Pub Date : 2020-08-29DOI: 10.1163/18763375-01202003
Salih Yasun
Most societies in the Middle East and North Africa region (mena) are subject to strict family laws. Do these laws affect voters’ decisions? In this article, I argue that public attitudes on family law constitute an issue-based social cleavage in Tunisia, and I examine the influence of family law on whether individuals vote for Ennahda, the largest conservative party, or Nidaa Tounes, the authoritarian successor party. Findings from a Multinomial Logistic Regression on Afrobarometer data indicate that individuals who hold more egalitarian views on women’s inheritance rights are less likely to vote for Ennahda and more likely to vote for Nidaa Tounes, whereas there is no statistically significant relationship between opinions on women’s divorce rights and voting. These study findings suggest that the attitudes on provisions of family law are an alternative source of social cleavage in emerging democracies, which can have relevance in other country settings in the mena.
{"title":"Attitudes on Family Law as an Electoral Cleavage: Survey Evidence from Tunisia","authors":"Salih Yasun","doi":"10.1163/18763375-01202003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01202003","url":null,"abstract":"Most societies in the Middle East and North Africa region (mena) are subject to strict family laws. Do these laws affect voters’ decisions? In this article, I argue that public attitudes on family law constitute an issue-based social cleavage in Tunisia, and I examine the influence of family law on whether individuals vote for Ennahda, the largest conservative party, or Nidaa Tounes, the authoritarian successor party. Findings from a Multinomial Logistic Regression on Afrobarometer data indicate that individuals who hold more egalitarian views on women’s inheritance rights are less likely to vote for Ennahda and more likely to vote for Nidaa Tounes, whereas there is no statistically significant relationship between opinions on women’s divorce rights and voting. These study findings suggest that the attitudes on provisions of family law are an alternative source of social cleavage in emerging democracies, which can have relevance in other country settings in the mena.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18763375-01202003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44827016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-24DOI: 10.1163/18763375-01201003
J. Wagemakers
This article focuses on how and why some Jordanian Muslim Brothers have engaged in relatively exclusive, Islamist ways of confronting the regime during the “Arab Spring,” while others adopted a more inclusive, national strategy in the same period. As such, this article not only contributes to our knowledge of divisions within the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood, but also shows how this can impact Islamist-regime relations in the Arab world. It argues that the organization as a whole initially wanted to exploit the uprisings in the region through a relatively exclusive, Islamist approach to the regime, but that others within the organization disagreed with this method as the “Arab Spring” proved mostly unsuccessful. Aware of the dangers of provoking the state from a position of increased isolation, these members advocated a more inclusive attitude toward the regime and others. While both groups were ultimately unsuccessful, the latter at least survived as a legal entity, while the Muslim Brotherhood lost its official presence in the kingdom because the regime was able to exploit the existing divisions within the organization.
{"title":"Between Exclusivism and Inclusivism: The Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood’s Divided Reponses to the “Arab Spring”","authors":"J. Wagemakers","doi":"10.1163/18763375-01201003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01201003","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on how and why some Jordanian Muslim Brothers have engaged in relatively exclusive, Islamist ways of confronting the regime during the “Arab Spring,” while others adopted a more inclusive, national strategy in the same period. As such, this article not only contributes to our knowledge of divisions within the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood, but also shows how this can impact Islamist-regime relations in the Arab world. It argues that the organization as a whole initially wanted to exploit the uprisings in the region through a relatively exclusive, Islamist approach to the regime, but that others within the organization disagreed with this method as the “Arab Spring” proved mostly unsuccessful. Aware of the dangers of provoking the state from a position of increased isolation, these members advocated a more inclusive attitude toward the regime and others. While both groups were ultimately unsuccessful, the latter at least survived as a legal entity, while the Muslim Brotherhood lost its official presence in the kingdom because the regime was able to exploit the existing divisions within the organization.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18763375-01201003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45448449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-24DOI: 10.1163/18763375-01201002
Annelle R. Sheline
The article examines the monarchies of Qatar, Jordan, and Morocco to demonstrate how specific policies and ideologies do not necessarily correspond with the label of “moderate,” which instead primarily reflects a reputational strategy. Prior to 2011, Qatar had cultivated an image as a relatively “liberal” Gulf monarchy, but although few policy changes occurred, after 2011 the emirate was seen as sponsoring terrorism. The government of Morocco developed a reputation for promoting “moderate Islam,” yet religious intolerance persists, while the Jordanian regime has focused less on cultivating a moderate image than previously. Government efforts to develop a specific reputation reflect strategic maneuvering for both international religious soft power as well as consolidation of domestic control. Combining nine months of ethnographic fieldwork involving interviews with government officials, religious bureaucrats, and embassy personnel, the paper offers insights into how the strategic use of reputation has shifted in the post-2011 context.
{"title":"Shifting Reputations for “Moderation”: Evidence from Qatar, Jordan, and Morocco","authors":"Annelle R. Sheline","doi":"10.1163/18763375-01201002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01201002","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the monarchies of Qatar, Jordan, and Morocco to demonstrate how specific policies and ideologies do not necessarily correspond with the label of “moderate,” which instead primarily reflects a reputational strategy. Prior to 2011, Qatar had cultivated an image as a relatively “liberal” Gulf monarchy, but although few policy changes occurred, after 2011 the emirate was seen as sponsoring terrorism. The government of Morocco developed a reputation for promoting “moderate Islam,” yet religious intolerance persists, while the Jordanian regime has focused less on cultivating a moderate image than previously. Government efforts to develop a specific reputation reflect strategic maneuvering for both international religious soft power as well as consolidation of domestic control. Combining nine months of ethnographic fieldwork involving interviews with government officials, religious bureaucrats, and embassy personnel, the paper offers insights into how the strategic use of reputation has shifted in the post-2011 context.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"12 1","pages":"109-129"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18763375-01201002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44130735","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-24DOI: 10.1163/18763375-01201004
S. P. Yadav
The well-developed literature on Islamist politics has tended to focus on partisan and welfare institutions within the context of existing states. Civil war raises important questions about whether and how the relevance of such institutions changes when the state itself fragments. This article seeks to understand Islamism in Yemen as a kind of post-organizational political field. At a theoretical scale, Yemen’s civil war and the transformation of the country’s Islamist politics offers lessons about the fixity of categorical distinctions within and across forms of Islamist activity. This article works to map dynamics of fragmentation within pre-war Islamist organizations, the disintegration of authority among Islamist leaders in the context of war, and the effect of each of these processes on the resurgence and partial transformation of particular Islamist claims. The field, as an analytic approach less firmly tied to the state itself, allows for a consideration of Islamist politics as articulated locally but shaped as well by transnational engagement with ideas and institutions.
{"title":"Fragmentation, Disintegration, and Resurgence: Assessing the Islamist Field in Yemen","authors":"S. P. Yadav","doi":"10.1163/18763375-01201004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01201004","url":null,"abstract":"The well-developed literature on Islamist politics has tended to focus on partisan and welfare institutions within the context of existing states. Civil war raises important questions about whether and how the relevance of such institutions changes when the state itself fragments. This article seeks to understand Islamism in Yemen as a kind of post-organizational political field. At a theoretical scale, Yemen’s civil war and the transformation of the country’s Islamist politics offers lessons about the fixity of categorical distinctions within and across forms of Islamist activity. This article works to map dynamics of fragmentation within pre-war Islamist organizations, the disintegration of authority among Islamist leaders in the context of war, and the effect of each of these processes on the resurgence and partial transformation of particular Islamist claims. The field, as an analytic approach less firmly tied to the state itself, allows for a consideration of Islamist politics as articulated locally but shaped as well by transnational engagement with ideas and institutions.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"12 1","pages":"14-34"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18763375-01201004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44429883","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-24DOI: 10.1163/18763375-01201005
S. Brooke, Elizabeth R. Nugent
Scholars of Islamism have long grappled with the relationship between political participation and ideological change, theorizing that political exclusion and state repression increase the likelihood of Islamist groups using violence. The trajectory of post-2011 Egypt offers a chance to systematically evaluate these theories using subnational data. Pairing district-level electoral returns from pre-coup presidential elections with post-coup levels of anti-state and sectarian violence, we find that districts where Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated candidate Mohammed Morsi performed well in 2012 witnessed more anti-state and sectarian (anti-Christian) violence following the 2013 military coup. The same relationship holds for the performance of liberal Islamist Abdel Moneim Abu El-Fotouh, which is consistent with arguments that political exclusion alone may also drive violence.
长期以来，研究伊斯兰主义的学者一直在努力研究政治参与与意识形态变化之间的关系，他们从理论上认为，政治排斥和国家镇压增加了伊斯兰组织使用暴力的可能性。2011年后埃及的发展轨迹为利用地方数据系统地评估这些理论提供了机会。将政变前总统选举的地区级选举结果与政变后的反国家和宗派暴力水平进行对比，我们发现，穆斯林兄弟会(Muslim brotherhood)候选人穆罕默德·穆尔西(Mohammed Morsi)在2012年表现良好的地区，在2013年军事政变后出现了更多的反国家和宗派(反基督教)暴力。同样的关系也适用于自由派伊斯兰主义者阿卜杜勒·莫尼姆·阿布·福图赫(Abdel Moneim Abu El-Fotouh)的表现，这与政治排斥本身也可能导致暴力的观点是一致的。
{"title":"Exclusion and Violence After the Egyptian Coup","authors":"S. Brooke, Elizabeth R. Nugent","doi":"10.1163/18763375-01201005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01201005","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars of Islamism have long grappled with the relationship between political participation and ideological change, theorizing that political exclusion and state repression increase the likelihood of Islamist groups using violence. The trajectory of post-2011 Egypt offers a chance to systematically evaluate these theories using subnational data. Pairing district-level electoral returns from pre-coup presidential elections with post-coup levels of anti-state and sectarian violence, we find that districts where Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated candidate Mohammed Morsi performed well in 2012 witnessed more anti-state and sectarian (anti-Christian) violence following the 2013 military coup. The same relationship holds for the performance of liberal Islamist Abdel Moneim Abu El-Fotouh, which is consistent with arguments that political exclusion alone may also drive violence.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"12 1","pages":"61-85"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18763375-01201005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43598955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-24DOI: 10.1163/18763375-01201008
M. Lynch, J. Schwedler
{"title":"Introduction to the Special Issue on “Islamist Politics After the Arab Uprisings”","authors":"M. Lynch, J. Schwedler","doi":"10.1163/18763375-01201008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01201008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"12 1","pages":"3-13"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18763375-01201008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48837585","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-24DOI: 10.1163/18763375-01201006
{"title":"Introduction","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/18763375-01201006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01201006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18763375-01201006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48277889","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-24DOI: 10.1163/18763375-01201007
S. Elmasry, Neil Ketchley
This paper draws on event data and interviews to examine the effects of repression on the gendered dynamics of Islamist mobilization in Egypt following the 2013 military coup. Our analysis shows that women’s anti-coup groups were more likely to mobilize following the killing of up to 1,000 anti-coup protestors at Rabaa al-Adawiyya in August 2013. Women’s protests were also more likely in the home districts of those killed at Rabaa. Informant testimony indicates that the Rabaa massacre figured as a transformative event that female activists drew on to motivate their involvement in street protests. Taken together, our findings suggest that very harsh repression can enable women’s participation in Islamist street politics – but this activism can come at a considerable personal cost for participants. Women who joined anti-coup protests were subjected to calibrated sexual violence by Egyptian security forces as well as other social penalties.
{"title":"After the Massacre: Women’s Islamist Activism in Post-Coup Egypt","authors":"S. Elmasry, Neil Ketchley","doi":"10.1163/18763375-01201007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01201007","url":null,"abstract":"This paper draws on event data and interviews to examine the effects of repression on the gendered dynamics of Islamist mobilization in Egypt following the 2013 military coup. Our analysis shows that women’s anti-coup groups were more likely to mobilize following the killing of up to 1,000 anti-coup protestors at Rabaa al-Adawiyya in August 2013. Women’s protests were also more likely in the home districts of those killed at Rabaa. Informant testimony indicates that the Rabaa massacre figured as a transformative event that female activists drew on to motivate their involvement in street protests. Taken together, our findings suggest that very harsh repression can enable women’s participation in Islamist street politics – but this activism can come at a considerable personal cost for participants. Women who joined anti-coup protests were subjected to calibrated sexual violence by Egyptian security forces as well as other social penalties.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"12 1","pages":"86-108"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18763375-01201007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48998921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-16DOI: 10.1163/18763375-01201001
Simon Mabon
Amidst violent contestation across the Middle East leaving regimes facing – or fearing – popular protests, the regulation of political life became increasingly important. Across the past century, the development of political projects has been driven by regime efforts to maintain power, constructing regime-society relations in such a way to ensure their survival. As a consequence, security is not given; rather, it reflects the concerns of elites and embeds their concerns within society, using a range of domestic, regional and geopolitical strategies to meet their needs. These strategies play on a range of different fears and currents to locate regime interests within broader concerns. A key part of such efforts involves the cultivation and suppression of particular identities, often resulting in contestation and uncertainty within and between states. Drawing on the ideas of Giorgio Agamben, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, the article argues that the regulation of sect-based identities – and difference – has been a key part of governance strategies in divided societies across the Middle East, albeit varying across time and space.
{"title":"Sectarian Games: Sovereign Power, War Machines and Regional Order in the Middle East","authors":"Simon Mabon","doi":"10.1163/18763375-01201001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01201001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Amidst violent contestation across the Middle East leaving regimes facing – or fearing – popular protests, the regulation of political life became increasingly important. Across the past century, the development of political projects has been driven by regime efforts to maintain power, constructing regime-society relations in such a way to ensure their survival. As a consequence, security is not given; rather, it reflects the concerns of elites and embeds their concerns within society, using a range of domestic, regional and geopolitical strategies to meet their needs. These strategies play on a range of different fears and currents to locate regime interests within broader concerns. A key part of such efforts involves the cultivation and suppression of particular identities, often resulting in contestation and uncertainty within and between states. Drawing on the ideas of Giorgio Agamben, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, the article argues that the regulation of sect-based identities – and difference – has been a key part of governance strategies in divided societies across the Middle East, albeit varying across time and space.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18763375-01201001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45083556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-16DOI: 10.1163/18763375-01103001
A. Emon
This Fieldnote challenges scholars of Islam and Muslims to consider how the production of knowledge on Islam and Muslims has long been, and continues to be, intimately associated with projects of governance, whether by the modern state or premodern regime. The present is simply a particularly robust historical period during which, wherever one might stand on the political spectrum, the study of Islam is undertaken in the shadow of the state—a disaggregated project of law and justice, border control, national security, and regulation. This Fieldnote recasts Islam and Muslim in an adjectival sense—‘Islamic’ and ‘Muslim’—in order to highlight their variability in relation to the purposes for which they are deployed. To better understand the dynamics by which the ‘Islamic’ is deployed for purposes of state projects, this Fieldnote outlines four registers of analysis—time, space, scale, and rhetoric—to inspire new research on the production of knowledge in the academic study of Islam and Muslims today.
{"title":"The ‘Islamic’ Deployed","authors":"A. Emon","doi":"10.1163/18763375-01103001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01103001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This Fieldnote challenges scholars of Islam and Muslims to consider how the production of knowledge on Islam and Muslims has long been, and continues to be, intimately associated with projects of governance, whether by the modern state or premodern regime. The present is simply a particularly robust historical period during which, wherever one might stand on the political spectrum, the study of Islam is undertaken in the shadow of the state—a disaggregated project of law and justice, border control, national security, and regulation. This Fieldnote recasts Islam and Muslim in an adjectival sense—‘Islamic’ and ‘Muslim’—in order to highlight their variability in relation to the purposes for which they are deployed. To better understand the dynamics by which the ‘Islamic’ is deployed for purposes of state projects, this Fieldnote outlines four registers of analysis—time, space, scale, and rhetoric—to inspire new research on the production of knowledge in the academic study of Islam and Muslims today.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"11 1","pages":"347-403"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/18763375-01103001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48015944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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