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Making Messiah Swedish: Localities of Music and Identity in Ethnotourist America 使弥赛亚成为瑞典人:美国民族旅游者的音乐和身份的地方
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-02 DOI: 10.5406/americanmusic.38.3.0327
Benjamin R. Teitelbaum
Rehearsals were under way for the 123rd annual performance of Messiah in the small town of Lindsborg, Kansas. Not only is the community of 3,500 home to one of the oldest continuous traditions of performing Handel’s famous oratorio, it is also known nationally for branding itself as an ethnotourism center—as “Little Sweden U.S.A.”—in recognition of its founding during the mid1800s by Swedish immigrants. When local journalist Marty Hardy published the above statement on the front page of the town’s newspaper in 2005, she was keeping to a pattern. A year earlier she described singing Messiah as “probably the most significant event in keeping the Swedish heritage alive in Lindsborg.”1 Two months later, she would again use her column to urge fellow community members to celebrate upcoming performances by flying Swedish flags outside their homes. And so it continued in her writings and communications until her retirement as a journalist in 2006 and passing in 2016. I first read these columns in 2004 when I was an undergraduate student at Bethany College in Lindsborg, the institution hosting the annual oratorio performances. I found the commentary provocative: I had come to Lindsborg and Bethany as an eighteenyearold because of its Swedish
《弥赛亚》第123届年度演出正在堪萨斯州林兹堡小镇进行排练。这个拥有3500人的社区不仅拥有最古老的韩德尔著名清唱剧表演传统之一,而且还因将自己打造成民族旅游中心而闻名全国——被称为“小瑞典美国”——以表彰它在19世纪中期由瑞典移民建立。2005年,当当地记者马蒂·哈迪(Marty Hardy)在镇上报纸的头版发表上述声明时,她是在遵循一种模式。一年前,她形容唱弥赛亚“可能是在林兹堡保存瑞典遗产的最重要的事件”。两个月后,她再次利用自己的专栏敦促社区成员在家门口悬挂瑞典国旗来庆祝即将到来的演出。因此,她的写作和交流一直延续到2006年从记者岗位上退休,并于2016年去世。我第一次读这些专栏是在2004年,当时我还是林兹堡贝萨尼学院(Bethany College)的一名本科生,该学院每年都会举办清唱剧表演。我觉得这篇评论很有挑衅性:我18岁时来到林兹堡和贝瑟尼,因为这里是瑞典语
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引用次数: 0
“Make It Funky”: Funk, Live Performance, and the Concept “Genre Works” “Make It Funky”:放克、现场表演和“流派作品”概念
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-02 DOI: 10.5406/americanmusic.38.3.0353
Matthew Valnes
In the summer of 1971, James Brown and his band went into Rodel Studios in Washington, D.C., and recorded a jam session that resulted in a track entitled “Make It Funky.” The track opens with an exchange between Bobby Byrd, who asks Brown what he plans to play, to which Brown replies that he does not know, but whatever he plays, “it’s got to be funky!” After counting off three beats, Brown and members of the band enter on beat 4 chanting the phrase “make it funky” before the entire band enters on the following downbeat with short horns stabs, a “scratch” guitar line, and what had by this time become Brown’s signature rhythmically dense funk. As the song progresses in a way that feels almost like a live performance, multiple musicians are featured in brief solo sections, and Brown himself interjects lyrics that mention what is considered “traditional” Black southern fare, including grits and gravy, cornbread, and buttermilk. This brief description of Brown’s track highlights many salient aspects of Black popular music in the late 1960s and 1970s, a time period commonly referred to as the post–civil rights era. The evocation of Black southern fare suggests Brown’s roots in South Carolina and Georgia and serves as a reminder of the musical and cultural traditions from which he emerged. At the same time, however, by the 1970s his image and status as a bandleader—as a domineering and athletic performer— helped popularize funk, a form of Black popular music that emphasizes bodily movement, sexuality, and the physicality that both engender.
1971年夏天,詹姆斯·布朗(James Brown)和他的乐队来到华盛顿特区的罗德尔录音室(Rodel Studios),录制了一段即兴演奏,并制作了一首名为《Make It Funky》的歌曲。这首歌的开头是鲍比·伯德(Bobby Byrd)问布朗打算演奏什么,布朗回答说他不知道,但不管他演奏什么,“一定要很时髦!”在数完三拍后,布朗和乐队的成员们唱着“make it funky”进入第4拍,然后整个乐队用短喇叭戳了一下,“划痕”吉他线进入了下面的重拍,这已经成为布朗标志性的节奏密集的放克。随着这首歌以一种几乎像是现场表演的方式进行,多位音乐家在简短的独奏部分出现,布朗自己也插入了一些歌词,提到了被认为是“传统的”南方黑人食物,包括玉米粒和肉汁、玉米面包和酪乳。布朗的这首歌的简短描述突出了20世纪60年代末和70年代黑人流行音乐的许多突出方面,这段时间通常被称为后民权时代。对南方黑人饮食的唤起表明了布朗在南卡罗来纳州和佐治亚州的根源,并提醒人们他从音乐和文化传统中脱颖而出。然而,与此同时,到20世纪70年代,他作为乐队指挥的形象和地位——作为一个霸道而健壮的表演者——帮助普及了放克音乐,这是一种黑人流行音乐,强调身体运动、性和肉体性。
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引用次数: 1
Ferruccio Busoni, the Boston Symphony Orchestra, and the Impact of Anti-Germanismus around World War I 费鲁奇奥·布索尼、波士顿交响乐团和第一次世界大战前后反日耳曼主义的影响
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-02 DOI: 10.5406/americanmusic.38.3.0303
Erinn Knyt
On March 10–11, 2017, Symphony Hall in Boston resounded with the strains of Ferruccio Busoni’s approximately seventyminutelong Piano Concerto in C Major, BV 247 (1901–4), which the Boston Symphony Orchestra was performing for the first time.1 Conductor Sakari Oramo and pianist Kirill Gerstein performed impressively, and critics provided largely positive reviews of the piece.2 The belatedness of this performance of Busoni’s piano concerto with the Boston Symphony Orchestra is striking, given Busoni’s close connection with that institution. It was Karl Muck, conductor of the Boston Symphony Orchestra from 1912 to 1918, who directed the concerto’s premiere in 1904 in Berlin.3 Busoni (1866–1924) also appeared as soloist thirtysix times between 1891 and 1911, more than with any other major U.S. orchestra during his lifetime.4 In addition, the Boston Symphony Orchestra performed more of his compositions during his lifetime than any other orchestral institution in the United States.
2017年3月10日至11日,波士顿交响乐团首次演奏了费鲁奇奥·布索尼(Ferruccio Busoni)长达约7分钟的《C大调钢琴协奏曲BV 247》(1901–4)。1指挥萨卡里·奥拉莫(Sakari Oramo)和钢琴家基里尔·格斯坦(Kirill Gerstein)的演奏令人印象深刻,评论家们对这首作品给予了很大程度的正面评价。2鉴于布索尼与波士顿交响乐团的密切联系,布索尼与该交响乐团的钢琴协奏曲的这场迟来的演出令人震惊。1912年至1918年担任波士顿交响乐团指挥的卡尔·穆克于1904年在柏林指挥了这首协奏曲的首演。3布索尼(1866-1924)在1891年至1911年间也以独奏家的身份出现了36次,比他一生中与美国任何其他主要交响乐团一起出现的次数都多。4此外,波士顿交响乐团在他一生中演奏的作品比美国任何其他交响乐团都多。
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking American Music 重新思考美国音乐
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.5406/americanmusic.38.4.0524
Naomi Graber
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引用次数: 0
Rites, Rights & Rhythms: A Genealogy of Musical Meaning in Colombia’s Black Pacific by Michael Birenbaum Quintero (review) 《仪式、权利与节奏:哥伦比亚黑人太平洋的音乐意义谱系》作者:迈克尔·比伦鲍姆·金特罗
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.5406/americanmusic.38.4.0520
Anthony W. Rasmussen
piece he had written in 1970 for Abraham Kaplan, who had prepared the choir for the Kaddish Symphony. Blues also figures in. For example, “I Don’t Know” from Mass borrows the riff from “Mannish Boy” by Muddy Waters. But not all of Bernstein’s jazz inspirations made the final cut. We also read that Bernstein originally planned the closing “Communion” of Mass to include a jazzbased vocal trio. “The echoes of the swing era never fully die away for Bernstein, so he still could hear jazz as a music for celebration and unity” (197). Perhaps in an effort not to sound outdated, Bernstein also tried his hand at other styles in Mass. The Celebrant’s “Simple Song,” which Baber labels as “radical tonal simplicity,” reminds us of the folkinspired tunes that were common at guitar masses in Catholic churches post–Vatican II, and a rock band is one of the many ensembles Bernstein calls for in his musical cornucopia. Although these attempts at keeping up with the times were not accepted by critics, Baber somewhat laments Bernstein’s inability to continue this trajectory in 1600. Part of her critique focuses on the fact that “the moments in which Bernstein uses the vocabulary of jazz to write for black characters, speaking on their own behalf, veer perilously close to outright ventriloquism or modernday minstrelsy” (205). She goes on to point out that by returning once again to the blues for these characters, for example, in the song “Bright and Black,” Bernstein “freez[es] black expressive culture at an earlier stage” (214). If he was able to absorb folk and rock in Mass, then why not evoke the soul music of Aretha Franklin or James Brown in 1600? “In leaving out soul in favor of his preferred jazz culture, he seems to have missed the point of black power” (215) and possibly revealed a limitation of his compositional language. Someone likely could have written the analyses in chapters 2 through 6 without writing chapter 1. But in carefully culling Bernstein’s writings to define the three precepts of innate tonality, human communication, and identity, Baber provides a firm grounding for the readings that follow. Her analytical observations, both musical and extramusical, are thus made richer by the context of the underpinnings of chapter 1. But more important, her cogent and thorough study of Bernstein’s compositional philosophy provides a framework for future research on Bernstein’s music, whether it engages with the issue of jazz or not. In this sense, Baber’s book can be read as a case study within a much larger project. The foundation she has laid and the example she has set will have likely a profound impact on Bernstein studies for years to come.
他在1970年为亚伯拉罕·卡普兰写的一首作品,卡普兰为卡迪什交响乐团准备了合唱团。蓝调也在其中。例如,Mass的《我不知道》借用了Muddy Waters的《曼尼什男孩》中的即兴小段。但并不是所有伯恩斯坦的爵士乐灵感都进入了决赛。我们还读到,伯恩斯坦最初计划在弥撒的闭幕式“Communion”中加入一个爵士声乐三人组。“摇摆时代的回声对伯恩斯坦来说从未完全消失,所以他仍然可以听到爵士乐作为庆祝和团结的音乐”(197)。也许是为了不让自己听起来过时,伯恩斯坦还在弥撒中尝试了其他风格。The Celebration的《简单之歌》(Simple Song)被巴伯称为“激进的音调简单”,让我们想起了梵蒂冈二世后天主教教堂吉他弥撒中常见的民间风格曲调,摇滚乐队是伯恩斯坦在其音乐宝库中呼吁的众多合奏团之一。尽管这些与时俱进的尝试没有被批评者所接受,但巴贝尔在某种程度上哀叹伯恩斯坦在1600年无法继续这一轨迹。她的部分批评集中在这样一个事实上,即“伯恩斯坦使用爵士乐词汇为黑人角色写作,代表他们自己说话的时刻,危险地接近于彻底的腹语术或现代吟游诗人”(205)。她接着指出,通过再次为这些角色回归布鲁斯,例如在歌曲《明亮与黑色》中,伯恩斯坦“解放了早期的黑人表现文化”(214)。如果他能够在弥撒中吸收民间音乐和摇滚乐,那么为什么不唤起1600年阿瑞莎·富兰克林或詹姆斯·布朗的灵魂音乐呢?“为了支持他喜欢的爵士乐文化而忽略了灵魂,他似乎错过了黑人力量的意义”(215),并可能揭示了他的作曲语言的局限性。有人可能在没有写第一章的情况下就把分析写在了第二章到第六章。但是,在仔细挑选伯恩斯坦的作品来定义天生的音调、人类交流和身份这三条戒律时,巴伯为接下来的阅读提供了坚实的基础。因此,她的分析性观察,无论是音乐性的还是非音乐性的,都因第一章的背景而变得更加丰富。但更重要的是,她对伯恩斯坦作曲哲学的有力而彻底的研究为未来对伯恩斯坦音乐的研究提供了一个框架,无论它是否涉及爵士乐问题。从这个意义上讲,巴伯的书可以作为一个更大项目的案例研究来阅读。她所奠定的基础和树立的榜样可能会在未来几年对伯恩斯坦的研究产生深远影响。
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引用次数: 1
Leonard Bernstein and the Language of Jazz 伦纳德·伯恩斯坦和爵士乐的语言
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.5406/americanmusic.38.4.0518
J. D. Jenkins
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引用次数: 0
What Will I Be: American Music and Cold War Identity by Philip M. Gentry (review) 《我将成为什么样的人:美国音乐与冷战身份》作者:菲利普·m·金特里
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.5406/americanmusic.38.4.0527
John Kapusta
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引用次数: 0
Experimentalisms in Practice: Music Perspectives from Latin America ed. by Ana R. Alonso-Minutti, Eduardo Herrera, and Alejandro L. Madrid (review) 《实践中的实验:拉丁美洲的音乐视角》,安娜·R·阿隆索·米努蒂、爱德华多·埃雷拉和亚历杭德罗·L·马德里主编(评论)
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/americanmusic.38.3.0380
David F. García
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引用次数: 2
Sounds of Crossing: Music, Migration, and the Aural Poetics of Huapango Arribeño 穿越之声:音乐、迁徙与华潘戈·阿里贝尼奥的听觉诗学
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/americanmusic.38.3.0390
Leonel Corona
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引用次数: 1
Hollywood Harmony: Musical Wonder and the Sound of Cinema by Frank Lehman (review) 《好莱坞和谐:音乐奇迹与电影之声》作者:弗兰克·雷曼
IF 0.2 3区 艺术学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.5406/americanmusic.38.3.0387
Nathan Fleshner
1. Anne C. Shreffler, “‘Music Left and Right’: A Tale of Two Histories of Progressive Music,” in Red Strains: Music and Communism outside the Communist Bloc, ed. Robert Adlington (Oxford: Published for the British Academy by Oxford University Press, 2013), 69. 2. Elizabeth Bergman Crist, Music for the Common Man: Aaron Copland during the Depression and War (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 21, for example. 3. Ibid., 200. 4. Anne C. Shreffler, “Ideologies of Serialism: Stravinsky’s Threni and the Congress for Cultural Freedom,” in Music and the Aesthetics of Modernity, ed. Karol Berger and Anthony Newcomb (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Department of Music / Harvard University Press, 2005), 217–21. 5. Leonard Bernstein, The Unanswered Question: Six Talks at Harvard (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976), 53. 6. John Adams, Hallelujah Junction: Composing an American Life (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2008), 106–7. 7. Richard Taruskin, Kyoto Prize at Oxford Lecture, “How to Win a Stalin Prize: Shostakovich’s Piano Quintet,” May 8, 2018, https://youtu.be/skAFru23KTk. Taruskin had previously advanced his idea of “affordances” in Richard Taruskin, “Two Serendipities: Keynoting a Conference, ‘Music and Power,’” in Russian Music at Home and Abroad: New Essays (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2016), 328. First delivered as a keynote address at the conference “Music and Power,” Miami University (Oxford, Ohio), February 28, 2013, and published in Journal of Musicology 33, no. 3 (Summer 2016). 8. Taruskin, “Two Serendipities,” 328.
1. Anne C. Shreffler,“‘音乐的左右’:进步音乐的两个历史的故事”,《红色的旋律:共产主义阵营之外的音乐和共产主义》,Robert Adlington编辑(牛津:牛津大学出版社为英国学院出版,2013年),69页。2. 伊丽莎白·伯格曼·克里斯特,《普通人的音乐:大萧条和战争时期的亚伦·科普兰》(纽约:牛津大学出版社,2005),第21页,例如。3.出处同上,200年。4. Anne C. Shreffler,“序列主义的意识形态:斯特拉文斯基的Threni和文化自由大会,”在音乐和现代性美学,编辑卡罗尔·伯杰和安东尼·纽科姆(剑桥,马萨诸塞州:哈佛大学音乐系/哈佛大学出版社,2005),217-21。5. 伦纳德·伯恩斯坦,《未回答的问题:在哈佛的六场演讲》(马萨诸塞州剑桥:哈佛大学出版社,1976年),53页。6. 约翰·亚当斯:《哈利路亚枢纽:谱写美国人生》(纽约:Farrar, Straus and Giroux出版社,2008),第106-7页。7. 理查德·塔鲁斯金,牛津大学京都奖演讲,“如何赢得斯大林奖:肖斯塔科维奇钢琴五重奏”,2018年5月8日,https://youtu.be/skAFru23KTk。塔鲁斯金之前在理查德·塔鲁斯金的《两种偶然性:主题会议,“音乐与力量”》中提出了他的“启示”思想,《国内外俄罗斯音乐:新论文》(伯克利:加州大学出版社,2016),328页。2013年2月28日,在迈阿密大学(俄亥俄州牛津)“音乐与力量”会议上,作为主题演讲首次发表,并发表在《音乐学杂志》33期。3(2016年夏季)。8. 塔鲁斯金,《两次意外》,328页。
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引用次数: 0
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AMERICAN MUSIC
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