Pub Date : 2022-12-19DOI: 10.1177/20578911221143674
Musta'in Mashud, Rachmah Ida, M. Saud
Student unions based on religious and political affiliations are of paramount importance in political decision-making around the globe and in Indonesia particularly. The involvement of youth in political arenas and narrative building has become a debated topic among academicians, scholars and policymakers. In the context of Indonesia, the association of youth with religious groups has been seen as very important for engaging them in capacity-building initiatives (students in particular) and in political activities by mobilizing them with general communities. The present study examines the phenomenon of political efficacy through the political participation of youth associated with different religious and political groups. In consideration of the nature of the study, the present research tried to accomplish the desired outcomes by employing a quantitative research design and carrying out surveys. For that purpose, a self-administered questionnaire was developed with the help of literature for gathering data. The data were gathered from students and the general public, focusing on the premise that political discussion and religious group affiliation can be instrumental for political efficacy. The research found that the affiliation of students with religious groups has a strong impact on their involvement in political activities. Along with various political and religious factors, social media is considered a decisive factor in forming youth's political opinions and developing a sense of community engagement as well as practising their political rights. The data also show that there is a significant relationship between political efficacy and social media, highlighting that the participation of students in political discussion leads to political efficacy by mobilizing youth with general communities to create a discursive political environment.
{"title":"Political discussions lead to political efficacy among students in Indonesia","authors":"Musta'in Mashud, Rachmah Ida, M. Saud","doi":"10.1177/20578911221143674","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221143674","url":null,"abstract":"Student unions based on religious and political affiliations are of paramount importance in political decision-making around the globe and in Indonesia particularly. The involvement of youth in political arenas and narrative building has become a debated topic among academicians, scholars and policymakers. In the context of Indonesia, the association of youth with religious groups has been seen as very important for engaging them in capacity-building initiatives (students in particular) and in political activities by mobilizing them with general communities. The present study examines the phenomenon of political efficacy through the political participation of youth associated with different religious and political groups. In consideration of the nature of the study, the present research tried to accomplish the desired outcomes by employing a quantitative research design and carrying out surveys. For that purpose, a self-administered questionnaire was developed with the help of literature for gathering data. The data were gathered from students and the general public, focusing on the premise that political discussion and religious group affiliation can be instrumental for political efficacy. The research found that the affiliation of students with religious groups has a strong impact on their involvement in political activities. Along with various political and religious factors, social media is considered a decisive factor in forming youth's political opinions and developing a sense of community engagement as well as practising their political rights. The data also show that there is a significant relationship between political efficacy and social media, highlighting that the participation of students in political discussion leads to political efficacy by mobilizing youth with general communities to create a discursive political environment.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48519783","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-19DOI: 10.1177/20578911221142132
P. Chambers, Srisompob Jitpiromsri, Katsuyuki Takahashi
Provincial clans and dynasties have long been crucial in Thai electoral politics. Their influence was felt since before the 1969 poll. Post-1988 and post-1992 political space gave clans room to expand in power. But their sway has been interrupted by several factors, including military coups, changing constitutions, and national transformations. Thailand's March 2019 general election, December 2020 provincial administrative organization elections, and March 2021 subdistrict administrative organization elections demonstrated the persistence of provincial clan influence owing partly to the 2019 end of military dictatorship but also to the needs by national parties to partner with provincial political families to achieve success and finally because local clans saw an opportunity to revitalize their power. In 2022 Thailand, provincial clans and dynasties appear to be alive and well. This study examines the historical evolution of provincial dynasties involved in Thai electoral politics in four different provinces. The study analyzes the reasons why only some provinces have experienced clan (familial) domination, strategies for and obstacles to dynastic family control over provincial politics, and the future of dynastic provincial families in Thailand's democratic future.
{"title":"The persevering power of provincial dynasties in Thai electoral politics","authors":"P. Chambers, Srisompob Jitpiromsri, Katsuyuki Takahashi","doi":"10.1177/20578911221142132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221142132","url":null,"abstract":"Provincial clans and dynasties have long been crucial in Thai electoral politics. Their influence was felt since before the 1969 poll. Post-1988 and post-1992 political space gave clans room to expand in power. But their sway has been interrupted by several factors, including military coups, changing constitutions, and national transformations. Thailand's March 2019 general election, December 2020 provincial administrative organization elections, and March 2021 subdistrict administrative organization elections demonstrated the persistence of provincial clan influence owing partly to the 2019 end of military dictatorship but also to the needs by national parties to partner with provincial political families to achieve success and finally because local clans saw an opportunity to revitalize their power. In 2022 Thailand, provincial clans and dynasties appear to be alive and well. This study examines the historical evolution of provincial dynasties involved in Thai electoral politics in four different provinces. The study analyzes the reasons why only some provinces have experienced clan (familial) domination, strategies for and obstacles to dynastic family control over provincial politics, and the future of dynastic provincial families in Thailand's democratic future.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44098761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-12DOI: 10.1177/20578911221141759
Syeda Rozana Rashid, A. Ansar, Abu Faisal Md. Khaled
The protection of migrant workers has received renewed attention in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. This article depicts how unpreparedness, inadequate social security and support services, and pre-existing socio-economic disparities disproportionately impacted Bangladeshi migrant workers during the pandemic. Adopting a qualitative approach based on findings from existing literature and surveys and primary data collected through interviews with returnee Bangladeshi migrants from the Gulf States, the article argues that the dearth of institutional, legal, social, and political understanding of the needs of migrants remains the main impediment to a comprehensive social protection system. The findings call for designing a crisis response and recovery policy, preparing a returnee database and leveraging bilateral, regional, and global processes to ensure migrants’ uninterrupted protection at home and abroad. The article also underscores the importance of a nuanced understanding and practice of gendered social support, and above all, adopting a rights-based approach to labor migration.
{"title":"“The pandemic has added to my miseries”: Bangladeshi migrant workers’ social protection revisited","authors":"Syeda Rozana Rashid, A. Ansar, Abu Faisal Md. Khaled","doi":"10.1177/20578911221141759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221141759","url":null,"abstract":"The protection of migrant workers has received renewed attention in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. This article depicts how unpreparedness, inadequate social security and support services, and pre-existing socio-economic disparities disproportionately impacted Bangladeshi migrant workers during the pandemic. Adopting a qualitative approach based on findings from existing literature and surveys and primary data collected through interviews with returnee Bangladeshi migrants from the Gulf States, the article argues that the dearth of institutional, legal, social, and political understanding of the needs of migrants remains the main impediment to a comprehensive social protection system. The findings call for designing a crisis response and recovery policy, preparing a returnee database and leveraging bilateral, regional, and global processes to ensure migrants’ uninterrupted protection at home and abroad. The article also underscores the importance of a nuanced understanding and practice of gendered social support, and above all, adopting a rights-based approach to labor migration.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45334112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.1177/20578911221141016
Muhamad Haripin, Adhi Priamarizki, S. Nugroho
The President of the Republic of Indonesia, Joko Widodo, appointed two former military generals, Ryamizard Ryacudu (2014–2019) and Prabowo Subianto (2019–present), for the first- and second-term defence minister positions consecutively. The appointment of military officers – either retired or active – as defence ministers has been perceived as a recipe for potential democratic setbacks. Current studies on the quasi-civilian defence minister mainly focused on explaining the logic behind such appointments. On the other hand, our study attempts to test the argument about whether the decision to select former military figures to lead the Ministry of Defence undermines civilian control. This article examines: (1) the institutional arrangement of the defence establishment; (2) the composition of the Indonesian Ministry of Defence's leadership structure; and (3) the leadership activities and key initiatives. The findings are that military officers have indeed dominated the ministry's organisational structure. Nevertheless, such domination did not automatically translate into the deterioration of civilian supremacy as the institutional arrangement limits those quasi-civilian defence ministers’ manoeuvres.
{"title":"Quasi-civilian defence minister and civilian authority: The case study of Indonesia's Ministry of Defence during Joko Widodo’s presidency","authors":"Muhamad Haripin, Adhi Priamarizki, S. Nugroho","doi":"10.1177/20578911221141016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221141016","url":null,"abstract":"The President of the Republic of Indonesia, Joko Widodo, appointed two former military generals, Ryamizard Ryacudu (2014–2019) and Prabowo Subianto (2019–present), for the first- and second-term defence minister positions consecutively. The appointment of military officers – either retired or active – as defence ministers has been perceived as a recipe for potential democratic setbacks. Current studies on the quasi-civilian defence minister mainly focused on explaining the logic behind such appointments. On the other hand, our study attempts to test the argument about whether the decision to select former military figures to lead the Ministry of Defence undermines civilian control. This article examines: (1) the institutional arrangement of the defence establishment; (2) the composition of the Indonesian Ministry of Defence's leadership structure; and (3) the leadership activities and key initiatives. The findings are that military officers have indeed dominated the ministry's organisational structure. Nevertheless, such domination did not automatically translate into the deterioration of civilian supremacy as the institutional arrangement limits those quasi-civilian defence ministers’ manoeuvres.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47867532","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-06DOI: 10.1177/20578911221141090
Netina Tan, Cassandra Preece
Singapore is a well-known illiberal democracy, ruled by one party, the People's Action Party (PAP), uninterruptedly since 1959. The rise of disinformation, the leadership succession crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic have posed challenges to the ruling party's technocratic, ‘soft-authoritarian’ governance style. Is it business as usual in Singapore? Or has its democracy backslid like its regional neighbours? Drawing on an established index of accountability and V-Dem's democratic indicators, our study investigates whether democratic institutions in hybrid regimes such as Singapore have changed. We find that mechanisms of diagonal accountability related to media and civil society have declined. Vertical and horizontal accountability remains weak as expected in a hybrid regime such as Singapore. The PAP government has returned to relying on the law as a ‘fist in velvet glove’ to muzzle dissent and constrain information that may last post pandemic.
{"title":"Democratic backsliding in illiberal Singapore","authors":"Netina Tan, Cassandra Preece","doi":"10.1177/20578911221141090","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221141090","url":null,"abstract":"Singapore is a well-known illiberal democracy, ruled by one party, the People's Action Party (PAP), uninterruptedly since 1959. The rise of disinformation, the leadership succession crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic have posed challenges to the ruling party's technocratic, ‘soft-authoritarian’ governance style. Is it business as usual in Singapore? Or has its democracy backslid like its regional neighbours? Drawing on an established index of accountability and V-Dem's democratic indicators, our study investigates whether democratic institutions in hybrid regimes such as Singapore have changed. We find that mechanisms of diagonal accountability related to media and civil society have declined. Vertical and horizontal accountability remains weak as expected in a hybrid regime such as Singapore. The PAP government has returned to relying on the law as a ‘fist in velvet glove’ to muzzle dissent and constrain information that may last post pandemic.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43459314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-05DOI: 10.1177/20578911221140690
Zana Gul
The article explores the shifts in Sino–Iraqi relations since the 1950s. The article's question is: Is China and Iraq's relationship witnessing a turning point characterised by more dependency and engagement? The article explores Sino–Iraqi interdependence throughout the last six decades through primary and secondary resources, including official documents, data on trade and Chinese and Iraqi outlets. It employs Nye and Keohane's complex interdependence to evaluate Sino–Iraqi dependency. The article finds that Sino–Iraqi interdependence was non-existent between the 1950s and 1975. At the end of the 1970s, some initial elements partially emerged but did not fully materialise; these faded in the 1990s, and since 2003 complex interdependence has gradually emerged. The bilateral relationships pre-2003 made provision for the development of the ties. This has not been without challenges, particularly from Iraq. The study shows the role of the oil sector in Sino–Iraqi interdependence, the uncertainty and extent of China's Belt and Road Initiative in Iraq and the conflicting official and public debates around it.
{"title":"The new era in the continuum of China and Iraq's relationship","authors":"Zana Gul","doi":"10.1177/20578911221140690","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221140690","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores the shifts in Sino–Iraqi relations since the 1950s. The article's question is: Is China and Iraq's relationship witnessing a turning point characterised by more dependency and engagement? The article explores Sino–Iraqi interdependence throughout the last six decades through primary and secondary resources, including official documents, data on trade and Chinese and Iraqi outlets. It employs Nye and Keohane's complex interdependence to evaluate Sino–Iraqi dependency. The article finds that Sino–Iraqi interdependence was non-existent between the 1950s and 1975. At the end of the 1970s, some initial elements partially emerged but did not fully materialise; these faded in the 1990s, and since 2003 complex interdependence has gradually emerged. The bilateral relationships pre-2003 made provision for the development of the ties. This has not been without challenges, particularly from Iraq. The study shows the role of the oil sector in Sino–Iraqi interdependence, the uncertainty and extent of China's Belt and Road Initiative in Iraq and the conflicting official and public debates around it.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48232303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-04DOI: 10.1177/20578911221140798
Kridsana Chotisut, P. Bunyavejchewin, Nattaraporn Promprasit
Foreign aircraft trespassing national airspace is considered a violation of state sovereignty and tends to precipitate serious responses, ranging from shooting down offenders to diplomatic protests. In late June 2022, a Myanmar MiG-29 fighter jet flew over Thailand's Phop Phra district, made a low pass, and fired at ethnic-minority armed groups stationed along the border. The incident was a clear-cut airspace incursion, apparently intended to incite retaliation from Bangkok. However, despite the harshly worded initial response in a press release issued promptly by the Royal Thai Air Force, the Prayut government attempted to minimize the seriousness of the Myanmar fighter jet's actions. This unexpected reaction triggered considerable public criticism. Nevertheless, given Thailand's complex positioning in the Thai–Myanmar borderlands, the mitigated response might have had a certain logic, especially if, as some onlookers suggested, the intrusion was intentional.
{"title":"The recent violation of Thai airspace by a Myanmar MiG-29 fighter jet: Understanding Thailand's unusual response","authors":"Kridsana Chotisut, P. Bunyavejchewin, Nattaraporn Promprasit","doi":"10.1177/20578911221140798","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221140798","url":null,"abstract":"Foreign aircraft trespassing national airspace is considered a violation of state sovereignty and tends to precipitate serious responses, ranging from shooting down offenders to diplomatic protests. In late June 2022, a Myanmar MiG-29 fighter jet flew over Thailand's Phop Phra district, made a low pass, and fired at ethnic-minority armed groups stationed along the border. The incident was a clear-cut airspace incursion, apparently intended to incite retaliation from Bangkok. However, despite the harshly worded initial response in a press release issued promptly by the Royal Thai Air Force, the Prayut government attempted to minimize the seriousness of the Myanmar fighter jet's actions. This unexpected reaction triggered considerable public criticism. Nevertheless, given Thailand's complex positioning in the Thai–Myanmar borderlands, the mitigated response might have had a certain logic, especially if, as some onlookers suggested, the intrusion was intentional.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43629859","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/20578911221108798
Hiroyuki Hoshiro
This study discusses the relationship between the time pressure faced by policymakers when an international military-security crisis breaks out and the consequences of the crisis. If a policy is decided too quickly, decision-makers do not have the ability to consider enough alternatives and information, which lowers the chances of averting a crisis. Moreover, if too much time is taken in deliberating, an international crisis may heat up and the chance to potentially come up with an optimal policy at the right time may be missed. The article takes a mixed methods approach using quantitative data and three case studies. The International Crisis Behavior (ICB, version 13) dataset was used to identify the time spent in making policy decisions to respond to an international crisis and the consequences of the crisis, for the period 1918–2013. Also, three actual international crises were analyzed: Russia's annexation of Crimea and Donbas, the Cuban Missile Crisis, and the Korean War. The quantitative results and the case analyses indicate that a third alternative, a medium time span, allows for careful deliberation and sufficient information gathering to occur, and decision-makers may thereby avoid an international crisis.
{"title":"Time pressures under international crises reconsidered: Integrating real and experimental time","authors":"Hiroyuki Hoshiro","doi":"10.1177/20578911221108798","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221108798","url":null,"abstract":"This study discusses the relationship between the time pressure faced by policymakers when an international military-security crisis breaks out and the consequences of the crisis. If a policy is decided too quickly, decision-makers do not have the ability to consider enough alternatives and information, which lowers the chances of averting a crisis. Moreover, if too much time is taken in deliberating, an international crisis may heat up and the chance to potentially come up with an optimal policy at the right time may be missed. The article takes a mixed methods approach using quantitative data and three case studies. The International Crisis Behavior (ICB, version 13) dataset was used to identify the time spent in making policy decisions to respond to an international crisis and the consequences of the crisis, for the period 1918–2013. Also, three actual international crises were analyzed: Russia's annexation of Crimea and Donbas, the Cuban Missile Crisis, and the Korean War. The quantitative results and the case analyses indicate that a third alternative, a medium time span, allows for careful deliberation and sufficient information gathering to occur, and decision-makers may thereby avoid an international crisis.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48477172","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.1177/20578911221136263
Yuko Kasuya, Cleo Calimbahin
Democratic backsliding by incumbents is one of the most prevalent forms of backsliding in recent global trends of democratic erosion. Understanding the attitude of voters toward backsliding incumbents is crucial because popular support is the basis of legitimacy for these incumbents. This article studies voter attitudes in the Philippines, where democracy was subverted by the incumbent president, Rodrigo Duterte, who served from 2016 to 2022. Specifically, we examine the validity of the claim that Filipino voters are acquiring a “taste for illiberal rule” made by some scholars. First, we analyzed the survey data regarding the support for various types of political systems, where part of the data comes from our originally commissioned survey at the Social Weather Stations. Second, we explored Pulse Asia's longitudinal survey data on martial-rule support. Our investigation of these survey data did not find substantive support for the “taste for illiberal rule” proposition. Further, we argue that Filipino voters are contingent supporters of illiberal politics while supporting the procedural principles of democracy at the baseline.
{"title":"Democratic backsliding in the Philippines: Are voters becoming illiberal?","authors":"Yuko Kasuya, Cleo Calimbahin","doi":"10.1177/20578911221136263","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221136263","url":null,"abstract":"Democratic backsliding by incumbents is one of the most prevalent forms of backsliding in recent global trends of democratic erosion. Understanding the attitude of voters toward backsliding incumbents is crucial because popular support is the basis of legitimacy for these incumbents. This article studies voter attitudes in the Philippines, where democracy was subverted by the incumbent president, Rodrigo Duterte, who served from 2016 to 2022. Specifically, we examine the validity of the claim that Filipino voters are acquiring a “taste for illiberal rule” made by some scholars. First, we analyzed the survey data regarding the support for various types of political systems, where part of the data comes from our originally commissioned survey at the Social Weather Stations. Second, we explored Pulse Asia's longitudinal survey data on martial-rule support. Our investigation of these survey data did not find substantive support for the “taste for illiberal rule” proposition. Further, we argue that Filipino voters are contingent supporters of illiberal politics while supporting the procedural principles of democracy at the baseline.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46067881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-25DOI: 10.1177/20578911221139764
M. Truong
This article examines how Vietnam's 13th Politburo elected in 2021 affects citizens’ willingness to raise their voices about policy issues through extra-institutional channels such as protests, petitions, and social media. I argue that an exceptionally high number of public security figures in the Politburo reflected the concerns of the Communist Party's Central Committee over regime-destabilizing grassroots activism. Using an online survey experiment administered to 1500 Vietnamese citizens, which manipulates the information on the repressive nature of the public security institution and police representatives’ backgrounds, I find that a heavy police representation in the 13th Politburo makes respondents less likely to sign petitions, share their concerns on social media, and take to the streets to voice their discontent with the government. My findings suggest that single-party regimes can reverse democratic development, particularly the participation dimension, through strategic leadership arrangements.
{"title":"Declining opportunities for speaking out: The impact of Vietnam's new leadership on grassroots collective action","authors":"M. Truong","doi":"10.1177/20578911221139764","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20578911221139764","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines how Vietnam's 13th Politburo elected in 2021 affects citizens’ willingness to raise their voices about policy issues through extra-institutional channels such as protests, petitions, and social media. I argue that an exceptionally high number of public security figures in the Politburo reflected the concerns of the Communist Party's Central Committee over regime-destabilizing grassroots activism. Using an online survey experiment administered to 1500 Vietnamese citizens, which manipulates the information on the repressive nature of the public security institution and police representatives’ backgrounds, I find that a heavy police representation in the 13th Politburo makes respondents less likely to sign petitions, share their concerns on social media, and take to the streets to voice their discontent with the government. My findings suggest that single-party regimes can reverse democratic development, particularly the participation dimension, through strategic leadership arrangements.","PeriodicalId":43694,"journal":{"name":"Asian Journal of Comparative Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2022-11-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45291982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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