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Palestinian Dependence on External Health Services: De-development as a Tool of Dispossession 巴勒斯坦人对外部卫生服务的依赖:作为处置工具的去发展
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-10-14 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-14030004
Yara M Asi
Through multiple mechanisms, armed conflict degrades and destroys health systems, leaving significant gaps in care delivery that lead to worse health outcomes. Civilian populations are often left at the mercy of multiple stakeholders to attain health care. Often, they are unable to meet their needs within their own territory. This has been documented as the case throughout the occupied Palestinian territories for decades. In this paper, I argue that the destruction and de-development of the Palestinian health system is not just a side effect of conflict, but is part of a broader effort of dispossession, disconnecting Palestinians from their land and from each other. I focus on the multiple ways Palestinians are forced to depend on external actors to seek needed care due to the limitations of blockade and occupation, the drivers of these pathways, and the outcomes of this dependence. Lastly, I provide recommendations for refocusing health efforts internally.
通过多种机制,武装冲突削弱和摧毁了卫生系统,在提供护理方面留下了巨大差距,导致了更糟糕的健康结果。为了获得医疗保健,平民往往任由多个利益攸关方摆布。他们往往无法在自己的领土内满足自己的需求。几十年来,在整个巴勒斯坦被占领土上都有这种情况的记录。在这篇论文中,我认为,巴勒斯坦卫生系统的破坏和去发展不仅是冲突的副作用,而且是剥夺巴勒斯坦人的土地和彼此联系的更广泛努力的一部分。我关注的是,由于封锁和占领的限制,巴勒斯坦人被迫依赖外部行为者寻求所需护理的多种方式,这些途径的驱动因素,以及这种依赖的结果。最后,我提出了在内部重新调整卫生工作重点的建议。
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引用次数: 5
Putting Palestinian Agency First 把巴勒斯坦机构放在首位
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-10-14 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-14030003
Wendy Pearlman
While some political science scholarship and commentary on Palestinian politics engages Palestinian society as a topic of empirical scrutiny and theoretical significance, much of it either ignores society-level actors and dynamics or regards them as superfluous. Accordingly, society factors into the political story to the degree that it absorbs Israeli policies, is manipulated by self-interested factions, or is pushed to extremism by repression or religious radicalism. This special issue pushes against these trends. This introduction begins with an illustration of the problem, using the example of protest and how, for a century, many commentaries dismiss the societal groundings of mobilization. The essay then reviews a broad interdisciplinary scholarship that offers an alternative approach and the new contribution made by each of the five research articles in this issue. As a collection, these cutting-edge works put Palestinian society front and center as the driver of the Palestinian national movement, the anchor of Palestinian politics, and a key to the Arab-Israeli conflict without which no resolution is possible.
虽然一些关于巴勒斯坦政治的政治学学术和评论将巴勒斯坦社会作为一个具有经验审查和理论意义的话题,但其中大部分要么忽视了社会层面的行动者和动态,要么认为它们是多余的。因此,社会在一定程度上融入了政治故事,吸收了以色列的政策,被自利派别操纵,或被镇压或宗教激进主义推向极端主义。这期特刊反对这些趋势。这篇引言首先以抗议为例说明了这个问题,以及一个世纪以来,许多评论如何忽视动员的社会基础。然后,本文回顾了一项广泛的跨学科研究,该研究提供了一种替代方法,以及本期五篇研究文章中的每一篇都做出了新的贡献。作为一个收藏,这些尖端作品将巴勒斯坦社会作为巴勒斯坦民族运动的驱动力、巴勒斯坦政治的支柱,以及阿以冲突的关键,如果没有这场冲突,就不可能解决。
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引用次数: 1
Measuring the (In)security of Palestinian Civil Society Websites 衡量巴勒斯坦民间社会网站的安全性
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-10-14 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-14030001
A. Abrahams, Etienne Maynier
Civil society organizations (cso s) are reemerging as the central reference of the Palestinian struggle at a time when cyber threats to civil society are on the rise worldwide. We developed a web scanning tool to gather security data on websites and web servers, finding Palestinian cso s neglect even basic precautions like encrypting web traffic or keeping software updated. Why? Evidence suggests this neglect cannot easily be explained by technical or financial constraints. Widening our scan to include Israeli organizations, and non-Palestinian organizations allied with the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (bds) movement, we find similar security lapses, suggesting insecurity is neither unique to Palestinian cso s nor does it necessarily decline as organizations enter into contentious politics. Our results underscore the sociotechnical nature of cybersecurity, while encouraging greater vigilance from cso s.
在全球公民社会面临的网络威胁不断上升之际,民间社会组织(cso)正重新成为巴勒斯坦斗争的中心。我们开发了一个网络扫描工具来收集网站和网络服务器上的安全数据,发现巴勒斯坦政府甚至忽视了基本的预防措施,比如加密网络流量或保持软件更新。为什么?有证据表明,这种忽视不能轻易用技术或财政限制来解释。将我们的扫描范围扩大到包括以色列组织,以及与抵制、撤资和制裁(bds)运动结盟的非巴勒斯坦组织,我们发现了类似的安全漏洞,这表明不安全既不是巴勒斯坦组织所独有的,也不一定会随着组织进入有争议的政治而下降。我们的研究结果强调了网络安全的社会技术性质,同时鼓励公民组织提高警惕。
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引用次数: 1
After the Uprising: the Intifada-Oslo Generation and Attitudes Toward the Palestinian Police 起义后:起义-奥斯陆一代和对巴勒斯坦警察的态度
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-10-14 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-14030002
Diana B. Greenwald, Mark Tessler
Does experiencing a mass uprising during one’s formative years shape attitudes toward post-uprising institutions? Existing research on cohorts has not examined settings of ongoing statelessness. We focus on Palestinians who witnessed the First Intifada and subsequent Israeli-Palestinian negotiations during their youth-to-adulthood transition. Analyzing a pooled sample of surveys conducted between 1996 and 2000, we observe that men from this cohort – using a youth-based definition of one’s formative years – evaluated the Palestinian police more negatively than did other men, ceteris paribus. We test two, potential explanations. We find support for the proposition that men from this cohort held distinctive views about coercion and resistance that shaped their evaluations. We conclude that experiencing mass mobilization and transition during one’s formative years can influence attitudes, but additional work is needed to test for their long-term endurance. Further, a younger operationalization of one’s impressionable years may be salient in settings of insecurity.
在一个人的成长时期经历大规模起义是否会影响他对起义后制度的态度?现有的队列研究没有检查持续无国籍状态的设置。我们重点关注在青年到成年过渡期间见证了第一次起义和随后的以巴谈判的巴勒斯坦人。分析1996年至2000年间进行的调查汇总样本,我们观察到这一队列中的男性-使用以青年为基础的形成年龄定义-对巴勒斯坦警察的评价比其他男性更负面,其他条件相同。我们测试两种可能的解释。我们发现,来自这一群体的男性对胁迫和抵抗有着独特的看法,这影响了他们的评价,这一观点得到了支持。我们的结论是,在一个人的形成时期经历大规模的动员和转变可以影响态度,但需要额外的工作来测试他们的长期耐力。此外,在不安全的环境中,一个人易受影响的年龄的年轻运作可能是突出的。
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引用次数: 1
Social Accountability in Challenging Environments: Case Studies from Egypt 挑战环境中的社会责任:来自埃及的案例研究
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-10-06 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-15020003
Yasmin Khodary
Through deploying the 2015 World Bank framework of contextual drivers for social accountability, this article seeks to examine three recent social accountability initiatives (sais) in the agriculture, health, and local development sectors in Egypt to identify the contextual drivers and success factors of sais operating in challenging environments. The article aims to answer the following questions: what roles do recent sais in Egypt play? What are the challenges that sais encounter? And how do such challenges (re)shape the processes and dynamics of sais? The article finds that in challenging environments–where invited spaces are controlled, citizens’ collective action is limited, and commitment by state-officials is not guaranteed–the role of interlocutors becomes key in boosting the effectiveness of sais. It plays the role of a mediator, mobilizer to citizen and state action, and information intermediary, which generates, simplifies, and disseminates information. In this sense, this article draws on the critical missing link in sais through an in-depth analysis of the role of interlocutors in overcoming challenging or constraining circumstances.
通过部署2015年世界银行社会问责背景驱动因素框架,本文试图研究埃及农业、卫生和地方发展部门最近的三项社会问责举措,以确定在具有挑战性的环境中运作的社会问责的背景驱动因素和成功因素。这篇文章旨在回答以下问题:埃及最近的sai扮演了什么角色?sais面临哪些挑战?这些挑战如何(重新)塑造sais的过程和动态?文章发现,在具有挑战性的环境中——受邀空间受到控制,公民的集体行动受到限制,国家官员的承诺得不到保证——对话者的作用成为提高sais有效性的关键。它扮演着调解人、公民和国家行动的动员者以及信息中介的角色,产生、简化和传播信息。从这个意义上说,本文通过深入分析对话者在克服具有挑战性或约束性的环境中的作用,利用了sais中关键的缺失环节。
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引用次数: 0
Capitalism in Academia and the Theory of Academic Capitalism: Political Economy of Higher Education in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan 学术资本主义与学术资本主义理论——约旦哈希姆王国高等教育的政治经济学
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-10-06 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-15020002
Taavi Sundell
The theory of academic capitalism (ac) is a prominent attempt to grasp the multifaceted organizational and functional transformations of universities and higher education (he) in contemporary times. However, this has rarely provided an in-depth examination of the meaning of capitalism in the context of he and has largely ignored the Global South. Focusing on the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, this paper begins by examining the political economy of this country’s little-studied he system. It explores its entanglements with the broader Jordanian political economy by focusing on for-profit private universities and the implications of capitalist (foreign) ownership for their functioning and governance. The article draws, in part, on novel interview data gathered by the author in Jordan from 2015–17 to elaborate Jordanian he elite’s understanding of this system. The Jordanian case is juxtaposed with ac to appraise the applicability of the theory to contexts distinct from advanced capitalist economies.
学术资本主义理论是把握当代大学和高等教育多方面组织和职能转变的突出尝试。然而,这很少提供对资本主义在他背景下的意义的深入研究,并且在很大程度上忽略了全球南方。本文以约旦哈希姆王国为中心,首先考察了该国鲜为人知的he制度的政治经济学。它通过关注营利性私立大学以及资本主义(外国)所有权对其运作和治理的影响,探讨了其与更广泛的约旦政治经济的纠缠。本文部分借鉴了作者2015-17年在约旦收集的新颖采访数据,以阐述约旦精英对这一制度的理解。约旦的案例与ac并列,以评估该理论在不同于发达资本主义经济体的背景下的适用性。
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引用次数: 0
Not Anymore in Politics: Theorising the Young Egyptian Muslim Brothers’ Political Disengagement in the aftermath of the 2013 Military Coup 《不再参与政治:2013年军事政变后年轻的埃及穆斯林兄弟会政治脱离的理论化》
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-06-23 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-15020001
Doha Abdelgawad, Shaimaa Magued
This study relies on the life story narratives of 48 young members of the Egyptian Muslim Brothers in identifying the different reasons behind their political disengagement in the aftermath of the 2013 military coup. Unlike the smt scholarly writings addressing Islamists’ political disengagement within a limited scope of analysis that focuses on members leaving their groups rather than politics, this study presents a multi-layered approach that examines the interplay between youth’s personal experiences, the repressive macro political conditions, and the organizational decay in shaping young Muslim Brothers’ positions towards political activism.
这项研究依赖于埃及穆斯林兄弟会48名年轻成员的生活故事叙述,以确定他们在2013年军事政变后政治脱离接触的不同原因。与smt学术著作在有限的分析范围内讨论伊斯兰主义者的政治脱离不同,该研究侧重于成员离开他们的团体而不是政治,本研究提出了一种多层次的方法,考察了青年的个人经历、压抑的宏观政治条件、,以及在塑造年轻的穆斯林兄弟对政治激进主义的立场方面的组织衰退。
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引用次数: 0
Curating Sovereignty in Palestine: Voluntary Grassroots Organizations and Civil Society in the West Bank and East Jerusalem 管理巴勒斯坦主权:西岸和东耶路撒冷的自愿基层组织和民间社会
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-15030001
Catherine E. Herrold
This article extends the literature on “ngo-ization” in the Middle East and Global South to examine “voluntary grassroots organizations” (vgo s): groups that operate on a voluntary basis and position themselves outside of the formal ngo sector and foreign aid system. Based on nine months of ethnographic research in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, the article examines how vgo s use heritage practices as a two-pronged challenge to the ngo-ization of Palestinian civil society. Whereas ngo-ization depoliticized civil society, vgo s resist depoliticization by mobilizing Palestinians to counter the Israeli occupation. And whereas ngo-ization professionalized civil society, vgo s resist professionalization by building large volunteer bases, emphasizing long-term processes of citizen mobilization rather than short-term outcomes, and remaining grounded in local communities and accountable to local citizens. Their work reflects larger trends around the world in which civic actors turn to informal organizing in an era of growing disenchantment with traditional ngo s.
本文扩展了关于中东和全球南方“非政府组织化”的文献,以研究“自愿基层组织”(vgo s):在自愿基础上运作并将自己定位在正式非政府组织部门和对外援助系统之外的团体。基于在约旦河西岸和东耶路撒冷为期九个月的民族志研究,本文探讨了vgo如何利用遗产实践对巴勒斯坦公民社会非政府化提出双管齐下的挑战。非政府组织化使公民社会非政治化,而vgo通过动员巴勒斯坦人对抗以色列占领来抵制非政治化。尽管非政府组织化使民间社会专业化,但vgo通过建立大型志愿者基地、强调公民动员的长期过程而非短期结果、以当地社区为基础并对当地公民负责来抵制专业化。他们的工作反映了世界各地的更大趋势,在这个对传统非政府组织越来越失望的时代,公民行为者转向非正式组织 s
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引用次数: 1
Old Civil Society Networks and their Role for the Tunisian Political Landscape 旧的公民社会网络及其在突尼斯政治格局中的作用
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-04-26 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-20221319
Jan-Erik Refle
Civil society is generally seen as the safeguard of Tunisian democratization, but how do networks in Tunisian civil society manifest? Which are the important actors and how do they interact? The paper takes a network perspective as used in social movement studies to analyze the networks and their influence on the Tunisian political landscape by comparing four ‘old’ civil society organizations. In taking the network perspective, a coalition can be observed and the positions within the coalition are unevenly distributed among actors. What is particularly striking is the minimal interaction with newer civil society organizations mainly due to a lack of confidence. A generational divide is found in Tunisian civil society, which not only concerns personal age, but also organizational age that often equates to reputation and resources.
公民社会通常被视为突尼斯民主化的保障,但突尼斯公民社会的网络如何表现?哪些是重要的参与者,他们是如何相互作用的?本文采用社会运动研究中使用的网络视角,通过比较四个“旧”民间社会组织来分析网络及其对突尼斯政治格局的影响。在网络视角下,可以观察到一个联盟,联盟内的位置在行动者之间是不均匀分布的。特别引人注目的是,由于缺乏信心,与新兴民间社会组织的互动很少。突尼斯公民社会中存在代沟,这不仅涉及个人年龄,也涉及组织年龄,这通常等同于声誉和资源。
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引用次数: 0
Organizational Rifts within Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood and the Question of Violence 埃及穆斯林兄弟会内部的组织分裂与暴力问题
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-04-19 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-20221217
Mohammad Yaghi, Annette Ranko
This article traces the rift within Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood since the July 2013 military coup. It argues that the tensions within the Brotherhood that became public in early 2015 have led to the formation of two organizations within the movement, each with its own leadership, structure, and media outlets. The article contends that the split within the Brotherhood between the two camps—the pacifists and the revolutionists—is over leadership, legitimacy, and strategy. Furthermore, the article investigates whether the revolutionists have espoused the use of violence against al-Sisi regime. Its findings confirm that while the revolutionists do not adopt any of the violent actions against the regime, they tolerate the use of violence in the name of qisas, self-defense, and retaliation. These findings are based on a thorough review of the official statements of the revolutionary camp within the Brotherhood.
本文追溯了自2013年7月军事政变以来埃及穆斯林兄弟会内部的裂痕。它认为,兄弟会内部的紧张局势于2015年初公开,导致该运动内部形成了两个组织,每个组织都有自己的领导、结构和媒体渠道。这篇文章认为,穆兄会内部和平主义者和革命者两大阵营的分裂在于领导、合法性和战略。此外,本文还调查了革命者是否支持对塞西政权使用暴力。调查结果证实,虽然革命者没有采取任何暴力行动反对政权,但他们容忍以qisas、自卫和报复的名义使用暴力。这些发现是基于对穆兄会内部革命阵营官方声明的全面审查。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Middle East Law and Governance
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