Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.437
Jongwoo Kim, Jaejoon Lee
We analyze the interrelationships between quarantine-related events and negative social affects during COVID-19 in South Korea. We explain the impact of these relationships on the political nature of quarantine. We conducted a discourse analysis of YouTube comments posted on COVID-19-related videos during 2020. We analyzed these affects and their social and cognitive triggers using cognition-emotion theory and affect theory. Contingent COVID-19 outbreaks in South Korea and ambiguous information contributed to fear and anger. Social disgust combined with anger as mass infection events occurred over time, influencing the attitudes of South Korean citizens who support the country’s social distancing policy. We find that social disgust realized through exclusion and purification is associated with the politics of quarantine. Consequently, we show that the political disgust surrounding quarantine was embedded within social disgust. This study paves the path for further research on the governmentality of affects and mobility in the context of epidemics.
{"title":"The Politics of Quarantine: The Political Implications of Negative Social Affects in the Early Stage of COVID-19 in South Korea","authors":"Jongwoo Kim, Jaejoon Lee","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.437","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.437","url":null,"abstract":"We analyze the interrelationships between quarantine-related events and negative social affects during COVID-19 in South Korea. We explain the impact of these relationships on the political nature of quarantine. We conducted a discourse analysis of YouTube comments posted on COVID-19-related videos during 2020. We analyzed these affects and their social and cognitive triggers using cognition-emotion theory and affect theory. Contingent COVID-19 outbreaks in South Korea and ambiguous information contributed to fear and anger. Social disgust combined with anger as mass infection events occurred over time, influencing the attitudes of South Korean citizens who support the country’s social distancing policy. We find that social disgust realized through exclusion and purification is associated with the politics of quarantine. Consequently, we show that the political disgust surrounding quarantine was embedded within social disgust. This study paves the path for further research on the governmentality of affects and mobility in the context of epidemics.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":"103 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135990579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.465
So Hee Jeon, Hyungjo Hur
Demographic changes that many contemporary societies experience - e.g., the increase of dual-career couples and non-traditional families, the Millennials reshaping the workplace, and so on - and subsequent needs of individuals pose challenges for organizations. As a way to better motivate and retain employees, organizations provide employees with new types of support such as family leave policies that can help them with better work-family balance. This study examines the impact of organizational provision of family leaves on attitudinal outcomes of Korean employees as moderated by employee demographic characteristics. The findings suggest that the impact of family leave provisions vary depending on employee characteristics. Their impact on employee job satisfaction and organizational commitment are stronger for married female employees than for any other gender-marital status groups.
{"title":"Family Leave Policies and Employee Attitudinal Outcomes in Korea: The Moderating and Joint Moderating Effects of Gender and Marital Status","authors":"So Hee Jeon, Hyungjo Hur","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.465","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.465","url":null,"abstract":"Demographic changes that many contemporary societies experience - e.g., the increase of dual-career couples and non-traditional families, the Millennials reshaping the workplace, and so on - and subsequent needs of individuals pose challenges for organizations. As a way to better motivate and retain employees, organizations provide employees with new types of support such as family leave policies that can help them with better work-family balance. This study examines the impact of organizational provision of family leaves on attitudinal outcomes of Korean employees as moderated by employee demographic characteristics. The findings suggest that the impact of family leave provisions vary depending on employee characteristics. Their impact on employee job satisfaction and organizational commitment are stronger for married female employees than for any other gender-marital status groups.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":"103 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135990756","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.385
Hyeok Yong Kwon, Yoojin Lim
This article explores the political underpinnings of pension reforms in post-democratization South Korea. Contrary to the view of the traditional literature on East Asian welfare states, we argue that electoral competition plays an important role in driving pension reforms, as tax-based old-age cash transfers were initiated by conservative parties, and implemented under the conservative government of Park Geun-hye in South Korea. When older voters comprise the core constituency of the conservative party and electoral competition is intense between liberals and conservatives, the conservative party is likely to promote social policy that targets the elderly in general, and the expansion of pension benefits in particular. Our case study of electoral competition in South Korea reveals that the conservative party’s electoral incentives to maximize their core voters’ support, drove the introduction of a tax-based, old-age basic pension.
{"title":"Electoral Politics and Old-Age Pension Reform in South Korea","authors":"Hyeok Yong Kwon, Yoojin Lim","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.385","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the political underpinnings of pension reforms in post-democratization South Korea. Contrary to the view of the traditional literature on East Asian welfare states, we argue that electoral competition plays an important role in driving pension reforms, as tax-based old-age cash transfers were initiated by conservative parties, and implemented under the conservative government of Park Geun-hye in South Korea. When older voters comprise the core constituency of the conservative party and electoral competition is intense between liberals and conservatives, the conservative party is likely to promote social policy that targets the elderly in general, and the expansion of pension benefits in particular. Our case study of electoral competition in South Korea reveals that the conservative party’s electoral incentives to maximize their core voters’ support, drove the introduction of a tax-based, old-age basic pension.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135990575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.357
WooJung Jon, Tae Jung Park
The enforcement of foreign arbitration awards in North Korea is highly problematic due to the unique legal and economic structures. A dearth of enforcement options for property rights, rooted in limited individual ownership, widespread distrust in local currency, and limited movable assets, leads to a focus on real estate use right for enforcement actions. The absence of private real estate ownership and a proper registration system, however, pose considerable challenges. Article 65 of North Korea’s External Economic Arbitration Law provides seven grounds for refusal to recognize and enforce foreign arbitration awards, one of which allows for broad interpretation, possibly leading to governmental interference or non-enforcement. Furthermore, this article highlights the difficulties in enforcing arbitration awards via real estate assets due to restrictions on ownership and the absence of a real estate registration system. This article also analyzes ambiguities in transferring real estate use rights to foreign creditors following arbitration awards.
{"title":"Can North Korea Enforce Foreign Arbitration Awards?","authors":"WooJung Jon, Tae Jung Park","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.357","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.357","url":null,"abstract":"The enforcement of foreign arbitration awards in North Korea is highly problematic due to the unique legal and economic structures. A dearth of enforcement options for property rights, rooted in limited individual ownership, widespread distrust in local currency, and limited movable assets, leads to a focus on real estate use right for enforcement actions. The absence of private real estate ownership and a proper registration system, however, pose considerable challenges. Article 65 of North Korea’s External Economic Arbitration Law provides seven grounds for refusal to recognize and enforce foreign arbitration awards, one of which allows for broad interpretation, possibly leading to governmental interference or non-enforcement. Furthermore, this article highlights the difficulties in enforcing arbitration awards via real estate assets due to restrictions on ownership and the absence of a real estate registration system. This article also analyzes ambiguities in transferring real estate use rights to foreign creditors following arbitration awards.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135990758","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.409
Irkwon Jeong, Hyoungkoo Khang
This study examines the formation of adolescents' norms toward non-normative behaviors using a two-wave survey of middle school students in South Korea over a one-year period. The study focuses on four modes of non-normative behavior, namely, verbal aggression, Internet slang, digital piracy, and self-exposure, and investigates the impact of exposure to descriptive and injunctive norms on social media on adolescents' actions, attitudes, and perceptions of non-normative behavior. The results reveal that exposure to injunctive norms on social media is positively associated with adolescents' engagement in deterring non-normative behavior. This suggests that when adolescents witness others taking action against non-normative behavior on social media, they are more likely to engage in similar actions to prevent such behavior. However, the effect of exposure to descriptive norms on actions against non-normative behavior is not supported in this study. The study provides insights into the influence of personal relationships and social networks on young people's perceptions of social media use in South Korea, with important implications for developing interventions to promote responsible and respectful digital behavior among young people.
{"title":"Normative Influence of Social Media on Adolescents' Actions, Attitudes, and Perceptions Toward Non-Normative Behavior in South Korea","authors":"Irkwon Jeong, Hyoungkoo Khang","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.409","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.409","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the formation of adolescents' norms toward non-normative behaviors using a two-wave survey of middle school students in South Korea over a one-year period. The study focuses on four modes of non-normative behavior, namely, verbal aggression, Internet slang, digital piracy, and self-exposure, and investigates the impact of exposure to descriptive and injunctive norms on social media on adolescents' actions, attitudes, and perceptions of non-normative behavior. The results reveal that exposure to injunctive norms on social media is positively associated with adolescents' engagement in deterring non-normative behavior. This suggests that when adolescents witness others taking action against non-normative behavior on social media, they are more likely to engage in similar actions to prevent such behavior. However, the effect of exposure to descriptive norms on actions against non-normative behavior is not supported in this study. The study provides insights into the influence of personal relationships and social networks on young people's perceptions of social media use in South Korea, with important implications for developing interventions to promote responsible and respectful digital behavior among young people.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135990590","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.329
Hyewon Kwon
Allowing a foreign military in a sovereign country is often controversial. Yet, the United States has had hundreds of military facilities in foreign nations, including South Korea and Türkiye (Turkey) for nearly seven decades. The two American allies have traded partial autonomy in return for the military assistance of the U.S. This study selects the two G20 member states for a comparative case study, given their geostrategic importance to the U.S. defense agenda from the Cold War era to the present. This article aims to elucidate how American military bases are politically affected by the security situation and anti-Americanism in the host nations. Furthermore, this paper underscores the imperative for both countries to recalibrate their stances on American military bases amid the continuously evolving international political landscape, utilizing the Autonomy Security Trade-off Model as a framework.
{"title":"Re-examining the Politics of U.S. Military Bases: A Study on South Korea and Türkiye (Turkey)","authors":"Hyewon Kwon","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.329","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2023.54.3.329","url":null,"abstract":"Allowing a foreign military in a sovereign country is often controversial. Yet, the United States has had hundreds of military facilities in foreign nations, including South Korea and Türkiye (Turkey) for nearly seven decades. The two American allies have traded partial autonomy in return for the military assistance of the U.S. This study selects the two G20 member states for a comparative case study, given their geostrategic importance to the U.S. defense agenda from the Cold War era to the present. This article aims to elucidate how American military bases are politically affected by the security situation and anti-Americanism in the host nations. Furthermore, this paper underscores the imperative for both countries to recalibrate their stances on American military bases amid the continuously evolving international political landscape, utilizing the Autonomy Security Trade-off Model as a framework.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135990754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2023.54.2.227
Seo-Young Cho, D. C. Kim, Eun-Jeung Lee, Su-Hoop Lee
This study investigates public perceptions of South Korea in Europe empirically through a survey. Using expert assessments in 19 countries, the results show that Europeans perceive the economic and technological development of South Korea positively, but opinions are more mixed regarding its standing in politics, culture, and education. Furthermore, we find evidence of undervaluation, as South Korea is often regarded as a developing country without well-functioning institutions despite its actual position as a high-income, democratic country. Nonetheless, our study highlights areas of South Korea's recent development that are viewed positively – such as information technology, the Korean Wave, and successful Covid-19 management. Additionally, our results disentangle regional differences inside Europe: more positive public perceptions in Eastern Europe and English-speaking countries, mixed in Southern and Latin Europe, and negative in Central and Northern Europe. Our findings underscore the importance of communicating with foreign publics as part of public diplomacy.
{"title":"The Rise of South Korea's Soft Power in Europe: A Survey Analysis of Public Diplomacy","authors":"Seo-Young Cho, D. C. Kim, Eun-Jeung Lee, Su-Hoop Lee","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2023.54.2.227","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2023.54.2.227","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates public perceptions of South Korea in Europe empirically through a survey. Using expert assessments in 19 countries, the results show that Europeans perceive the economic and technological development of South Korea positively, but opinions are more mixed regarding its standing in politics, culture, and education. Furthermore, we find evidence of undervaluation, as South Korea is often regarded as a developing country without well-functioning institutions despite its actual position as a high-income, democratic country. Nonetheless, our study highlights areas of South Korea's recent development that are viewed positively – such as information technology, the Korean Wave, and successful Covid-19 management. Additionally, our results disentangle regional differences inside Europe: more positive public perceptions in Eastern Europe and English-speaking countries, mixed in Southern and Latin Europe, and negative in Central and Northern Europe. Our findings underscore the importance of communicating with foreign publics as part of public diplomacy.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42257279","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2023.54.2.295
Seung-Hee Lee, J. Workman
This research explores how the need for touch (NFT) and interdependent self-construal are associated with online shopping attitudes (safety, fun, convenience, money-saving, and time-saving). Data were collected from 413 female and 278 male college students in Korea. Regression analyses with factor analysis were used for data analysis. Consumers who want to touch products have less positive attitudes toward online shopping. Consumers with a higher instrumental touch have less positive attitudes toward online shopping. Consumers with higher levels of autotelic touch have less positive attitudes toward online shopping for fun. However, consumers with a high autotelic touch have more positive attitudes toward online shopping for safety, convenience, and money-saving. Consumers who value relationships with others perceive online shopping as unsafe but have positive attitudes toward online shopping for fun, comfort, and cost reduction. There were significant differences between female and male students in online shopping attitudes.
{"title":"Online Shopping Attitudes, Need for Touch, and Interdependent Self-Construal among Korean College Students","authors":"Seung-Hee Lee, J. Workman","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2023.54.2.295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2023.54.2.295","url":null,"abstract":"This research explores how the need for touch (NFT) and interdependent self-construal are associated with online shopping attitudes (safety, fun, convenience, money-saving, and time-saving). Data were collected from 413 female and 278 male college students in Korea. Regression analyses with factor analysis were used for data analysis. \u0000Consumers who want to touch products have less positive attitudes toward online shopping. Consumers with a higher instrumental touch have less positive attitudes toward online shopping. Consumers with higher levels of autotelic touch have less positive attitudes toward online shopping for fun. However, consumers with a high autotelic touch have more positive attitudes toward online shopping for safety, convenience, and money-saving. Consumers who value relationships with others perceive online shopping as unsafe but have positive attitudes toward online shopping for fun, comfort, and cost reduction. There were significant differences between female and male students in online shopping attitudes.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45370751","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2023.54.2.257
Hyunju Cha
This paper aims to analyze how the traits of candlelight protest participants have changed from 2004 to 2017 in South Korea. While previous studies have typically identified these traits of the candlelight protesters based on a single survey, this paper examines the change of protest participants using a multi-level analysis. This study argues that voter type and election cycles have a significant impact on an individual's decision to participate in candlelight protests. To be specific, swing voters are less likely to participate in a candlelight protest when the next election is scheduled either too soon or too far. Core liberal voters with a high degree of motivation are more likely to take part in a candlelight protest when the distance from the next election is close, while core conservative voters with a low degree of motivation are not affected by the distance from the next election. This study contributes on both sub-fields, voting behaviors and contentious politics, by combining individuals' voting patterns with political opportunity structures. Survey data (2004, 2010, 2017) conducted by the Korean Political Science Association (KPSA) and the Korean Social Science Data Center (KSSDC) provide empirical support for the arguments.
{"title":"What Makes Swing Voters Participate in Protests? The Effects of Voting Patterns and Election Cycles on Participation in Candlelight Protests in South Korea","authors":"Hyunju Cha","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2023.54.2.257","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2023.54.2.257","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to analyze how the traits of candlelight protest participants have changed from 2004 to 2017 in South Korea. While previous studies have typically identified these traits of the candlelight protesters based on a single survey, this paper examines the change of protest participants using a multi-level analysis. This study argues that voter type and election cycles have a significant impact on an individual's decision to participate in candlelight protests. To be specific, swing voters are less likely to participate in a candlelight protest when the next election is scheduled either too soon or too far. Core liberal voters with a high degree of motivation are more likely to take part in a candlelight protest when the distance from the next election is close, while core conservative voters with a low degree of motivation are not affected by the distance from the next election. This study contributes on both sub-fields, voting behaviors and contentious politics, by combining individuals' voting patterns with political opportunity structures. Survey data (2004, 2010, 2017) conducted by the Korean Political Science Association (KPSA) and the Korean Social Science Data Center (KSSDC) provide empirical support for the arguments.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42029250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2023.54.2.185
Chaekwang You
Korea's Japan policy has increasingly become inconsistent and even volatile across time. At the centre of the inconsistency is the Moon Jae-In government's GSOMIA policy. While starting his tenure by deciding to remain in the GSOMIA, the government made 180-degree turn and notified its intention not to renew the agreement when Japan announced export controls. But the decision was completely reversed within months when the government held off ending the agreement. What explains such inconsistency in Korea's Japan policy? To answer this question, the paper proposes a generic model of foreign policy inconsistency, which might be called 'two-level constraint model' and applies it to the case of Korea's GSOMIA policy. The central argument of the model is that the inconsistency in the countries' foreign policy is the result of shifts in foreign policy leaders' incentives, which are affected by the changes in the level of external-and internal political constraints they face. A crucial case study of the Moon Jae-In government's GSOMIA policy finds strong evidence that lends a support for the argument. The paper concludes by offering both a short summary and policy implications.
{"title":"Compromised Stability of Korea's Japan Policy: Two-Level Constraints, Leaders' Incentives, and the GSOMIA Swings","authors":"Chaekwang You","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2023.54.2.185","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2023.54.2.185","url":null,"abstract":"Korea's Japan policy has increasingly become inconsistent and even volatile across time. At the centre of the inconsistency is the Moon Jae-In government's GSOMIA policy. While starting his tenure by deciding to remain in the GSOMIA, the government made 180-degree turn and notified its intention not to renew the agreement when Japan announced export controls. But the decision was completely reversed within months when the government held off ending the agreement. What explains such inconsistency in Korea's Japan policy? To answer this question, the paper proposes a generic model of foreign policy inconsistency, which might be called 'two-level constraint model' and applies it to the case of Korea's GSOMIA policy. The central argument of the model is that the inconsistency in the countries' foreign policy is the result of shifts in foreign policy leaders' incentives, which are affected by the changes in the level of external-and internal political constraints they face. A crucial case study of the Moon Jae-In government's GSOMIA policy finds strong evidence that lends a support for the argument. The paper concludes by offering both a short summary and policy implications.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43924548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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