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Politics and Narrative in Ireland's Decade of Commemorations 爱尔兰十年纪念活动中的政治与叙事
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eir.2022.0000
Sara Dybris McQuaid, Fearghal McGarry
Tuesday, 23 October, Keynote, 17:00-18:30 Emilie Pine (University College Dublin) ‘The Memory Marketplace: Gender, Witnessing and Performance’: This talk will focus on the recent upsurge in memory activism and the ways the social turn in commemoration culture enables us to answer perennial questions about how power and memory intersect – who owns memory, how is it traded, and how is it consumed. The Waking the Feminists movement, and emerging policies on speaking up and calling out inequality and harassment across the arts, demonstrate how the past can be mobilised in progressive ways, and how commemoration can serve as a moment in which communities reflect on the past in order to galvanise present and future action. Memory activism depends on different kinds of performance – from the initial energy of the first voice being raised to the effort of long-term collective campaigning. It also depends on the idea that as producers and audiences of commemoration culture we can take up agentic roles as witnesses. Witnessing is a fundamentally limited role as producers and audiences work within the framework of a larger and change-resistant marketplace infrastructure, as well as being impacted by the limits of their own subjectivity and the current dominance of both empathy and presentism as the leading modes of engagement with the past. However, activism offers us another perspective on the performance of witnessing – and hope for how we can overcome the limits of commemoration fatigue. Activism calls on memory actors to pivot away from the idea of suffering being ‘over there’ or in the past, and instead to work towards solidarity and change, to conceive of memory work as a performance of accountability, and to insist on the utopian possibilities of witnessing the past.
周二,10月23日,主题演讲,17:00-18:30 Emilie Pine(都柏林大学学院)“记忆市场:性别,见证和表现”:本次演讲将重点关注最近记忆激进主义的高涨,以及纪念文化的社会转向方式,使我们能够回答关于权力和记忆如何交叉的长期问题——谁拥有记忆,如何交易,以及如何消费。唤醒女权主义运动,以及在艺术领域大声疾叫不平等和骚扰的新政策,展示了如何以进步的方式动员过去,以及纪念活动如何成为社区反思过去以激励现在和未来行动的时刻。记忆行动主义依赖于不同类型的表现——从最初发出的第一个声音的能量到长期集体运动的努力。它还依赖于作为纪念文化的生产者和受众,我们可以充当证人的代理角色的想法。见证从根本上来说是一个有限的角色,因为生产者和观众在一个更大的、抵制变化的市场基础设施的框架内工作,同时也受到他们自己主观性的限制以及当前同理心和当下主义作为与过去接触的主要模式的主导地位的影响。然而,行动主义为我们提供了另一种看待见证行为的视角,并为我们如何克服纪念疲劳的局限提供了希望。激进主义呼吁记忆行动者远离痛苦“在那里”或过去的想法,而是致力于团结和改变,将记忆工作视为一种责任表现,并坚持见证过去的乌托邦可能性。
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引用次数: 1
The Silence and the Silence Breakers of the Irish Civil War, 1922–2022 爱尔兰内战中的沉默与打破沉默者,1922-2022
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eir.2022.0012
Síobhra Aiken
The original timeline proposed for the Decade of Commemorations (2012–22) omitted the latter half of the Irish Civil War. The June 2022 centenary of the burning of the Public Record Office during the battle of the Four Courts was considered as a possible “capstone to the decade of centenaries.”1 Following public criticism, however, the chronology of the “decade” was extended until 2023 to cover the final months of the Civil War. But this initial reluctance is highly revealing in terms of official attitudes toward the period of civil conflict. It speaks to a long-established tendency to shy away from the realities of Irish-on-Irish violence and particularly the contentious events of June 1922 to May 1923. The idea that the destruction of centuries of historical documents could offer a symbolic ending to the commemorations also reflects the long-standing characterization of the Irish Civil War as an absence within the historical narrative: memoirs mysteriously end with the truce of July 1921; statements in the Bureau of Military History (BMH) stop suddenly before the Civil War; history textbooks were characterized for decades by “oblivion after 1922.”2 This type of socially validated silence is often a feature of the commemoration of war, mimicking perhaps the liturgical practices of mourning.3 But silence takes on even greater political significance in post–civil war society, as calls for amnesty in the name of the common good often translate into “amnesia” or “commanded forgetting”
最初为纪念十年(2012-22)提出的时间表省略了爱尔兰内战的后半段。2022年6月,在“四庭之战”期间,公共档案办公室被烧毁,100周年纪念活动被认为可能是“十年纪念活动的顶点”。然而,在公众的批评下,“十年”的时间被延长到2023年,以涵盖内战的最后几个月。但从官方对内战时期的态度来看,这种最初的不情愿很能说明问题。它反映了一种长期存在的倾向,即回避爱尔兰对爱尔兰暴力的现实,尤其是1922年6月至1923年5月的有争议的事件。毁掉几个世纪的历史文献可以为纪念活动提供一个象征性的结束,这种想法也反映了爱尔兰内战长期以来在历史叙事中缺席的特征:回忆录神秘地以1921年7月的休战结束;军事历史局(BMH)的声明在内战前突然停止;几十年来,历史教科书的特点是“1922年后的遗忘”。这种社会认可的沉默通常是纪念战争的一种特征,可能模仿了哀悼的礼仪实践但是,在内战后的社会中,沉默具有更大的政治意义,因为以共同利益的名义要求大赦的呼声常常被翻译成“失忆”或“命令遗忘”。
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引用次数: 1
Taking the History out of the Decade of Centenaries: Narratives, Rituals, and Symbols in British Identities in Northern Ireland 从百年纪念的十年中提取历史:北爱尔兰英国身份的叙事、仪式和象征
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eir.2022.0002
Dominic Bryan
In 2010 I wrote a rather speculative paper exploring the “labour of representation” of a British identity constructed by unionist and loyalist groups entitled “Forget 1690, Remember the Somme.”2 It mapped an apparent shift in identity politics, manifested through rituals and symbols, away from commemorative practices around the Battle of the Boyne (1690) toward recognition of the Battle of the Somme (1916). That same year Rebecca Graff-McRae published a book noting some of the same processes that occurred after the 1998 Belfast Agreement.3 Since then the Decade of Centenaries in Ireland has provided what might be described as a supercharged field for commemorative practice providing spaces for negotiation and contestation over the symbolic and political capital invested in forms of
2010年,我写了一篇颇具猜测性的论文,探讨由联合主义者和忠诚主义者团体构建的英国身份的“代表劳动”,题为《忘记1690年,记住索姆河》。它描绘了身份政治的明显转变,通过仪式和符号表现出来,从围绕博因河战役(1690年)的纪念活动转向对索姆河战役(1916年)的认可。同年,丽贝卡·格拉夫-麦克雷出版了一本书,指出了1998年贝尔法斯特协议之后发生的一些相同的过程。3从那时起,爱尔兰的百年纪念十年为纪念实践提供了一个可能被描述为增压的领域,为投资于各种形式的象征和政治资本提供了谈判和争论的空间
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引用次数: 1
The Politics of Pluralism: Historians and Easter 2016 多元主义政治:历史学家和2016年复活节
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eir.2022.0001
Fearghal McGarry
What historian of revolutionary Ireland can claim to have remained utterly impervious to seduction during the current orgy of centennial commemoration? The study of how distant events have been remembered is suddenly both popular and profitable, offering almost irresistible attractions. . . . The hard questions of history (what actually happened and who thought what, why, and with what consequences) are neatly avoided. Released from tiresome delving into the distant past, historians easily mutate into columnists and pundits, accorded spurious authority because of their past credentials as scholars. —DaviD Fitzpatrick1
有哪个研究爱尔兰革命的历史学家能声称自己在当前的百年纪念狂欢中完全不受诱惑的影响?研究遥远的事件如何被记忆突然之间变得流行和有利可图,提供了几乎不可抗拒的吸引力. . . .历史上的难题(到底发生了什么,谁想了什么,为什么想,后果是什么)被巧妙地回避了。从对遥远过去的无聊钻研中解脱出来,历史学家很容易变成专栏作家和权威人士,因为他们过去的学者身份而被赋予虚假的权威。节日Fitzpatrick1
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引用次数: 1
Remembering Schism: Commemoration of the Irish Civil War and Contested Narratives in the Contemporary Republican "Family" 铭记分裂:纪念爱尔兰内战和当代共和党“家庭”中有争议的叙事
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eir.2022.0010
S. Hopkins
Within contemporary irish republicanism there is an acute consciousness of the echoes and ghostly resonances of previous schisms, many of which can be traced back to the Civil War era. This article interrogates the divisions that have been an almost constant characteristic of the republican movement over the last century.1 Deploying the metaphor of the republican “family,” it investigates internal divisions within contemporary Irish republicanism, which is today dominated by the Provisional movement in the guise of Sinn Féin.2 Reviewing the past century of commemorative dissent, this article predicts that the centenary of the Civil War (2022–23) will provide another occasion in which questions of legitimacy and struggles over “ownership” of the past demonstrate the fissiparous character of the republican family. Despite Sinn Féin’s electoral success, there are significant groups, many formed from splits within the party and its “armed wing,” the
在当代爱尔兰共和主义中,有一种敏锐的意识到以前分裂的回声和幽灵般的共鸣,其中许多可以追溯到内战时代。这篇文章对上个世纪以来几乎一直是共和运动特征的分歧进行了探讨书中运用了共和“家庭”的隐喻,调查了当代爱尔兰共和主义的内部分歧,而爱尔兰共和主义今天被新芬党(Sinn fsamin)伪装下的临时运动所主导回顾过去一个世纪的纪念异议,本文预测内战一百周年(2022-23)将提供另一个场合,合法性问题和对过去“所有权”的斗争表明了共和家庭的分裂特征。尽管新芬党在选举中取得了成功,但仍有一些重要的团体,其中许多是由该党内部的分裂及其“武装派别”组成的
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引用次数: 1
The Irish Republic after the Crisis: Commemorating the Easter Rising in the 2016 Election Campaign 危机后的爱尔兰共和国:纪念2016年竞选活动中的复活节起义
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eir.2022.0006
Isabel Kusche
The 2016 general election in Ireland was perhaps the most unpredictable in the country’s history. In hindsight it would be called “the election that nobody won” and resulted in a complicated minoritygovernment arrangement.1 The traditional parties Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, and Labour were confronted with a Sinn Féin rising in the polls, two newly formed parties (Renua and the Social Democrats), radical left-wing groups, and strong support for independent candidates.2 In this altered political landscape both new and established political actors faced the challenge of defining what they could offer to an electorate that looked back to years of austerity in the wake of the financial crisis. They needed to articulate an identity as political actors different from the others to an extent that made them more appealing to voters. This was also the centenary year of the Easter Rising and the Proclamation of the Irish Republic. An election campaign a few months before Easter in such a year was likely to include some acknowledgment of the significance of the anniversary. Yet which political actors would or would not attempt to associate themselves with it and how
2016年爱尔兰大选可能是该国历史上最不可预测的大选。事后看来,这将被称为“无人获胜的选举”,并导致了一个复杂的少数派政府安排传统政党共和党Fáil、统一党和工党面临着民意调查中支持率上升的新芬党、两个新成立的政党(Renua和社会民主党)、激进的左翼团体以及对独立候选人的大力支持在这种改变了的政治格局中,无论是新的政治参与者还是老牌的政治参与者,都面临着一个挑战,那就是如何为那些回顾金融危机后多年紧缩政策的选民提供什么。他们需要清晰地表达自己作为政治行动者的身份,使自己在某种程度上有别于其他人,从而对选民更具吸引力。这也是复活节起义和爱尔兰共和国宣言的一百周年。在这样的一年里,复活节前几个月的竞选活动很可能包括对周年纪念意义的一些承认。然而,哪些政治角色会或不会试图与它联系在一起,以及如何联系
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引用次数: 1
Commemorating Women's Histories during the Irish Decade of Centenaries 纪念爱尔兰百年纪念十年中的妇女历史
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/eir.2022.0011
M. McAuliffe
In 2016 the Irish state marked the centenary of the Easter Rising with exhibitions, parades, projects, new heritage sites, and readings of the 1916 Proclamation in every primary school in the country. During the same year another commemoration was marked by a multidisciplinary, interinstitutional conference at UCD and NUI Galway. 1916: HOME: 2016 marked the twentieth anniversary of the closing of the last Magdalen laundry in Ireland. Scholars, artists, and activists gathered to consider “the history of the state since 1916 and the ways in which the ideals of the 1916 Rising were betrayed by the realities of the state and in particular by the treatment of, and attitudes to, women’s bodies over the course of the last one hundred years.”1 The event created spaces that enabled reflections on the histories of what remain, even now, largely invisible lives. Marginalized in most histories of the state, the accounts of institutionalized women and their children were central to 1916: HOME: 2016. In her keynote speech memorystudies scholar Marianne Hirsch spoke of her interest in seeing how, on her visit to Dublin, the Irish state would commemorate 1916. She felt that while many exhibitions “interrogating aspects of a foundational, if complex and contested, past [did exist] . . . , [the] official reckoning failed to reach more troubling aspects of the Irish past.”2 This article focuses on the relative success of demands for the inclusion of women’s histories in commemorative events over the
2016年,爱尔兰政府以展览、游行、项目、新遗址和在全国每所小学阅读1916年宣言的方式纪念复活节起义一百周年。在同一年,另一个纪念活动是在都柏林大学和NUI戈尔韦举行的多学科、机构间会议。1916年:家:2016年是爱尔兰最后一家莫德林洗衣店关闭20周年。学者、艺术家和积极分子聚集在一起,思考“1916年以来的国家历史,以及1916年起义的理想是如何被国家的现实所背叛的,特别是在过去一百年中对女性身体的对待和态度。”这一事件创造了一个空间,使人们能够反思那些至今仍基本上不为人知的生命的历史。在该州的大多数历史中被边缘化,对被收容的妇女及其子女的描述是1916年的核心。在她的主题演讲中,记忆研究学者玛丽安·赫希(Marianne Hirsch)谈到,她有兴趣在访问都柏林期间,看看爱尔兰政府将如何纪念1916年。她觉得,虽然许多展览“质疑一个基础的、复杂的、有争议的过去(确实存在)的各个方面……在美国,官方的清算未能触及爱尔兰过去更令人不安的方面。这篇文章关注的是,在20世纪70年代的纪念活动中纳入妇女历史的要求相对成功
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引用次数: 1
"A Hundred Little Violences, a Hundred Little Wounds": Personal Disclosure, Shame, and Privacy in Ireland's Abortion Access 《一百次小暴力,一百次小创伤》:爱尔兰堕胎渠道中的个人披露、羞耻和隐私
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-06 DOI: 10.1353/eir.2021.0020
Katherine Side
In 2018, after the final votes had been tallied in the Republic of Ireland’s successful referendum to repeal the Eighth Amendment, taoiseach Leo Varadkar tweeted, “Fantastic crowds at Dublin Castle. Remarkable day. A quiet revolution, a great act of democracy.” Ongoing efforts to reform Ireland’s restrictive abortion laws were, however, far from quiet. Advocacy for abortion reform long preceded the referendum and was public, visible, and often painful. Legal scholar Máiréad Enright characterizes the campaign to repeal the Eighth Amendment as inflicting harm. Reflecting on the labor of making legal change, Enright recalled, “I sat in a taxi while two women who had told their everyday abortion stories publicly wept together because they heard again and again in the public campaign talk that only exceptional abortions were legitimate. A hundred little violences. A hundred little wounds.”
2018年,在爱尔兰共和国成功废除第八修正案的公投结束后,爱尔兰总理利奥·瓦拉德卡在推特上写道:“都柏林城堡里的人群太棒了。非凡的一天。一场无声的革命,一场伟大的民主行动。”然而,正在进行的改革爱尔兰限制性堕胎法的努力远非平静。早在公投之前,对堕胎改革的倡导就已经公开、可见,而且往往是痛苦的。法律学者Máiréad Enright将废除第八修正案的运动定性为造成伤害。回想起推动法律变革的艰辛,恩莱特回忆道:“我坐在一辆出租车上,两名讲述了自己日常堕胎经历的妇女一起公开哭泣,因为她们在公开竞选演讲中一再听到,只有特殊情况下的堕胎才是合法的。一百次小小的暴力。一百个小伤口。”
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引用次数: 0
"Nuns Don't Get Cervical Cancer": A Reproductive-Justice Approach to Understanding the Cervical-Cancer Prevention Crisis in Ireland “修女不得到宫颈癌”:一种生殖正义的方法来理解宫颈癌预防危机在爱尔兰
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-06 DOI: 10.1353/eir.2021.0011
Beth Sundstrom
From 2015 to 2018 scandals surrounding the human papillomavirus (HPV) and cervical-cancer screening in the Republic of Ireland revealed serious deficiencies in the nation’s health-care system. A misinformation campaign conducted in 2015 about the HPV vaccine resulted in a sharp decline in Irish vaccination levels, and in 2018 Ireland’s CervicalCheck screening program was revealed to be flawed. In the Scally Report (2018), a scoping inquiry into the problems at CervicalCheck, key informants pointed to the significant gendered failings of the Irish health-care system, noting that “there is a history of looking at women’s health services as being secondary,” “women and women’s rights are not taken seriously,” and “paternalism is alive and well.” The report identified the need for expert and committed attention to women’s issues within the health-care system. Through an analysis of two scandals, the CervicalCheck screening program and the HPV-vaccination-misinformation campaign, this study investigates the cervical-cancer prevention crisis in Ireland through the lens of reproductive justice. HPV vaccination and cervical screening are health behaviors that illuminate the intersection of oppressions based on race, ethnicity, socioeconomic position, ability,
从2015年到2018年,围绕爱尔兰共和国人类乳头瘤病毒(HPV)和宫颈癌筛查的丑闻暴露了该国医疗体系的严重缺陷。2015年,一场关于HPV疫苗的错误信息运动导致爱尔兰疫苗接种水平急剧下降,2018年,爱尔兰的宫颈检查筛查计划被曝出存在缺陷。在Scally报告(2018年)中,对CervicalCheck的问题进行了范围调查,主要信息提供者指出了爱尔兰医疗保健系统在性别方面的重大失误,并指出“历来将妇女的医疗服务视为次要的”,“妇女和妇女的权利没有得到认真对待”,“家长式作风仍然存在”。该报告确定需要在保健系统内对妇女问题给予专家和坚定的关注。通过对两个丑闻的分析,宫颈检查筛查计划和hpv疫苗接种错误信息运动,本研究通过生殖正义的视角调查了爱尔兰的宫颈癌预防危机。HPV疫苗接种和子宫颈筛查是健康行为,阐明了基于种族、民族、社会经济地位、能力、
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引用次数: 1
Transatlantic Railroad 跨大西洋铁路
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-06 DOI: 10.1353/eir.2021.0019
Mary P. Burke
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引用次数: 0
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