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Becoming an Ex: Dynamics of Disengagement from Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood after 2011 成为前任:2011年后与埃及穆斯林兄弟会脱离接触的动态
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13020002
M. Menshawy, Khalil al-Anani
This article explores the disengagement of members from Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood. Following both the 2011 uprising and the 2013 coup, increasing disenchantment with the group’s ideology and political project have led many members to reconsider their commitment to, and membership in, the Brotherhood. While scholarship examining the Brotherhood’s processes of recruitment and forming of collective identity is burgeoning, few works have assessed members’ disengagement from the movement and abandonment of its ideology, or how former members make sense of their “ex” identity. Based on rich, original material and extensive interviews with former Brotherhood members in Egypt, Turkey, the UK, and Qatar, this article investigates how former members seek new meanings and identities. Adopting a processual and discursive perspective on disengagement from the Brotherhood, we identify disengagement as consisting of distinct ideological, political, and affective processes. These processes shape individuals’ strategies for exiting the Brotherhood and forming their new identities as ex-members.
这篇文章探讨了埃及穆斯林兄弟会成员的脱离。在2011年的起义和2013年的政变之后,对穆兄会的意识形态和政治计划越来越失望,导致许多穆兄会成员重新考虑他们对穆兄会的承诺和成员身份。虽然研究穆兄会招募成员和形成集体身份的过程的学术研究正在蓬勃发展,但很少有作品评估成员脱离运动和放弃其意识形态,或者前成员如何理解他们的“前”身份。基于丰富的原始材料和对埃及、土耳其、英国和卡塔尔前穆兄会成员的广泛采访,本文调查了前穆兄会成员如何寻求新的意义和身份。从过程和话语的角度来看,我们认为脱离兄弟会是由不同的意识形态、政治和情感过程组成的。这些过程塑造了个人退出穆兄会的策略,并形成了他们作为前成员的新身份。
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引用次数: 0
Re-thinking the Tanẓīm: Tensions between Individual Identities and Organizational Structures in the Muslim Brotherhood after 2013 重新思考Tanẓīm: 2013年后穆斯林兄弟会中个人身份与组织结构之间的紧张关系
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13020001
Lucia Ardovini
This article traces the struggle between individual agency and organizational structures characterizing the Muslim Brotherhood in the aftermath of the 2013 coup, identifying these tensions as a main point of contention driving its restructuring and fragmentation. Since Mohammed Morsi’s violent toppling, the Brotherhood experienced a process of gradual fragmentation, with tensions developing between different approaches to repression. Yet, while these debates came to the fore during the current crisis, they have roots in the pre-revolutionary period. The article traces the emergence of tensions between structure and agency from 2011 to the post-2013 context to provide a clearer picture of the internal challenges facing the Brotherhood today. It relies on data collected during fieldwork conducted between 2013 and 2019 in Turkey and the UK, and interviews with current and former Brotherhood members from across the organizational spectrum. It focuses on the members’ individual perspectives in order to trace the growing disconnect between them and the organization.
这篇文章追溯了穆斯林兄弟会在2013年政变后的个人机构和组织结构之间的斗争,将这些紧张局势确定为推动其重组和分裂的主要争论点。自从穆罕默德·穆尔西被暴力推翻以来,穆兄会经历了一个逐渐分裂的过程,不同镇压方式之间的紧张关系不断发展。然而,尽管这些辩论在当前的危机中脱颖而出,但它们植根于革命前时期。这篇文章追溯了从2011年到2013年后结构和机构之间紧张关系的出现,以更清楚地了解兄弟会今天面临的内部挑战。它依赖于2013年至2019年在土耳其和英国进行的实地调查中收集的数据,以及对来自各个组织的现任和前任兄弟会成员的采访。它关注成员的个人观点,以追踪他们与组织之间日益严重的脱节。
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引用次数: 2
Introduction to the Special Issue: “Assessing the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood after the 2013 Coup: Tracing Trajectories of Continuity and Change” 特刊导言:“评估2013年政变后的埃及穆斯林兄弟会:追踪连续性和变化的轨迹”
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13020007
Lucia Ardovini, E. Biagini
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引用次数: 2
From Competition to Cooperation: The Radicalization Effect of Salafists on Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood in the Aftermath of the 2011 Uprising 从竞争到合作:2011年起义后萨拉菲斯特对埃及穆斯林兄弟会的激进化影响
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13020003
Mohammad Yaghi
Using the case studies of the 2012 Constitution, the call of al-Jabha al-Salafiyya for the Revolution of the Muslim’s Youth (rmy) and the Salafi’s statement of Nida Ard al-Kinana, this article provides empirical evidence that the Salafists have a radicalization effect on Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood when they compete or cooperate with each other. By “radicalization effect,” the article means pushing the Brotherhood to build less inclusive institutions and/or pulling them toward the justification of the use of violence in religious terms in their confrontation with al-Sisi’s regime. Methodologically, the article relies on the Salafist and the Brotherhood statements as well as on the work of other scholars.
本文通过对2012年宪法、al-Jabha al-Salafiyya对穆斯林青年革命(军)的呼吁以及萨拉菲派的Nida and al-Kinana声明的案例研究,提供了经验证据,证明萨拉菲派在相互竞争或合作时对埃及穆斯林兄弟会产生了激进化影响。文中所说的“激进化效应”,是指推动穆兄会建立不那么包容的机构,以及(或)把他们拉向在与塞西政权对抗时使用宗教暴力的正当理由。在方法上,这篇文章依赖于萨拉菲斯特和兄弟会的声明以及其他学者的工作。
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引用次数: 3
Women and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood post-2013: Calls for Gender Reforms and Pluralism 2013年后的妇女和埃及穆斯林兄弟会:呼吁性别改革和多元化
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13020004
E. Biagini
The Muslim Brotherhood’s brief period of governance in Egypt, followed by its 2013 ousting from, power heightened the movement’s pre-existing internal divisions, causing members to question the tenets upon which the organization was established and ran. Since then, a growing body of literature has investigated the Brotherhood members’ call for internal reforms, but this rests largely on the views of its male members. In order to fill this gap, this article explores how the Muslim Sisterhood, an important but often overlooked Brotherhood constituency, envisages the movement changing in the aftermath of 2013. Findings based on interviews with Muslim Sisterhood members suggest that the central issues over which women envisage change within the movement include the Sisterhood’s desire for greater pluralism, the possibility to express women’s diverse identities, and the ability to pursue personal ambitions.
穆斯林兄弟会(Muslim Brotherhood)在埃及短暂执政后,于2013年被赶下台,加剧了该组织本来就存在的内部分歧,导致其成员质疑该组织成立和运作所依据的信条。从那以后,越来越多的文献调查了穆兄会成员要求内部改革的呼声,但这在很大程度上取决于其男性成员的观点。为了填补这一空白,本文探讨了穆斯林姐妹会,一个重要但经常被忽视的兄弟会支持者,如何设想2013年之后的运动变化。根据对穆斯林姐妹会成员的采访,调查结果表明,妇女在运动中设想变革的核心问题包括姐妹会对更大多元化的渴望,表达妇女多样化身份的可能性,以及追求个人抱负的能力。
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引用次数: 1
The Making of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Faith Brand 穆斯林兄弟会的信仰烙印
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13020005
Noha Mellor
This article sheds light on the use of narrative within the realm of political Islam, taking the Muslim Brotherhood as a topical case study. The argument is that the Brotherhood media served as a faith brand that was based on a narrative aimed at mobilizing voters and supporters, both within Egypt and regionally. The article questions whether the Brotherhood media represent a coherent voice of the movement, and how the media have helped sustain, preserve, and distinguish the Brotherhood’s brand for nine decades. It is argued that the Brotherhood’s narrative and brand attributes have come under scrutiny with the ongoing fissures within the movement post-2013, particularly between the old and new guard with regards to the re-assessment of the Brotherhood’s ideology and mission. These controversies attest to the gradual fragmentation of the Brotherhood brand, raising doubts about the movement’s ability to resuscitate this brand in the future.
本文以穆斯林兄弟会为例,阐明了在政治伊斯兰领域中叙事的运用。他们的论点是,穆兄会的媒体是一个信仰品牌,其基础是一种旨在动员埃及国内和该地区选民和支持者的叙事。这篇文章质疑穆兄会的媒体是否代表了穆兄会运动的连贯声音,以及媒体如何在90年来帮助维持、保存和区分穆兄会的品牌。有人认为,穆兄会的叙事和品牌属性受到了2013年后运动内部持续分歧的审视,特别是在重新评估穆兄会的意识形态和使命方面,新老警卫之间的分歧。这些争议证明了穆兄会品牌的逐渐分裂,让人怀疑穆兄会在未来是否有能力重振这个品牌。
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引用次数: 2
Concluding Essay 结语
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13020006
N. Brown
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引用次数: 0
Citizen Wayn? The Struggle of Parliament in Contemporary Jordan 公民Wayn吗?当代约旦议会的斗争
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13031238
P. Esber
This article is part of the Special Issue “Parliaments in the Middle East and North Africa: A Struggle for Relevance”. Because the politics of citizenship is felt at all stages of the parliamentary process, the very question of parliamentary relevance itself cannot be answered without reference to the citizenry. That Jordan’s citizenship regime influences and impedes parliamentary politics is explored through two cases. The first being decentralization, understood as a relocating of tasks, decision-making and mandates from a centralized location to different, more localized levels. The second study focuses on the uprisings occurring from May 30, 2018 against the draft domestic tax law introduced to parliament by the government of then-Prime Minister Hani al-Mulki. Both cases are implicated in the Kingdom’s parliamentary politics, and their selection is a conscious move away from election analysis. Taken together they elucidate how citizenship is a key battleground on which any future emancipation/development of parliament will be fought.
本文是“中东和北非议会:争取相关性的斗争”特刊的一部分。由于公民政治在议会进程的各个阶段都能感受到,因此,如果不提及公民,就无法回答议会相关性本身的问题。通过两个案例探讨了约旦的公民制度对议会政治的影响和阻碍。第一种是权力下放,即将任务、决策和授权从一个集中的地点转移到不同的、更本地化的级别。第二项研究重点关注2018年5月30日发生的反对时任总理哈尼·穆尔基政府向议会提交的国内税法草案的起义。这两起案件都与王国的议会政治有关,他们的选择是有意识地脱离了选举分析。总之,他们阐明了公民身份如何成为未来议会解放/发展的关键战场。
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引用次数: 0
Jordan’s Election Law: Reinforcing Barriers to Democracy 约旦的选举法:加强民主的障碍
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13031307
E. J. Karmel, David Linfield
Since the 2016 introduction of a proportional open-list voting system to Jordan’s parliamentary elections, the Jordanian government has faced ongoing demands for reform. In response, the government has continually pointed to the many liberal democracies in Europe that use similar electoral systems. However, the issue is not that an undemocratic system is in place but rather that the system is unconducive to democratic reform given Jordan’s broader socio-political environment. This legal comment will explore the key facets of Jordan’s 2016 election law, discussing how the system – which could be effective in other contexts – impedes political change in Jordan and thus maintains the same patronage-fueled electoral dynamics that have prevailed since the reintroduction of parliamentary life in Jordan three decades ago.
自2016年约旦议会选举引入比例公开名单投票制度以来,约旦政府一直面临改革的要求。作为回应,政府不断指出欧洲许多自由民主国家使用类似的选举制度。然而,问题不在于存在不民主的制度,而在于考虑到约旦更广泛的社会政治环境,该制度不利于民主改革。这篇法律评论将探讨约旦2016年选举法的关键方面,讨论该制度如何阻碍约旦的政治变革,从而保持自三十年前约旦重新引入议会生活以来盛行的由赞助人推动的选举动态。
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引用次数: 0
European Support for Arab Parliaments: A Successful Way to Democracy? 欧洲对阿拉伯议会的支持:通往民主的成功之路?
IF 1 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2021-06-09 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13031232
J. Völkel
This article contributes to the Special Issue “Parliaments in the Middle East and North Africa: A Struggle for Relevance”. In the Euro-Mediterranean region, several international parliamentary initiatives are engaged in parliamentary diplomacy and cooperation. Aside from the European Parliament, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Union for the Mediterranean (pa-UfM) and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Mediterranean (pam) cross the shores. In addition, a number of national European parliaments, as well as governmental and non-governmental organizations, cooperate with Arab parliaments in a bilateral manner.Based on the author’s own research in Brussels, Amman, Cairo, Rabat, Tunis, and Valletta, the article analyzes cross-Mediterranean parliamentary relations and argues that parliamentary cooperation could facilitate an increase in Arab parliaments’ overall relevance, eventually leading to advanced democratization; however, the authoritarian regimes still in place in most Arab countries still successfully prevent a meaningful strengthening of national legislatures. International support offers thus require broader transformations in their partner countries before yielding success.
本文为“中东和北非议会:争取相关性的斗争”特刊撰稿。在欧洲-地中海区域,一些国际议会倡议参与了议会外交与合作。除了欧洲议会外,地中海联盟议会(pa-UfM)和地中海议会(pam)也横跨海岸。此外,一些欧洲国家议会以及政府和非政府组织以双边方式与阿拉伯议会合作。基于作者自己在布鲁塞尔、安曼、开罗、拉巴特、突尼斯和瓦莱塔的研究,文章分析了跨地中海议会关系,并认为议会合作可以促进阿拉伯议会的整体相关性,最终导致先进的民主化;然而,大多数阿拉伯国家仍然存在的独裁政权仍然成功地阻止了国家立法机构的有意义的加强。因此,国际支持提议需要伙伴国进行更广泛的变革,才能取得成功。
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Middle East Law and Governance
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