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Governing authorities in the same boat and a tale of two schedules: Marius Nel v Hessequa Local Municipality (2015) 同一条船上的管理当局和两个时间表的故事:马里乌斯·内尔与赫塞卡地方市政府(2015年)
IF 0.5 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2018-05-16 DOI: 10.5130/cjlg.v0i20.6076
A. D. Plessis, Oliver Fuo
This article responds to the tension inherent in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996 which lists ‘the environment’ proper as a function of national and provincial government. The authors discuss one of the arguments raised in the recently decided case of Marius Nel and Others v Hessequa Local Municipality and Others (2015) with particular emphasis on what the court’s reasoning adds to the growing body of jurisprudence on local government’s authority to govern environmental matters and the need for cooperative environmental governance in the South African context. The article features an overview of the relevant facts and findings in the Hessequa case, followed by a discussion of the implications of the court’s judgment.
这篇文章回应了1996年南非共和国宪法中固有的紧张关系,该宪法将“环境”列为国家和省政府的职能。作者讨论了最近判决的Marius Nel及其他人诉Hessequa地方市政当局及其他人(2015年)一案中提出的一个论点,特别强调了法院的推理为地方政府管理环境事务的权力和南非背景下合作环境治理的必要性的法理体系增加了什么。本文概述了Hessequa案的相关事实和调查结果,然后讨论了法院判决的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Who is responsible? Local government and accountability for service delivery in Kenya’s devolved health sector 谁负责?肯尼亚权力下放的卫生部门的地方政府和服务提供问责制
IF 0.5 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2018-05-01 DOI: 10.5130/CJLG.V0I20.6085
K. Ochieng
One of the arguments in favour of local governments is their ability to deliver public services better because of their proximity to demand. This is typically achieved through decentralisation – the transfer of some level of formal responsibility, authority and/or resources to smaller, lower tiers of government. This paper examines service delivery in the health sector in Kenya within the context of the country’s newly introduced devolved system of government, which created 47 county governments under the 2010 Constitution. It examines three key responsibilities: i) resource mobilisation, distribution and administration, ii) decision-making, and iii) political accountability, and their bearing on outcomes for delivery of health services. The paper argues that devolution of the health function in Kenya has been only partial, leading to challenges of coordination between the national and county governments and ambiguity over responsibility for service delivery; both factors which risk undermining the opportunities that devolution creates or promises.
支持地方政府的一个理由是,它们有能力更好地提供公共服务,因为它们离需求更近。这通常是通过权力下放来实现的——将某种程度的正式责任、权力和/或资源转移到较小的、较低层次的政府。本文在肯尼亚新引入的政府权力下放制度的背景下考察了该国卫生部门的服务提供情况,该制度根据2010年宪法创建了47个县政府。它审查了三个关键责任:1)资源调动、分配和管理;2)决策;3)政治问责制及其对提供卫生服务成果的影响。本文认为,肯尼亚的卫生职能下放只是部分的,这导致了国家和县政府之间协调的挑战,以及服务提供责任的模糊;这两个因素都有可能破坏权力下放所创造或承诺的机会。
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引用次数: 3
Rural policy, rural quangos – searching for clarity in West Dorset, south west England 农村政策,农村半官方组织-在西多塞特郡,英格兰西南部寻找清晰度
IF 0.5 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2018-04-13 DOI: 10.5130/cjlg.v0i20.6022
Gordon Morris
The research discussed in this paper arose from the writer’s interest in United Kingdom (UK) rural policy, government and governance. Its aims were to: 1) find out the extent to which the participants in the research, many of whom are involved in UK local government, were aware of the non-governmental advisory and support organisations that, from 1909 until 2013, were involved with rural policy; and 2) establish the loci of influence in relation to aspects of rural policy. The data, gathered from interviews and an online questionnaire, suggests that political influence lies primarily with the Conservative Party, whose elected members run the district and county councils. Other sources of influence include the middle and landed classes. There is ambiguity, however. Some clerks and councillors admitted that they do not know where influence lies; suggesting that they, at least, do not believe it lies with them. Awareness of the organisations is unsurprisingly varied according to the participants’ backgrounds. Overall, the data suggests that the more remote organisations were physically from ‘work on the ground’, and the more years that have passed since their closure, the lower the awareness of their existence and work.
本文所讨论的研究源于作者对英国农村政策、政府和治理的兴趣。其目的是:1)了解研究参与者(其中许多人参与了英国地方政府)对1909年至2013年参与农村政策的非政府咨询和支持组织的了解程度;以及2)建立与农村政策各方面相关的影响位点。从采访和在线问卷中收集的数据表明,政治影响力主要在于保守党,保守党的民选成员管理着区和县议会。其他影响来源包括中产阶级和土地阶级。然而,也存在歧义。一些办事员和议员承认,他们不知道影响力在哪里;这表明他们至少不相信这是他们的错。根据参与者的背景,对组织的认识也会发生变化,这不足为奇。总的来说,数据表明,越是偏远的组织,就越远离“实地工作”,而且它们关闭的时间越长,人们对它们的存在和工作的认识就越低。
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引用次数: 2
Fiscal decentralisation frameworks for Agenda 2030: understanding key issues and crafting strategic reforms 《2030年议程》财政分权框架:理解关键问题并制定战略改革
IF 0.5 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2018-04-13 DOI: 10.5130/CJLG.V0I20.6024
P. Smoke
Local and regional governments (LGS) will be important actors in ensuring that the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are translated into action that is tailored to the most pressing needs of their communities. Despite broad recognition of the subnational dimension of the SDGs, the specific roles that LRGs can and should play and the capacities and resources they require have received insufficient official consideration to date. If LRGs are to maximise their developmental impact, countries require robust intergovernmental frameworks and policies that empower, finance, motivate and support local and regional governments and citizens. The paper examines the requirements and options for subnational government finance and provides suggestions for strategic implementation, concluding by linking fiscal decentralisation reforms to the SDGs.
地方和地区政府(LGS)将是确保将联合国可持续发展目标(sdg)转化为针对其社区最紧迫需求的行动的重要行为体。尽管人们普遍认识到可持续发展目标的地方层面,但到目前为止,官方对地方政府能够和应该发挥的具体作用及其所需的能力和资源的考虑还不够充分。如果要最大限度地发挥其发展影响,各国需要强有力的政府间框架和政策,赋予地方和区域政府及公民权力、为其提供资金、激励和支持。本文考察了地方政府财政的要求和选择,并为战略实施提供了建议,最后将财政分权改革与可持续发展目标联系起来。
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引用次数: 8
Review: Local Government in England: Centralisation, Autonomy and Control by Colin Corpus, Mark Roberts, Rachel Wall 评论:Colin Corpus、Mark Roberts、Rachel Wall的《英格兰地方政府:中央集权、自治和控制》
IF 0.5 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2018-04-13 DOI: 10.5130/cjlg.v0i20.6021
Jonathan Carr-West
Local Government in England: Centralisation, Autonomy and Control is a serious book and an important contribution to the scholarship around local government. It opens however, with a pleasingly comic tableau as academics from England, Portugal and Poland bicker amiably at a conference and on Twitter about whose country is really the most centralised. The rest of the book is devoted to showing why the English academics were right, why it matters and what should be done about it. The main thrust of the text is an analysis of the impact of the dominant policy narratives around centralism and localism. The argument that Copus, Wall and Roberts put forward could be boiled down to the assertion that the problem with local government in England is that it is neither local nor government. But to make this case they first helpfully unpack several sets of concepts that are all too often elided together.
《英格兰地方政府:中央集权、自治和控制》是一本严肃的书,也是对地方政府学术的重要贡献。然而,它以一个令人愉快的喜剧场景开场,来自英格兰、葡萄牙和波兰的学者在一次会议上和推特上友好地争论着谁的国家真正是最集中的。本书的其余部分致力于展示为什么英国学者是对的,为什么这很重要,以及应该对此做些什么。正文的主旨是分析围绕中心主义和地方主义的主流政策叙事的影响。Copus、Wall和Roberts提出的论点可以归结为英格兰地方政府的问题在于它既不是地方政府,也不是政府。但为了证明这一点,他们首先有益地解开了几组经常被忽略在一起的概念。
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引用次数: 0
Review: Directly Elected Mayors in Urban Governance: Impact and Practice edited by David Sweeting 《城市治理中的直选市长:影响与实践》,大卫·斯威廷主编
IF 0.5 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2018-04-13 DOI: 10.5130/CJLG.V0I20.6020
A. Walker
The introduction of directly elected mayors is one of the most significant recent developments in the structure of governance of the UK. The first mayor of London was elected in 2000, and the model has spread slowly but surely to other cities across the country, with varying powers and parameters attached. In May 2017 there were elections in six English city-regions for directly elected metro mayors. These new positions as figureheads of combined authorities were a prerequisite of the transfer of powers from Whitehall arranged by George Osborne when he was at the treasury. Mayoral roles and responsibilities are fairly clearly defined and circumscribed in legislation and the contractual arrangements with government, but there are still plenty of unknowns within what is a novel form of governance and power in the UK. David Sweeting’s volume is a timely and useful guide to the issues and argument. It takes a number of the key debates around the salience of directly elected mayors in urban governance and fleshes them out with useful case studies that look in-depth at cities around the world.
直接选举市长的引入是英国治理结构最近最重要的发展之一。首任伦敦市长于2000年当选,这种模式缓慢但坚定地推广到全国其他城市,并赋予了不同的权力和参数。2017年5月,英国六个城市地区举行了直选市长的选举。作为联合政府的名义首脑,这些新职位是乔治•奥斯本(George Osborne)在担任财政大臣期间安排的从白厅移交权力的先决条件。市长的角色和职责在立法和与政府的合同安排中有相当明确的定义和限制,但在英国的一种新型治理和权力形式中仍有许多未知因素。大卫·斯威廷的这本书是对这些问题和争论的及时而有用的指南。本书围绕直选市长在城市治理中的突出作用展开了一系列关键辩论,并通过深入研究世界各地城市的有用案例研究充实了这些辩论。
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引用次数: 0
Women’s local government representation in Auckland – does size matter? 女性在奥克兰的地方政府代表——规模重要吗?
IF 0.5 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2018-04-12 DOI: 10.5130/cjlg.v0i20.6023
K. Webster, J. McGregor
The article examines women’s local government representation following amalgamation to form a super-sized city authority, Auckland, which covers a third of New Zealand’s population. Using a gender perspective, it analyses the promise implicit in amalgamation rhetoric that democratic gaps in representation, including the gender gap, would diminish. It examines the question of whether size has made a difference. Prior to local government amalgamation, women’s representation had not significantly increased over a period of seven election cycles. Women’s descriptive and substantive representation are examined at national and city levels and the gendered implications of local government reform are considered from the perspectives of female elected representatives at councillor and local board levels. Evidence shows that local government reform has yet to be the catalyst for improving women’s descriptive and substantive representation, although there are tentative signs of entry-level improvement at community board level which raise the prospect of a pipeline effect. Interviews with elected female representatives after amalgamation show that while they do not identify themselves as speaking for women, they see themselves as women speaking for their communities and doing it better than men. The results suggest the influence of gender backlash politics and also confirm the need to think about the performance of elected women as more than ‘articulated’ representation.
这篇文章考察了在奥克兰合并形成一个超大规模的城市当局之后,女性在当地政府的代表人数,奥克兰占新西兰人口的三分之一。从性别角度分析了合并修辞中隐含的承诺,即代表权方面的民主差距,包括性别差距,将会缩小。它考察了规模是否有影响的问题。在地方政府合并之前,妇女的代表人数在七个选举周期内没有显著增加。在国家和城市两级审查了妇女的描述性和实质性代表性,并从女议员和地方委员会两级当选代表的角度审议了地方政府改革所涉性别问题。有证据表明,地方政府改革尚未成为改善妇女的描述性和实质性代表性的催化剂,尽管在社区委员会一级初步出现改善的迹象,这增加了管道效应的前景。对合并后当选的女性代表的采访表明,虽然她们不认为自己是在为妇女说话,但她们认为自己是为社区说话的女性,而且比男性做得更好。研究结果表明,性别反对政治的影响,也证实了有必要考虑当选女性的表现,而不仅仅是“明确的”代表。
{"title":"Women’s local government representation in Auckland – does size matter?","authors":"K. Webster, J. McGregor","doi":"10.5130/cjlg.v0i20.6023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5130/cjlg.v0i20.6023","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines women’s local government representation following amalgamation to form a super-sized city authority, Auckland, which covers a third of New Zealand’s population. Using a gender perspective, it analyses the promise implicit in amalgamation rhetoric that democratic gaps in representation, including the gender gap, would diminish. It examines the question of whether size has made a difference. Prior to local government amalgamation, women’s representation had not significantly increased over a period of seven election cycles. Women’s descriptive and substantive representation are examined at national and city levels and the gendered implications of local government reform are considered from the perspectives of female elected representatives at councillor and local board levels. Evidence shows that local government reform has yet to be the catalyst for improving women’s descriptive and substantive representation, although there are tentative signs of entry-level improvement at community board level which raise the prospect of a pipeline effect. Interviews with elected female representatives after amalgamation show that while they do not identify themselves as speaking for women, they see themselves as women speaking for their communities and doing it better than men. The results suggest the influence of gender backlash politics and also confirm the need to think about the performance of elected women as more than ‘articulated’ representation.","PeriodicalId":43511,"journal":{"name":"Commonwealth Journal of Local Governance","volume":"1 1","pages":"6023-6023"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2018-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.5130/cjlg.v0i20.6023","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43748393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
Australian local governments and the early national broadband network roll-out: an online survey 澳大利亚地方政府和早期国家宽带网络的推出:一项在线调查
IF 0.5 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2017-04-21 DOI: 10.5130/CJLG.V0I19.5448
T. Alizadeh, H. Shearer
A recent decision by the Australian Federal Government to reassess the scale of the National Broadband Network (NBN) will leave the country with a patchwork of different levels of access to the infrastructure. This intensifies the need to investigate and evaluate the implications of telecommunication at the local level. The paper opens a discussion on the different approaches taken by local government authorities towards the NBN in the early roll-out localities. Building upon the international literature, it analyses the empirical data collected from the Australian local governments involved with the early NBN roll-out using an online survey. The findings reveal an interesting diversity in the approaches taken at the local level, and show how decision-making at higher levels of government can impact local outcomes.
澳大利亚联邦政府最近决定重新评估国家宽带网络(NBN)的规模,这将使该国的基础设施接入水平参差不齐。这加强了在地方一级调查和评价电信所涉问题的必要性。本文对地方政府当局在早期推出NBN的地方采取的不同方法进行了讨论。在国际文献的基础上,它分析了使用在线调查从参与早期NBN推出的澳大利亚地方政府收集的经验数据。研究结果揭示了地方层面采取的方法的有趣多样性,并显示了高层政府的决策如何影响地方结果。
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引用次数: 0
Mind the gap: Australian local government reform and councillors’ understandings of their roles 注意差距:澳大利亚地方政府改革和议员对自己角色的理解
IF 0.5 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2017-04-21 DOI: 10.5130/CJLG.V0I19.5447
S. Tan, A. Morris, Bligh Grant
Over the last two decades a feature of local government reforms globally has been the introduction of New Public Management (NPM).  Under this broad approach to public administration there is an expectation that councillors play a greater strategic role and move away from involvement in day-to-day management.  This research, carried out in the state of Victoria, Australia, examines councillors’ understandings of their roles.  Based on 17 in-depth interviews and two focus groups, we found that despite the evolving legislative requirements framing councillors as policymakers not managers, most councillors continued to seek involvement in the day-to-day management of councils.  We argue that this gap may be linked to the diversity of views concerning the role of the councillor and the idea of representation and how both play out at the local level.  It may also signal a lack of awareness as to how the legislatively inscribed role for councillors has changed over time.
在过去的二十年里,全球地方政府改革的一个特点是引入了新公共管理。在这种广泛的公共管理方法下,人们期望议员发挥更大的战略作用,不再参与日常管理。这项在澳大利亚维多利亚州进行的研究考察了议员们对自己角色的理解。基于17次深入采访和两个焦点小组,我们发现,尽管立法要求不断演变,将议员界定为决策者而非管理者,但大多数议员仍在寻求参与议会的日常管理。我们认为,这种差距可能与对议员角色和代表权理念以及两者在地方一级的表现的不同看法有关。这也可能表明人们对立法规定的议员角色如何随着时间的推移而变化缺乏认识。
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引用次数: 11
Provincial–regional ANC politics in the Northern Cape: corruption or everyday informal practices? 北开普省-地区非国大政治:腐败还是日常的非正式行为?
IF 0.5 Q4 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Pub Date : 2017-04-21 DOI: 10.5130/cjlg.v0i19.5490
Thina Nzo
Research over the last decade on local government in South Africa has highlighted that some municipal councils under the political leadership of the Africa National Congress (ANC) have shown weak political leadership, coupled with strong patronage systems, rent-seeking and corruption which have had an impact on the institutional functionality of municipalities in South Africa. Although patronage politics have been predominantly used to analyse the dynamics of post-apartheid local government ANC politics and councillor representation, this prevents us from understanding the representational focus of ANC councillors in decision-making processes. This paper offers an ethnographic insight into experiences of ANC councillors and the political complexities involved in council decision-making. Using ethnographic research, this paper will analyse how a political decision by the ANC provincial party, which was supported by the ANC regional party at local level – to erect a statue of Nelson Mandela in one of the municipalities in the Northern Cape – generated tensions amongst ANC councillors who strongly viewed their primary role as promoters of better ‘service delivery’ rather than approving the allocation of scarce municipal resources for erecting a statue. The paper reveals how the dominant presence of ANC sub-regional structures at local level contribute to the complex interaction of both ANC party political and municipal organisational rules and norms that influence and shape councillors’ choices in decision-making.
过去十年对南非地方政府的研究强调,在非洲人国民大会(ANC)政治领导下的一些市政委员会表现出软弱的政治领导,加上强大的庇护制度、寻租和腐败,这些都对南非市政当局的机构功能产生了影响。尽管赞助政治主要用于分析种族隔离后地方政府ANC政治和议员代表的动态,但这阻碍了我们理解ANC议员在决策过程中的代表性焦点。本文提供了一种民族志的见解,以非洲人国民大会议员的经验和政治复杂性,涉及理事会决策。利用民族志研究,本文将分析非洲人国民大会省党在地方一级得到非洲人国民大会区域党支持的一项政治决定——在北开普省的一个城市建立纳尔逊·曼德拉的雕像——如何在非洲人国民大会议员之间产生紧张关系,这些议员强烈认为他们的主要角色是促进更好的“服务提供”,而不是批准分配稀缺的市政资源来建立雕像。本文揭示了非洲人国民大会次区域结构在地方一级的主导地位如何有助于非洲人国民大会政党政治和市政组织规则和规范的复杂相互作用,这些规则和规范影响和塑造了议员在决策中的选择。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
Commonwealth Journal of Local Governance
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