Pub Date : 2022-10-13DOI: 10.1177/20578911221129790
Nyarwi Ahmad, Eriyanto Eriyanto
This article proposes the notion of the professional political pollster as a liberal democratic epistemic community. It examines transformations of Indonesian political pollster organisations in the last decade of the Soeharto era and in the post-Soeharto era. The findings extracted from the academic and mainstream media reports and the in-depth interview data collected from seven political pollsters associated with prominent Indonesian polling organisations are as follows. In the last decade of the Soeharto era, professional political pollsters visibly evolved but played less significant roles in Indonesian politics. As the Soeharto regime collapsed, they gradually had more substantial roles in Indonesian electoral politics and took shape as a robust and convergent liberal democratic epistemic community. After Indonesia's 2004 presidential election, most of them not only turned into political consultants but also engaged in a pollster war. This made them take shape as not only a fragile but also a divergent liberal democratic epistemic community. A set of recommendations is proposed to tackle this problem.
{"title":"Professional political pollsters as a liberal democratic epistemic community: Revisiting transformations of Indonesian political pollsters in the last decade of the Soeharto and post-Soeharto eras","authors":"Nyarwi Ahmad, Eriyanto Eriyanto","doi":"10.1177/20578911221129790","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221129790","url":null,"abstract":"This article proposes the notion of the professional political pollster as a liberal democratic epistemic community. It examines transformations of Indonesian political pollster organisations in the last decade of the Soeharto era and in the post-Soeharto era. The findings extracted from the academic and mainstream media reports and the in-depth interview data collected from seven political pollsters associated with prominent Indonesian polling organisations are as follows. In the last decade of the Soeharto era, professional political pollsters visibly evolved but played less significant roles in Indonesian politics. As the Soeharto regime collapsed, they gradually had more substantial roles in Indonesian electoral politics and took shape as a robust and convergent liberal democratic epistemic community. After Indonesia's 2004 presidential election, most of them not only turned into political consultants but also engaged in a pollster war. This made them take shape as not only a fragile but also a divergent liberal democratic epistemic community. A set of recommendations is proposed to tackle this problem.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"141 - 163"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43541278","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-09DOI: 10.1177/20578911221129036
S. Aamir
Globalization is a trendy, intriguing, and compelling term, but it is also divisive, contentious, and problematic. It is also one of the 21st century's most talked-about economic, political, social, and cultural phenomena. Globalization, according to several writers, is a multifaceted phenomenon. Internationalization and cosmopolitanism, assimilation and fragmentation, universalization and homogenization are all part of this process, which is essentially an unavoidable dialectical mechanism involving rapid social, cultural, political, and technical change. As a result, these changes are occurring concurrently in many directions, at various sizes, and in various regions, demonstrating the interdependence and interconnection of all these disciplines, sizes, and scenarios. There are various facets of globalization that are influencing the current world, and each of these dimensions is inextricably linked to the others. Interdependency and interconnectivity are the two main processes and key tools of globalization that are responsible for creating a homogenized and deterritorialized world. Pakistan attempted to cultivate excellent connections with the rest of the world immediately after independence in order to capitalize on the opportunities created by globalization. However, it is critical to determine whether Pakistan can make use of the prospects as a developing country or whether the opportunities are solely available to industrial and developed countries. It is also important to examine Pakistan's efforts to integrate into the global community and to investigate its repercussions. This research article is a case study of Pakistan to study the implications of globalization on local culture and common citizens. For this purpose, a simple and direct research methodology was adopted by using both primary (including scholarly works, research articles, reports, case studies, and dissertations) and secondary sources (qualitative and quantitative data supplied by other scholars and agencies).
{"title":"Challenges facing Pakistan in the interconnected and interdependent global world","authors":"S. Aamir","doi":"10.1177/20578911221129036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221129036","url":null,"abstract":"Globalization is a trendy, intriguing, and compelling term, but it is also divisive, contentious, and problematic. It is also one of the 21st century's most talked-about economic, political, social, and cultural phenomena. Globalization, according to several writers, is a multifaceted phenomenon. Internationalization and cosmopolitanism, assimilation and fragmentation, universalization and homogenization are all part of this process, which is essentially an unavoidable dialectical mechanism involving rapid social, cultural, political, and technical change. As a result, these changes are occurring concurrently in many directions, at various sizes, and in various regions, demonstrating the interdependence and interconnection of all these disciplines, sizes, and scenarios. There are various facets of globalization that are influencing the current world, and each of these dimensions is inextricably linked to the others. Interdependency and interconnectivity are the two main processes and key tools of globalization that are responsible for creating a homogenized and deterritorialized world. Pakistan attempted to cultivate excellent connections with the rest of the world immediately after independence in order to capitalize on the opportunities created by globalization. However, it is critical to determine whether Pakistan can make use of the prospects as a developing country or whether the opportunities are solely available to industrial and developed countries. It is also important to examine Pakistan's efforts to integrate into the global community and to investigate its repercussions. This research article is a case study of Pakistan to study the implications of globalization on local culture and common citizens. For this purpose, a simple and direct research methodology was adopted by using both primary (including scholarly works, research articles, reports, case studies, and dissertations) and secondary sources (qualitative and quantitative data supplied by other scholars and agencies).","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"244 - 255"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47223285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-03DOI: 10.1177/20578911221125511
Megan Ryan, Mai Van Tran
More than one year since its coup, the Myanmar military has neither established effective control of the territory nor crushed online dissent. What factors have enabled the resistance forces to deny the consolidation of military rule? We address this question by building a novel theoretical framework that incorporates the role of long-standing digitalized pro-democracy activism and by conducting a mixed methods analysis that includes an original, largely representative sample of public Facebook posts in post-coup Myanmar. We find that the development of online and hybrid pro-democracy activism against digital abuse and other illiberal policies under previous quasi-civilian governments enabled anti-coup resistance forces to thwart the military's attempt at authoritarian revival in 2021. Our research findings deepen understanding of Myanmar's post-coup contestation dynamics as well as other cases of unpopular autocratization in the digital age.
{"title":"Democratic backsliding disrupted: The role of digitalized resistance in Myanmar","authors":"Megan Ryan, Mai Van Tran","doi":"10.1177/20578911221125511","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221125511","url":null,"abstract":"More than one year since its coup, the Myanmar military has neither established effective control of the territory nor crushed online dissent. What factors have enabled the resistance forces to deny the consolidation of military rule? We address this question by building a novel theoretical framework that incorporates the role of long-standing digitalized pro-democracy activism and by conducting a mixed methods analysis that includes an original, largely representative sample of public Facebook posts in post-coup Myanmar. We find that the development of online and hybrid pro-democracy activism against digital abuse and other illiberal policies under previous quasi-civilian governments enabled anti-coup resistance forces to thwart the military's attempt at authoritarian revival in 2021. Our research findings deepen understanding of Myanmar's post-coup contestation dynamics as well as other cases of unpopular autocratization in the digital age.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41371860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1177/20578911221127176
A. Metin, Serkan Ünal
This study classifies the forms of government present in all the countries worldwide. We examined the constitutions of 195 countries and prepared a template that allows us to determine the form of government of any given country. The study contributes to the literature in several ways. First, we support Shugart and Carey’s claim that the president-parliamentary and premier-presidential forms are main types in themselves and not subtypes of semi-presidentialism. Second, based on some fundamental differences, we divided the assembly-government form into two subtypes, namely assembly-independent and assembly-dependent, the latter being introduced as a new subtype. The third significant contribution is to coin a new form of government named semi-monarchial, which is positioned between parliamentary and monarchy forms. Lastly, the study reveals that the most preferred form in the world is parliamentary (57), followed by presidential (43), premier-presidential (31), president-parliamentary (28), assembly-government (13), semi-monarchial (8), and monarchy (4).
{"title":"Classifying forms of government on a global scale","authors":"A. Metin, Serkan Ünal","doi":"10.1177/20578911221127176","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221127176","url":null,"abstract":"This study classifies the forms of government present in all the countries worldwide. We examined the constitutions of 195 countries and prepared a template that allows us to determine the form of government of any given country. The study contributes to the literature in several ways. First, we support Shugart and Carey’s claim that the president-parliamentary and premier-presidential forms are main types in themselves and not subtypes of semi-presidentialism. Second, based on some fundamental differences, we divided the assembly-government form into two subtypes, namely assembly-independent and assembly-dependent, the latter being introduced as a new subtype. The third significant contribution is to coin a new form of government named semi-monarchial, which is positioned between parliamentary and monarchy forms. Lastly, the study reveals that the most preferred form in the world is parliamentary (57), followed by presidential (43), premier-presidential (31), president-parliamentary (28), assembly-government (13), semi-monarchial (8), and monarchy (4).","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"487 - 515"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44013131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-27DOI: 10.1177/20578911221124965
Derwin Tambunan
The association between corruption and poverty, inequality, economic development and resource distribution has been investigated widely in the Indonesian context. However, the impact of corruption on political legitimacy is still understudied, particularly for post-Soeharto Indonesia. Hence, we are left with many puzzles and a baffling picture of political legitimacy. This research corrects this picture and aims to ascertain two interrelated questions: (a) how and in what way does corruption erode political legitimacy? and (b) what evidence suggests that corruption deteriorates legitimacy? A qualitative and a quantitative research method are deployed to address these questions. The quantitative analysis demonstrates that corruption is statistically significant in predicting political legitimacy, suggesting that corruption erodes citizens’ trust in the rule of law, democracy, political actors and institutions. The qualitative model reinforces the quantitative results that corruption undermines the rule of law, hijacks democracy and erodes people’s trust in political actors and institutions.
{"title":"Indonesia under threat: The danger of corruption to political legitimacy","authors":"Derwin Tambunan","doi":"10.1177/20578911221124965","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221124965","url":null,"abstract":"The association between corruption and poverty, inequality, economic development and resource distribution has been investigated widely in the Indonesian context. However, the impact of corruption on political legitimacy is still understudied, particularly for post-Soeharto Indonesia. Hence, we are left with many puzzles and a baffling picture of political legitimacy. This research corrects this picture and aims to ascertain two interrelated questions: (a) how and in what way does corruption erode political legitimacy? and (b) what evidence suggests that corruption deteriorates legitimacy? A qualitative and a quantitative research method are deployed to address these questions. The quantitative analysis demonstrates that corruption is statistically significant in predicting political legitimacy, suggesting that corruption erodes citizens’ trust in the rule of law, democracy, political actors and institutions. The qualitative model reinforces the quantitative results that corruption undermines the rule of law, hijacks democracy and erodes people’s trust in political actors and institutions.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"112 - 140"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42020194","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-25DOI: 10.1177/20578911221125510
Liyun Wu, B. Rogers, G. Wang
When studying rural elections in China, scholars usually consider voting participation as consistent across the village and township levels. Using a cross-sectional research design based on data collected in 2009–2011 in rural China, this study reveals that voter turnout in village elections is significantly higher than in township elections. This finding is robust across regions and at different economic development levels. In addition, findings from multivariate regression analyses with bootstrapped Brier scores report that perceived fairness of elections and prevalence of low corruption are strong predictors for voter turnout. Gaps in voting participation of local government elections may reflect different political landscapes in rural governance in Chinese villages versus townships.
{"title":"Explaining voting participation gaps in local government elections in rural China","authors":"Liyun Wu, B. Rogers, G. Wang","doi":"10.1177/20578911221125510","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221125510","url":null,"abstract":"When studying rural elections in China, scholars usually consider voting participation as consistent across the village and township levels. Using a cross-sectional research design based on data collected in 2009–2011 in rural China, this study reveals that voter turnout in village elections is significantly higher than in township elections. This finding is robust across regions and at different economic development levels. In addition, findings from multivariate regression analyses with bootstrapped Brier scores report that perceived fairness of elections and prevalence of low corruption are strong predictors for voter turnout. Gaps in voting participation of local government elections may reflect different political landscapes in rural governance in Chinese villages versus townships.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"307 - 330"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43334292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-18DOI: 10.1177/20578911221124384
N. Naseer, Muhammad Fahim Khan, Aamer Raza
War has been here since time immemorial and has been influenced and modified by various civilizations; as necessitated by internal and external conflicts and challenges. Every country views war under the lens of factors such as its geography, threats from neighbouring countries, internal circumstances and economic standing. This article discusses and highlights the quest for modern conventional warfare advancement generally, and particularly in the context of two South Asian nuclear armed nations – India and Pakistan, two arch-rivals. Both nations have been trying since their independence to gain an edge over the other in terms of defence, and so have invested more than they should in the defence sector for various reasons. The article presents the relevance of conventional warfare in the Indo–Pak context and sheds light on the strategic context of South Asia which hosts two nuclear-armed rivals. It discusses the historical and near-contemporary use of conventional warfare by both nations in the pursuit of their political objectives. It draws attention to the growing Indian military modernization in its conventional arsenal, especially by the induction of the Russian-built T-90S tank and S-400 missile system, French-built Rafale fighter jet and aircraft carrier. It also discusses low-observable instruments such as unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs). The article focuses on the tactical, operational, as well as strategic implications of such advanced hardware on the Armed Forces of Pakistan. The world cannot afford a nuclear war and that too between heavily populated immediate rivals. Owing to this, both are investing more and more in modern conventional warfare by developing and advancing their defence systems, weapons, strategies and other related warfare – which the world must not ignore. This article enunciates how India getting its hands on the Russian T-90S, S-400 Missile System, Rafale Aircraft and INS Vikramadtiya has pushed Pakistan into a state of immense concern over its security and its quest for meeting this looming threat. This article also discusses the historical travelogue of advancements and investment made in the purchasing of the modern conventional warfare equipment both by India and Pakistan.
{"title":"A comparative view of India and Pakistan’s defence capabilities: Historical evolution and future trends","authors":"N. Naseer, Muhammad Fahim Khan, Aamer Raza","doi":"10.1177/20578911221124384","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221124384","url":null,"abstract":"War has been here since time immemorial and has been influenced and modified by various civilizations; as necessitated by internal and external conflicts and challenges. Every country views war under the lens of factors such as its geography, threats from neighbouring countries, internal circumstances and economic standing. This article discusses and highlights the quest for modern conventional warfare advancement generally, and particularly in the context of two South Asian nuclear armed nations – India and Pakistan, two arch-rivals. Both nations have been trying since their independence to gain an edge over the other in terms of defence, and so have invested more than they should in the defence sector for various reasons. The article presents the relevance of conventional warfare in the Indo–Pak context and sheds light on the strategic context of South Asia which hosts two nuclear-armed rivals. It discusses the historical and near-contemporary use of conventional warfare by both nations in the pursuit of their political objectives. It draws attention to the growing Indian military modernization in its conventional arsenal, especially by the induction of the Russian-built T-90S tank and S-400 missile system, French-built Rafale fighter jet and aircraft carrier. It also discusses low-observable instruments such as unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs). The article focuses on the tactical, operational, as well as strategic implications of such advanced hardware on the Armed Forces of Pakistan. The world cannot afford a nuclear war and that too between heavily populated immediate rivals. Owing to this, both are investing more and more in modern conventional warfare by developing and advancing their defence systems, weapons, strategies and other related warfare – which the world must not ignore. This article enunciates how India getting its hands on the Russian T-90S, S-400 Missile System, Rafale Aircraft and INS Vikramadtiya has pushed Pakistan into a state of immense concern over its security and its quest for meeting this looming threat. This article also discusses the historical travelogue of advancements and investment made in the purchasing of the modern conventional warfare equipment both by India and Pakistan.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"214 - 227"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45968095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-13DOI: 10.1177/20578911221118567
Arya Budi
Mass attitudes in a monarchy context are understudied relative to those in advanced and new democracies. By employing the case of a monarchy enclave in Yogyakarta province, Indonesia, this article tries to uncover mass attitudes towards democracy in such a setting. It is based on public opinion surveys conducted by PolGov Universitas Gadjah Mada with 2181 respondents. The study finds a strong existence of obedient liberals, i.e. people who believe in liberal views and embrace values of self-expression but are proud of having a non-democratic political system. While this distinguished attitude revisits Almond and Verba’s allegiant citizens, this article aligns with the revisionists of the civic culture model by arguing that a political regime, i.e. the monarchy enclave, helps pave the way for the presence and persistence of obedient-liberal mass attitudes. This distinct mass attitude in turn explains how the monarchy enclave has survived for decades.
相对于发达民主国家和新民主国家，君主制背景下的大众态度研究不足。本文以印度尼西亚日惹省的一个君主制飞地为例，试图揭示在这样一个背景下民众对民主的态度。它是基于PolGov Universitas Gadjah Mada对2181名受访者进行的民意调查得出的。该研究发现，顺从的自由主义者非常普遍，即那些相信自由主义观点并信奉自我表达价值观，但为拥有非民主政治制度而自豪的人。虽然这种杰出的态度重新审视了阿尔蒙德和韦尔巴忠诚的公民，但本文与公民文化模式的修正主义者一致，认为一个政治政权，即君主制飞地，有助于为顺从的自由主义大众态度的存在和持续铺平道路。这种独特的群众态度反过来解释了君主制飞地是如何生存了几十年的。
{"title":"Obedient liberals? Mass attitudes in a monarchy enclave","authors":"Arya Budi","doi":"10.1177/20578911221118567","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221118567","url":null,"abstract":"Mass attitudes in a monarchy context are understudied relative to those in advanced and new democracies. By employing the case of a monarchy enclave in Yogyakarta province, Indonesia, this article tries to uncover mass attitudes towards democracy in such a setting. It is based on public opinion surveys conducted by PolGov Universitas Gadjah Mada with 2181 respondents. The study finds a strong existence of obedient liberals, i.e. people who believe in liberal views and embrace values of self-expression but are proud of having a non-democratic political system. While this distinguished attitude revisits Almond and Verba’s allegiant citizens, this article aligns with the revisionists of the civic culture model by arguing that a political regime, i.e. the monarchy enclave, helps pave the way for the presence and persistence of obedient-liberal mass attitudes. This distinct mass attitude in turn explains how the monarchy enclave has survived for decades.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"8 1","pages":"442 - 462"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46019244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-07DOI: 10.1177/20578911221119869
Aim Sinpeng
What explains popular support for military dictatorship? Existing literature on democratic breakdowns focuses on addressing support for democratic collapse but not subsequent authoritarian regime. This article explores pro-dictatorship sentiment before and during the military dictatorship in Thailand. It uses social media data to analyze support for the antidemocratic mobilization of the People’s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the subsequent military dictatorship, which lasted from 2014 to 2019. It argues that support for military dictatorship prior to and after regime installment was qualitatively different both in sentiment and type of support. Prior to the coup, pro-dictatorship support was unified by antigovernment sentiment, while following the coup pro-regime support was contingent upon policy preferences of different groups. These findings fill a gap in the literature on regime change, which tends to be focused on explaining support for democratic collapse and remains silent on this support in its aftermath. This study may present the first-ever evidence of pro-dictatorship support following a collapse of democracy.
{"title":"Crowdsourcing dictatorship in Thailand","authors":"Aim Sinpeng","doi":"10.1177/20578911221119869","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221119869","url":null,"abstract":"What explains popular support for military dictatorship? Existing literature on democratic breakdowns focuses on addressing support for democratic collapse but not subsequent authoritarian regime. This article explores pro-dictatorship sentiment before and during the military dictatorship in Thailand. It uses social media data to analyze support for the antidemocratic mobilization of the People’s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the subsequent military dictatorship, which lasted from 2014 to 2019. It argues that support for military dictatorship prior to and after regime installment was qualitatively different both in sentiment and type of support. Prior to the coup, pro-dictatorship support was unified by antigovernment sentiment, while following the coup pro-regime support was contingent upon policy preferences of different groups. These findings fill a gap in the literature on regime change, which tends to be focused on explaining support for democratic collapse and remains silent on this support in its aftermath. This study may present the first-ever evidence of pro-dictatorship support following a collapse of democracy.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41964231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-10DOI: 10.1177/20578911221118730
Mehraj Ud Din Wani, Z. A. Dada, S. A. Shah
The current article aims to analyse the effectiveness of the conversion of the Siachen Glacier into a peace park on India–Pakistan relations. It further investigates how the peace park can build mutual understanding leading to cooperation and peace between the two countries. The article presents the conceptual framework for adequate supervision of the Siachen Glacier jointly by India and Pakistan to mitigate the existing tensions and conflicts through tourism within the context of the tourism–peace nexus and peace park concept. The Siachen Peace Park proposition offers an amazing way out for the policymakers to diffuse tensions between the military establishments of India and Pakistan. Both the nations have been losing the lives of their soldiers among the snow-capped peaks not due to any gunfight but mainly because of climatic extremities and frostbite. The suggestion of the Siachen Peace Park has been explicated with the help of a four-stage peace park conversion model conceived by the authors, which gives a conceptual understanding of the outcomes of this Peace Park for both countries.
{"title":"Building peace through tourism: The analysis of an ongoing Siachen Glacier dispute between India and Pakistan","authors":"Mehraj Ud Din Wani, Z. A. Dada, S. A. Shah","doi":"10.1177/20578911221118730","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221118730","url":null,"abstract":"The current article aims to analyse the effectiveness of the conversion of the Siachen Glacier into a peace park on India–Pakistan relations. It further investigates how the peace park can build mutual understanding leading to cooperation and peace between the two countries. The article presents the conceptual framework for adequate supervision of the Siachen Glacier jointly by India and Pakistan to mitigate the existing tensions and conflicts through tourism within the context of the tourism–peace nexus and peace park concept. The Siachen Peace Park proposition offers an amazing way out for the policymakers to diffuse tensions between the military establishments of India and Pakistan. Both the nations have been losing the lives of their soldiers among the snow-capped peaks not due to any gunfight but mainly because of climatic extremities and frostbite. The suggestion of the Siachen Peace Park has been explicated with the help of a four-stage peace park conversion model conceived by the authors, which gives a conceptual understanding of the outcomes of this Peace Park for both countries.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":"7 1","pages":"836 - 848"},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48600433","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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