Middle East Law and Governance最新文献

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Lebanon’s Parliament System as a Form of Institutionalized Hybridity 黎巴嫩的议会制度是一种制度化的混合形式

IF 1 Q2 LAW

Middle East Law and Governance

Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13031241

J. Paterson, B. MacQueen

This article presents the Lebanese parliament as a form of institutionalized hybridity that offers a modicum of popular participation through highly regulated and moderated channels. It argues that the procedural nature of Lebanon’s electoral system is one that is largely, if not entirely, underscored by a closed elite bargaining process and is driven by elite preferences. This dynamic is a by-product of a power-sharing arrangement that ostensibly balances sectarian concerns, but in reality creates a disparity between political elites and the individuals within those sects which the consociational arrangement purports to include. However, this system has also created and reinforced challenges to its rule, particularly from below. With that in mind, this article highlights the evolving interactions between the entrenched, elite dominated, political system and popular protest movement and outlines how recent patterns of popular unrest present more fundamental critiques of the parliament and its central role in Lebanese politics.

本文将黎巴嫩议会呈现为一种制度化的混合形式，通过高度管制和适度的渠道提供少量的民众参与。它认为，黎巴嫩选举制度的程序本质很大程度上(如果不是完全的话)是由一个封闭的精英讨价还价过程所强调的，并且是由精英的偏好所驱动的。这种动态是权力分享安排的副产品，这种安排表面上平衡了宗派关切，但实际上在政治精英和联合安排中声称包括的那些教派中的个人之间造成了差距。然而，这一体系也制造并加强了对其统治的挑战，尤其是来自下层的挑战。考虑到这一点，本文强调了根深蒂固的、精英主导的政治制度与民众抗议运动之间不断演变的相互作用，并概述了最近的民众骚乱模式如何对议会及其在黎巴嫩政治中的核心作用提出了更根本的批评。

引用次数: 0

Introduction: On the Relevance of Arab Parliaments 导言：关于阿拉伯议会的相关性

IF 1 Q2 LAW

Middle East Law and Governance

Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13031235

P. Esber, J. Völkel

This introduction leads into the Special Issue “Parliaments in the Middle East and North Africa: A Struggle for Relevance.” Parliaments in the Arab world have hardly been considered to be relevant institutions during the decades of authoritarianism in the post-independence era. If at all, they were of importance as a strategic element in the power-saving strategies of regimes. The “Arab Spring” ten years ago, with its loud calls for a more democratic and socially just political sphere, opened a new window of potentiality for the legislative chambers in the countries concerned, yet to very different avail: while the “Assemblée des Représentants du Peuple” in Tunisia gained unprecedented relevance as constitution-maker and governmental watchdog, the Egyptian Majlis al-Shaʿb was dissolved in 2012 after Islamists sweepingly won the elections and were reinstated only after the old forces had resecured their stark grip on power. Here, parliament has hardly gained any new relevance. This introduction outlines the core structure of the Special Issue which takes stock of parliaments in the Arab world a decade after the 2011 uprisings, discusses the state of research, and develops its guiding theoretic framework.

这一介绍引出了特刊《中东和北非议会：争取相关性的斗争》。在独立后几十年的威权主义时期，阿拉伯世界的议会几乎没有被视为相关机构。如果有的话，它们作为政权节能战略中的一个战略要素具有重要意义。十年前的“阿拉伯之春”，强烈呼吁建立一个更加民主和社会公正的政治领域，为有关国家的立法机构打开了一扇新的潜力之窗，但收效甚微：尽管突尼斯的“人民代表大会”作为宪法制定者和政府监督机构获得了前所未有的影响力，2012年，伊斯兰主义者在选举中大获全胜后，埃及议会解散，直到旧势力重新确立了对权力的严格控制后，议会才恢复。在这方面，议会几乎没有获得任何新的相关性。本引言概述了《特刊》的核心结构，该特刊盘点了2011年起义后十年的阿拉伯世界议会，讨论了研究现状，并发展了其指导性理论框架。

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引用次数: 1

Conclusions, Arab Parliaments Post-2011: A Sisyphean Task? 结论:2011年后的阿拉伯议会:一项西西弗斯式的任务?

IF 1 Q2 LAW

Middle East Law and Governance

Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13031236

J. Völkel, P. Esber

引用次数: 0

The Power of Bipartisan Mobilization: The Success of Tunisia’s Feminist Movement During the Coronavirus Pandemic 两党动员的力量:冠状病毒大流行期间突尼斯女权运动的成功

IF 1 Q2 LAW

Middle East Law and Governance

Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-14011296

Maro Youssef, Sarah Yerkes

The Tunisian government, which is deeply divided, especially along ideological lines, responded to growing concerns over increased violence against women during the Coronavirus pandemic by establishing a new domestic violence shelter and 24/7 hotline. This article asks: Why did the state respond to gender-based violence(gbv) concerns during the Coronavirus pandemic in Tunisia, despite ideological and political divisions? We argue that the state addressed some concerns around violence during the pandemic because combatting gbv has bipartisan support in Tunisia. Tunisian Islamist and secularist women’s rights organizations succeeded in building a bipartisan coalition of support on this issue because they worked either together in a short-lived coalition or in tandem with similar goals over the past decade during the democratic transition in Tunisia. Building on the existing coalition literature, we show that feminist coalition formation before a pandemic has implications for feminists’ success in times of crisis.

突尼斯政府内部存在严重分歧，特别是在意识形态方面存在分歧。突尼斯政府通过建立新的家庭暴力庇护所和24/7热线，回应了人们对冠状病毒大流行期间暴力侵害妇女行为增加的担忧。本文的问题是:尽管意识形态和政治上存在分歧，但在突尼斯冠状病毒大流行期间，为什么国家对基于性别的暴力(gbv)的担忧做出了回应?我们认为，国家在疫情期间解决了对暴力的一些担忧，因为打击性别暴力在突尼斯得到了两党的支持。突尼斯的伊斯兰主义者和世俗主义妇女权利组织成功地在这个问题上建立了一个两党支持的联盟，因为他们要么在一个短暂的联盟中合作，要么在过去十年突尼斯民主转型期间为类似的目标而合作。在现有联盟文献的基础上，我们表明，在大流行之前形成的女权主义联盟对女权主义者在危机时期的成功具有影响。

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引用次数: 0

From Democratic Exception to State of Exception: Covid-19 in the Context of Tunisia’s State of Law 从民主例外到例外状态：突尼斯法治背景下的新冠肺炎

IF 1 Q2 LAW

Middle East Law and Governance

Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13040002

Meriem Guetat, Meriem Agrebi

Through an analysis of the early legal and institutional response to Covid-19 in Tunisia, this article demonstrates that the narrative of Tunisia’s democratic exceptionalism following the 2011 revolution is not translated into a liberal legal practice but is instead upheld by an authoritarian rationale that serves the role of a formal channel that legitimizes power discourse. Specifically, this article focuses on what the state of exception, which was declared during the ongoing state of emergency, reveals about the various uses of law in Tunisia. It argues that the state of emergency has become the norm to the Tunisian way of governance post-2011, allowing for the survival of past authoritarian practices where the legal apparatus is used and deployed as a tool of policing and control.

通过分析突尼斯对新冠肺炎的早期法律和制度反应，本文表明，2011年革命后突尼斯民主例外主义的叙事并没有转化为自由主义的法律实践，而是由一种威权主义的基本原理所支持，这种基本原理起到了使权力话语合法化的正式渠道的作用。具体而言，本文重点关注在持续的紧急状态期间宣布的例外状态，揭示了突尼斯法律的各种使用。它认为，2011年后，紧急状态已成为突尼斯治理方式的常态，允许过去的威权主义做法得以生存，在这种做法中，法律机构被用作警务和控制工具。

引用次数: 1

Mapping Covid-19 Governance in Lebanon: Territories of Sectarianism and Solidarity 绘制2019冠状病毒病在黎巴嫩的治理:宗派主义和团结的领土

IF 1 Q2 LAW

Middle East Law and Governance

Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-14011293

Mona Harb, Ahmad Gharbieh, Mona Fawaz, Luna Dayekh

Many states, including Lebanon, have used the Covid-19 pandemic as an occasion to reassert their power and to consolidate their policing and repressive apparatuses. We are far from a seamless scenario, however. Rather than a mere reproduction of the sectarian political system, we argue in this paper that the governance of the pandemic in Lebanon reveals tensions between powerful political parties, weakened public agencies, as well as multiple solidarity groups with diverging aspirations, colliding over the imagined future of the country. Using various sources of information (broadcast, print and online news media, social media), we build a database of the types of actors and the categories of actions across locations, and analyze the territorial and political variations of the governance of the pandemic. The paper demonstrates that the Covid-19 response in Lebanon operates through ongoing negotiations over the national territory in which timid yet visible aspirations for a non-sectarian country confront sectarian territorialities through back-and-forth cycles.

包括黎巴嫩在内的许多国家利用2019冠状病毒病大流行的机会重申了自己的权力，巩固了自己的警务和镇压机器。然而，我们还远未达到天衣无缝的地步。我们在本文中认为，这不仅仅是宗派政治制度的再现，黎巴嫩对这一流行病的治理揭示了强大的政党、被削弱的公共机构以及具有不同愿望的多个团结团体之间的紧张关系，这些团体为想象中的国家未来而发生冲突。利用各种信息来源(广播、印刷和在线新闻媒体、社交媒体)，我们建立了一个关于行动者类型和跨地点行动类别的数据库，并分析了大流行病治理的地域和政治差异。本文表明，黎巴嫩的Covid-19应对工作是通过正在进行的关于国家领土的谈判来进行的，在这种谈判中，对一个非宗派国家的微弱但明显的愿望与宗派领土进行了反复的循环。

引用次数: 0

Defining the “Tribal Advantage” in Kuwaiti Politics 科威特政治中“部落优势”的界定

IF 1 Q2 LAW

Middle East Law and Governance

Pub Date : 2021-10-12 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13031309

C. Freer, Andrew Leber

Contemporary electoral discourses in Kuwait stress a “tribal advantage” that boosts the representation of tribe-affiliated Kuwaitis in the National Assembly and undermines the character of Kuwaiti democracy. We draw on survey data, elite interviews, and election returns to assess the validity of these claims. Kuwaiti responses in a survey of political attitudes cast doubt on the hypothesis that members of tribes are likelier to view voting as a quid-pro-quo exchange for government services. Election returns suggest a slight over-representation of tribe-affiliated Kuwaitis writ large, but as a result of the interaction of larger post-2006 electoral districts with tribal electoral coordination rather than as a result of government design. Additionally, electoral returns offer evidence of growing tribal coordination intended to ensure representation within the National Assembly, albeit one disrupted by changes in electoral laws. We conclude by highlighting the possibility of electoral appeals that build on, rather than restrict themselves to, ascriptive identities.

科威特当代的选举话语强调“部落优势”，这增加了隶属于部落的科威特人在国民议会中的代表性，并破坏了科威特民主的特点。我们利用调查数据、精英访谈和选举结果来评估这些说法的有效性。科威特在一项政治态度调查中的回应使人们对部落成员更有可能将投票视为政府服务的交换条件的假设产生了怀疑。选举结果表明，隶属于部落的科威特人的代表性略高，但这是2006年后更大的选区与部落选举协调互动的结果，而不是政府设计的结果。此外，选举结果表明，部落之间的协调日益加强，旨在确保国民议会中的代表性，尽管选举法的修改打乱了这一协调。最后，我们强调了选举呼吁的可能性，这种呼吁建立在而不是局限于提名身份之上。

引用次数: 1

Trade relations between the European Union and Palestine: Assessment and Potential improvements 欧盟与巴勒斯坦之间的贸易关系:评估和可能的改进

IF 1 Q2 LAW

Middle East Law and Governance

Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13040001

A. Khalil, G. Roux

This article examines the bilateral relationship between the European Union and the Palestinian Authority. The EU’s policy towards Palestine, as with other neighboring countries, has always closely linked the economic and political elements of the relationship. Besides financial aid to support Palestine’s socio-economic development and state-building, trade between the EU and Palestine has had an increasingly important role in this regard. The article reviews the possibilities for improvement of EU-Palestine trade exchanges within the existing framework of cooperation by illustrating how implementation, capacity building, and support for regional and global economic integration are key and realistic options for both parties to reap the benefits from the trade agreements in place.

本文探讨了欧洲联盟与巴勒斯坦权力机构之间的双边关系。与其他邻国一样，欧盟对巴勒斯坦的政策始终将两国关系的经济和政治因素紧密联系在一起。除了支持巴勒斯坦社会经济发展和国家建设的财政援助外，欧盟与巴勒斯坦之间的贸易在这方面发挥着越来越重要的作用。文章回顾了在现有合作框架内改善欧盟-巴勒斯坦贸易交流的可能性，阐述了执行、能力建设和支持区域和全球经济一体化是双方从现有贸易协议中获益的关键和现实选择。

引用次数: 1

Revisiting the Concept of Moderation in the Age of Populism: the akp case of Turkey 重新审视民粹主义时代的节制概念:以土耳其的akp为例

IF 1 Q2 LAW

Middle East Law and Governance

Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13031260

Pelin Ayan Musil

This article presents the case of Turkey within the framework of this special issue entitled “On Islamist Parties and the Inclusion-Moderation Hypothesis”. I argue that rather than a distinction between the concepts of ”tactical” and “ideological” moderation that the literature talks about, a distinction between the concepts of an “inclusionary-populist” and “moderate Islamist” party could provide a more useful insight over the role of Islamist and post-Islamist parties in democratization and de-democratization processes. Through a re-analysis of the secondary literature and a content analysis of 196 newspaper columns written by three pro-democracy intellectuals, I label the akp’s transition period from moderate-Islamism toward authoritarianism as its inclusionary populist phase. I show that in contexts marked by deep ideological divisions and unconsolidated democratic institutions, a shift in party identity from moderate-Islamism toward inclusionary populism can be taken as the early signal of an unfolding process of autocratization.

本文在题为“论伊斯兰政党和包容-节制假说”的特刊框架内介绍土耳其的情况。我认为，与其像文献中所说的那样区分“战术”和“意识形态”的温和派概念，不如区分“包容民粹主义”和“温和伊斯兰主义”政党的概念，这样可以更有效地洞察伊斯兰主义和后伊斯兰主义政党在民主化和去民主化进程中的作用。通过对二手文献的重新分析和对三位亲民主知识分子撰写的196篇报纸专栏的内容分析，我将正义与发展党从温和伊斯兰主义向威权主义过渡的时期标记为其包容性民粹主义阶段。我认为，在意识形态分歧严重、民主制度不巩固的背景下，政党认同从温和伊斯兰主义向包容性民粹主义的转变，可以被视为独裁进程展开的早期信号。

引用次数: 0

Walking a Thin Line of Representation: Analyzing the Behavior of Egyptian MPs 走在代表的细线上:分析埃及国会议员的行为

IF 1 Q2 LAW

Middle East Law and Governance

Pub Date : 2021-07-07 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13031308

Mazen Hassan, A. Abdrabou, H. Abdelgawad

This article is part of the Special Issue “Parliaments in the Middle East and North Africa: A Struggle for Relevance.” While legislators in democratic settings have the electorate as their main principal, mps in semi- and nondemocratic settings need to serve two principals to remain in office: the regime and the active segment of the electorate. This dichotymy sometimes requires particular skills in parliamentary behavior. For the case of Egypt, we investigate how mps strike a balance between regime support and representing their constituents up to an extent that does not endanger their chances for re-election. A content analysis of session scripts of the Egyptian parliament in 2016 was conducted to examine how mps walk this – traditionally understudied – thin line. Our findings indicate that representation gets reduced to “descriptive representation,” i.e. a representation that puts more emphasis on representing local constituents and demographic segments, like Copts and women, that mps are presumably elected to represent. We therefore show that mps fulfill the important tasks of citizens representation even in semi- and nondemocratic settings.

本文是特刊“中东和北非的议会:为相关性而斗争”的一部分。民主制度下的立法者以选民为主要原则，而半民主和非民主制度下的议员需要服务于两个原则才能继续任职:政权和活跃的选民。这种二分法有时需要议会行为的特殊技巧。就埃及而言，我们调查了议员如何在支持政权和代表选民之间取得平衡，以达到不危及其连任机会的程度。对2016年埃及议会的会议脚本进行了内容分析，以研究议员如何走这条传统上未被充分研究的细线。我们的研究结果表明，代表制被简化为“描述性代表制”，即更强调代表当地选民和人口组成部分，如科普特人和妇女，国会议员可能是被选举来代表的。因此，我们表明，即使在半民主和非民主的环境中，国会议员也履行了公民代表的重要任务。

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引用次数: 0

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