternity, paternity, and parental leave flexibility elements. The research identified three groups of European countries varying in the number of flexibility elements in the structure of each type of leave. We concluded that leave policies in these countries are not conditioned by their geographical location but may result from their social policies. We also observed that a parental leave policy may contribute to reducing gender inequality in the country. The scientific significance of the research lies in revealing similarities and differences between parental leave policies in the context of a wide circle of European countries and in expanding existing knowledge of the public values theory in public administration.","PeriodicalId":43378,"journal":{"name":"NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy","volume":"16 1","pages":"33 - 57"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45508465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper examines the model of party patronage in Serbia and its impact on the professionalisation of public administration. Drawing on case studies of the appointment and subsequent performance of heads of three prominent public organisations‐the National Bank of Serbia, the Anti‐Corruption Agency, and the Electro Industry of Serbia‐we demonstrate that, despite efforts to implement the Weberian principle of (neutral competence which involves the prevalence of meritocracy over partisan affiliation, patronage in Serbia has not only persisted but has become more overt and invasive. The given model of patronage involves the pursuit of multiple functions of partisan patronage‐resource extraction, partisan campaigning (including through clientelism), and policy control. We suggest that this model results in the appointment of unqualified individuals to top positions, leading to poor governance and low efficiency of public institutions. The findings point to a (reform reversal” scenario, which departs from the trajectory of mild progress or stagnation usually observed in other cases across post‐communist Europe that follow the adoption ofWeberian standards. As a conceptual contribution, the paper develops a typology, centered around the question of perniciousness of various patronage models, that captures patronage models and trajectories of anti‐patronage developments in a more nuanced manner than the existing frameworks that compare patronage patterns.
{"title":"Blatant, not Latent: Patronage in Top-Level Appointments in Serbia","authors":"Slobodan Tomić, D. Pavlović","doi":"10.2478/nispa-2023-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/nispa-2023-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper examines the model of party patronage in Serbia and its impact on the professionalisation of public administration. Drawing on case studies of the appointment and subsequent performance of heads of three prominent public organisations‐the National Bank of Serbia, the Anti‐Corruption Agency, and the Electro Industry of Serbia‐we demonstrate that, despite efforts to implement the Weberian principle of (neutral competence which involves the prevalence of meritocracy over partisan affiliation, patronage in Serbia has not only persisted but has become more overt and invasive. The given model of patronage involves the pursuit of multiple functions of partisan patronage‐resource extraction, partisan campaigning (including through clientelism), and policy control. We suggest that this model results in the appointment of unqualified individuals to top positions, leading to poor governance and low efficiency of public institutions. The findings point to a (reform reversal” scenario, which departs from the trajectory of mild progress or stagnation usually observed in other cases across post‐communist Europe that follow the adoption ofWeberian standards. As a conceptual contribution, the paper develops a typology, centered around the question of perniciousness of various patronage models, that captures patronage models and trajectories of anti‐patronage developments in a more nuanced manner than the existing frameworks that compare patronage patterns.","PeriodicalId":43378,"journal":{"name":"NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy","volume":"16 1","pages":"181 - 209"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47671280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In recent years, the Russian Federal Tax Service has increasingly focused on processing taxpayer feedback through various communication channels. In this paper, we investigate the impact of this feedback system on the effectiveness of tax collection over the regions of the Russian Federation for 2017‐2021. Using a unique dataset of feedback received and a bunch ofcontrol variables with instruments, we show that the spread offeedback channels resulted in a small but significant increase in tax proceedings. We provide behavioral interpretation for this result: the introduction of feedback systems signals taxpayers that the tax offices have started to pay attention to what people think about their service. This simple signal transforms the relationship between taxpayers and tax administration from that of surveillance and authority to customer relations, which is reciprocated by the taxpayers and has contributed to the improvement of tax discipline.
{"title":"Feedback Monitoring Tools of the Russian Federal Tax Service","authors":"Evita R. Titkova, A. Belianin","doi":"10.2478/nispa-2023-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/nispa-2023-0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In recent years, the Russian Federal Tax Service has increasingly focused on processing taxpayer feedback through various communication channels. In this paper, we investigate the impact of this feedback system on the effectiveness of tax collection over the regions of the Russian Federation for 2017‐2021. Using a unique dataset of feedback received and a bunch ofcontrol variables with instruments, we show that the spread offeedback channels resulted in a small but significant increase in tax proceedings. We provide behavioral interpretation for this result: the introduction of feedback systems signals taxpayers that the tax offices have started to pay attention to what people think about their service. This simple signal transforms the relationship between taxpayers and tax administration from that of surveillance and authority to customer relations, which is reciprocated by the taxpayers and has contributed to the improvement of tax discipline.","PeriodicalId":43378,"journal":{"name":"NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy","volume":"16 1","pages":"167 - 180"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45662304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Romania is one of the countries that adopted temporary sanctions against disinformation during the state of emergency, which lasted between March 16 and May 14, 2020. The scope of this paper is to analyze the decisions adopted by the National Authority for Administration and Regulation of Communications, which was the institution responsible for regulating the spread of fake news on the internet. We analyzed the motivation to block access to false information and the type of news classified as disinformation. In addition, we analyzed decisions adopted by the National Council of Audio‐visual starting with the end of February 2020, both in terms of recommendations and the sanctions imposed on audio‐visual channels of communication, as well as the decisions to sanction noncompliance with the correct information of the audience. The findings show a limited effect in containing disinformation. Access to a limited number of websites was blocked and after the state of emergency was lifted, access was granted again. Removing access to a website did not stop the authors from continuing their activity by opening a new website. The lack of a definition of false information allowed discretion power in blocking access to news containing information that later proved to be correct. The activity of audio‐visual channels was regulated instead through soft legislation, such as recommendations and instructions, as well as through sanctions. Overall the analysis shows temporary and limited effects of the legislation sanctioning disinformation in Romania.
{"title":"A Policy Perspective on Regulating Disinformation in Romania during the Covid-19 Pandemic","authors":"Bianca V. Radu","doi":"10.2478/nispa-2023-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/nispa-2023-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Romania is one of the countries that adopted temporary sanctions against disinformation during the state of emergency, which lasted between March 16 and May 14, 2020. The scope of this paper is to analyze the decisions adopted by the National Authority for Administration and Regulation of Communications, which was the institution responsible for regulating the spread of fake news on the internet. We analyzed the motivation to block access to false information and the type of news classified as disinformation. In addition, we analyzed decisions adopted by the National Council of Audio‐visual starting with the end of February 2020, both in terms of recommendations and the sanctions imposed on audio‐visual channels of communication, as well as the decisions to sanction noncompliance with the correct information of the audience. The findings show a limited effect in containing disinformation. Access to a limited number of websites was blocked and after the state of emergency was lifted, access was granted again. Removing access to a website did not stop the authors from continuing their activity by opening a new website. The lack of a definition of false information allowed discretion power in blocking access to news containing information that later proved to be correct. The activity of audio‐visual channels was regulated instead through soft legislation, such as recommendations and instructions, as well as through sanctions. Overall the analysis shows temporary and limited effects of the legislation sanctioning disinformation in Romania.","PeriodicalId":43378,"journal":{"name":"NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy","volume":"16 1","pages":"108 - 137"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46852619","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Research has shown the potential of social media to disseminate important information as well as transform citizen engagement with government. However, implementation proves difficult, especially in public sector organizations. The success, impact and performance of these new forms of networked interactions are yet to be fully explored, especially at the local level. Many municipalities are experimenting with social media use, but few actively measure their performance on these platforms and their interactions with users. Different frameworks have been proposed to describe government communication types and activity on social media. They are addressed here through three phases that refer to forms of government‐citizen communication on social media. The original assessment method developed here contributes to the existing literature and provides guidance to practitioners. Empirically, our research relies on a database of cities that have between 100,000 and 500,000 inhabitants in European Union member states located in Central and Eastern Europe. It provides social media metrics for these cities (N=82 and compares various indicators on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram. This contributes to a better assessment ofhow social media platforms are used by local governments in the region.
{"title":"Social Media Use in Central and Eastern European Cities: Defining Local Government-Citizen Relationships through Phases","authors":"R. Zumofen, Vincent Mabillard, Martial Pasquier","doi":"10.2478/nispa-2023-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/nispa-2023-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Research has shown the potential of social media to disseminate important information as well as transform citizen engagement with government. However, implementation proves difficult, especially in public sector organizations. The success, impact and performance of these new forms of networked interactions are yet to be fully explored, especially at the local level. Many municipalities are experimenting with social media use, but few actively measure their performance on these platforms and their interactions with users. Different frameworks have been proposed to describe government communication types and activity on social media. They are addressed here through three phases that refer to forms of government‐citizen communication on social media. The original assessment method developed here contributes to the existing literature and provides guidance to practitioners. Empirically, our research relies on a database of cities that have between 100,000 and 500,000 inhabitants in European Union member states located in Central and Eastern Europe. It provides social media metrics for these cities (N=82 and compares various indicators on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram. This contributes to a better assessment ofhow social media platforms are used by local governments in the region.","PeriodicalId":43378,"journal":{"name":"NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy","volume":"16 1","pages":"232 - 253"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48524759","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Social and other administrative procedures are gaining importance because of the increasing complexity of administrative relationships brought about by the Covid‐19 pandemic, digitalisation, and other societal changes. When exercising social rights, procedural elements should be seen – both at the level of regulation and enforcement of the rules – as factors contributing to the welfare state, the rule of law, and good administration, and not as an excuse for a bureaucratic attitude. In view of the multifunctionality of social procedures, including their casual‐functional role in social relationships and their potential for a critical value‐based evaluation of the current regulation, the rationale for this study is to assess the impact of the Covid‐19 pandemic on special administrative procedures conducted by the 16 social work centres (SWCs) in Slovenia. A special emphasis is placed on the informational calculation of social assistance payments, such as child benefits, kindergarten subsidies or state scholarships ‐by far the most numerous procedures involving social rights in Slovenia, with over one million cases annually. Drawing upon a normative analysis, available statistics, semi‐structured interviews with SWCs managers and surveys among employees, the findings reveal that the response of SWCs to the crisis has improved. However, largely due to the lack of coordination on the part of the line ministry, the simplifications introduced mainly benefit the public administration rather than particularly vulnerable parties to the procedure. Consequently, there is a need to pay greater attention to providing the parties with adequate protection of their constitutional rights and other elements of good public governance. Points for Practitioners In addition to analysing the direct practical implications of the legislative, organisational, and IT adaptations to the Covid‐19 pandemic, the article provides a broader study of the multifunctionality of social procedures and their role in ensuring citizens’ fundamental rights in times of socially unstable conditions. The findings are thus directly applicable for practitioners deciding on social procedures in the broader European setting, and for policymakers and legislators in the respective fields. As the conclusions are grounded on a strong methodological framework, this should contribute to advocating the much‐needed change in ensuring the protection of the basic constitutional rights in social procedures in times of crisis in Central Europe and beyond.
{"title":"The Covid-19 Pandemic as a Driver of More Responsive Social Procedures: between Theory and Practices in Slovenia","authors":"Matej Babšek, P. Kovač","doi":"10.2478/nispa-2023-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/nispa-2023-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Social and other administrative procedures are gaining importance because of the increasing complexity of administrative relationships brought about by the Covid‐19 pandemic, digitalisation, and other societal changes. When exercising social rights, procedural elements should be seen – both at the level of regulation and enforcement of the rules – as factors contributing to the welfare state, the rule of law, and good administration, and not as an excuse for a bureaucratic attitude. In view of the multifunctionality of social procedures, including their casual‐functional role in social relationships and their potential for a critical value‐based evaluation of the current regulation, the rationale for this study is to assess the impact of the Covid‐19 pandemic on special administrative procedures conducted by the 16 social work centres (SWCs) in Slovenia. A special emphasis is placed on the informational calculation of social assistance payments, such as child benefits, kindergarten subsidies or state scholarships ‐by far the most numerous procedures involving social rights in Slovenia, with over one million cases annually. Drawing upon a normative analysis, available statistics, semi‐structured interviews with SWCs managers and surveys among employees, the findings reveal that the response of SWCs to the crisis has improved. However, largely due to the lack of coordination on the part of the line ministry, the simplifications introduced mainly benefit the public administration rather than particularly vulnerable parties to the procedure. Consequently, there is a need to pay greater attention to providing the parties with adequate protection of their constitutional rights and other elements of good public governance. Points for Practitioners In addition to analysing the direct practical implications of the legislative, organisational, and IT adaptations to the Covid‐19 pandemic, the article provides a broader study of the multifunctionality of social procedures and their role in ensuring citizens’ fundamental rights in times of socially unstable conditions. The findings are thus directly applicable for practitioners deciding on social procedures in the broader European setting, and for policymakers and legislators in the respective fields. As the conclusions are grounded on a strong methodological framework, this should contribute to advocating the much‐needed change in ensuring the protection of the basic constitutional rights in social procedures in times of crisis in Central Europe and beyond.","PeriodicalId":43378,"journal":{"name":"NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy","volume":"16 1","pages":"1 - 32"},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43322991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Purpose: Elections in Kenya since 1992 have had an uneven experience with some in which the results were contested only in the end to be accepted by the citizens on the one hand. On the other, in some elections there were crises but which resulted in a workable democratic compromise. This time around, in 2022, Kenya’s Supreme Court confirmed William Ruto winner of the country’s 2022 disputed national vote and the gesture did not put an end to political instability. The Opposition, Azimio coalition, continued to take the government head on over the high cost of living, issues of constitutional review, the appointment of a new electoral agency commission and the buying off of opposition members of parliament, among others. After two weeks of street protests by the Opposition and in an unexpected turn of events, Ruto (the sitting President) extended an offer of peace calling for dialogue. This study examines whether what is unfolding is yet another reason to believe that Kenya is setting a model for democracy in the East African region bedeviled with some election democracy troubled spots. Methodology: To attain up-to-date and reliable information, engagements have been done in debates, discussions and interviews with personnel who have had different roles and mandates at the level of intervention in the electoral process such as observing, monitoring and supervising; political analysts, political scientists, ruling party personnel, main opposition party personnel and civic educators in the office of the Registrar of Political Parties. Complementing were media tools in its various forms: tabloids (daily or weekly), newsreels, electronic media and others. Findings: Preliminary results from such avenues portray that in what appears as ceding ground from hard stance earlier adopted by the government, the reconciliatory tone stuck by the President is a step going along way to cool down the temperatures that have characterized the country’s political space over the last few months. In a similar vein, the gesture by the Opposition to give dialogue a chance is a window of opportunity to get the country back in the course of stability. Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: While it remains to be seen how the talks between the two sides will progress, it also remains to be seen as to whether the jargon defining the process, ‘bi-partisan’ differs from other wordings like cooperation, grand-coalition, and handshake earlier applied when such situations determined the then defining political atmosphere.
{"title":"Kenya Elections Trail: East African Roads Lead To Nairobi Anew","authors":"Luangisa Francis","doi":"10.47604/jppa.1946","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47604/jppa.1946","url":null,"abstract":"Purpose: Elections in Kenya since 1992 have had an uneven experience with some in which the results were contested only in the end to be accepted by the citizens on the one hand. On the other, in some elections there were crises but which resulted in a workable democratic compromise. This time around, in 2022, Kenya’s Supreme Court confirmed William Ruto winner of the country’s 2022 disputed national vote and the gesture did not put an end to political instability. The Opposition, Azimio coalition, continued to take the government head on over the high cost of living, issues of constitutional review, the appointment of a new electoral agency commission and the buying off of opposition members of parliament, among others. After two weeks of street protests by the Opposition and in an unexpected turn of events, Ruto (the sitting President) extended an offer of peace calling for dialogue. This study examines whether what is unfolding is yet another reason to believe that Kenya is setting a model for democracy in the East African region bedeviled with some election democracy troubled spots. \u0000Methodology: To attain up-to-date and reliable information, engagements have been done in debates, discussions and interviews with personnel who have had different roles and mandates at the level of intervention in the electoral process such as observing, monitoring and supervising; political analysts, political scientists, ruling party personnel, main opposition party personnel and civic educators in the office of the Registrar of Political Parties. Complementing were media tools in its various forms: tabloids (daily or weekly), newsreels, electronic media and others. \u0000Findings: Preliminary results from such avenues portray that in what appears as ceding ground from hard stance earlier adopted by the government, the reconciliatory tone stuck by the President is a step going along way to cool down the temperatures that have characterized the country’s political space over the last few months. In a similar vein, the gesture by the Opposition to give dialogue a chance is a window of opportunity to get the country back in the course of stability. \u0000Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: While it remains to be seen how the talks between the two sides will progress, it also remains to be seen as to whether the jargon defining the process, ‘bi-partisan’ differs from other wordings like cooperation, grand-coalition, and handshake earlier applied when such situations determined the then defining political atmosphere.","PeriodicalId":43378,"journal":{"name":"NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy","volume":"93 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80605554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-11DOI: 10.11648/j.jppa.20230701.14
Thais de Figueiredo Oliveira, Alessandra Cananéa, Giselle Vasconcellos, Mirian Miranda Cohen
{"title":"Strategic Management of Research and Innovation Projects: A Systematic Literature Survey","authors":"Thais de Figueiredo Oliveira, Alessandra Cananéa, Giselle Vasconcellos, Mirian Miranda Cohen","doi":"10.11648/j.jppa.20230701.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.11648/j.jppa.20230701.14","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43378,"journal":{"name":"NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78049804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Purpose: Socially Responsible Public Procurement is an important tool to support both Social Economy Organisations and wider public policies. The object of this paper is to examine the financial instrument of Social Impact Bonds (SIBs) by the Public Administration in order to support on the one hand sustainable development and social integration and on the other hand the Social Economy Bodies in their efforts to secure resources to achieve their mission (sustainable and socially inclusive development). Through the presentation of case studies, stakeholders will be able to understand the importance of Socially Responsible Public Procurement and the importance of Social Impact Bonds in ensuring an inclusive and environmentally respectful society. Methodology: Concise review of the theory of Social Impact Bonds and the connection with the Public Procurement through representative case studies from UK, USA and Israel. Findings: Presents the results that the utilization of social impact bonds had for contracting authorities, the development of the Social Economy and wider public policies (such as employment, social inclusion, etc.) Unique Contribution to Theory Practice and Policy: Through this paper, stakeholders will have the chance to understand the importance of SIB in relation to Socially Responsible Public Procurement. SIB is a new financial tool which can financially support Social Economy Bodies in order to fulfill their missions, but it also has disadvantages. The specific article includes proposals in order to improve the institutional framework of Social Impact Bonds.
{"title":"Social Impact Bonds and Socially Responsible Public Procurement in the 21st Century","authors":"Lampros Lamprinidis","doi":"10.47604/jppa.1895","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47604/jppa.1895","url":null,"abstract":"Purpose: Socially Responsible Public Procurement is an important tool to support both Social Economy Organisations and wider public policies. The object of this paper is to examine the financial instrument of Social Impact Bonds (SIBs) by the Public Administration in order to support on the one hand sustainable development and social integration and on the other hand the Social Economy Bodies in their efforts to secure resources to achieve their mission (sustainable and socially inclusive development). Through the presentation of case studies, stakeholders will be able to understand the importance of Socially Responsible Public Procurement and the importance of Social Impact Bonds in ensuring an inclusive and environmentally respectful society. \u0000Methodology: Concise review of the theory of Social Impact Bonds and the connection with the Public Procurement through representative case studies from UK, USA and Israel. \u0000Findings: Presents the results that the utilization of social impact bonds had for contracting authorities, the development of the Social Economy and wider public policies (such as employment, social inclusion, etc.) \u0000Unique Contribution to Theory Practice and Policy: Through this paper, stakeholders will have the chance to understand the importance of SIB in relation to Socially Responsible Public Procurement. SIB is a new financial tool which can financially support Social Economy Bodies in order to fulfill their missions, but it also has disadvantages. The specific article includes proposals in order to improve the institutional framework of Social Impact Bonds.","PeriodicalId":43378,"journal":{"name":"NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy","volume":"92 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74746311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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