Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2022.53.4.713
J. Ryou, Sang-Yeon Kim
This study purports to determine the predictors of migrant workers' cultural adaptation in South Korea. In the main, we examined the extent to which the level of inter-/intracultural socializing, exposure to local/native media, and host culture receptivity affect the level of cultural adaptation in cognitive, affective, behavioral domains. Potential impacts of demographic factors (e.g., age, sex, ethnicity, marital status, living alone vs. with family, education level, residency in years, perceived cultural similarity) were also explored. To find answers to the research questions, a total of 634 migrant workers from 37 different nations were reached using a snowball sampling. Surveys were collected in 12 districts of Seoul, the capital of South Korea, and 21 adjacent metropolitan areas. Results indicate that intercultural interaction with host people and media exposure to local contents tend to help improve their knowledge about South Korea (e.g., language, culture). With all else equal, migrant workers treated kindly by Koreans at the workplace and in service sectors, and those living with family, compared to those who live alone, tended to enjoy a greater satisfaction with work and life in South Korea and were more willing to stay. Practical implications for Korean policymakers include encouraging competent migrant workers to move together with the family, making administrative efforts to further simplify the documentation process, and initiating public campaigns to raise host culture receptivity among Korean citizens.
{"title":"Host People's Kindness and Migrant Workers' Cultural Adaptation: Evidence from South Korea","authors":"J. Ryou, Sang-Yeon Kim","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2022.53.4.713","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2022.53.4.713","url":null,"abstract":"This study purports to determine the predictors of migrant workers' cultural adaptation in South Korea. In the main, we examined the extent to which the level of inter-/intracultural socializing, exposure to local/native media, and host culture receptivity affect the level of cultural adaptation in cognitive, affective, behavioral domains. Potential impacts of demographic factors (e.g., age, sex, ethnicity, marital status, living alone vs. with family, education level, residency in years, perceived cultural similarity) were also explored. To find answers to the research questions, a total of 634 migrant workers from 37 different nations were reached using a snowball sampling. Surveys were collected in 12 districts of Seoul, the capital of South Korea, and 21 adjacent metropolitan areas. Results indicate that intercultural interaction with host people and media exposure to local contents tend to help improve their knowledge about South Korea (e.g., language, culture). With all else equal, migrant workers treated kindly by Koreans at the workplace and in service sectors, and those living with family, compared to those who live alone, tended to enjoy a greater satisfaction with work and life in South Korea and were more willing to stay. Practical implications for Korean policymakers include encouraging competent migrant workers to move together with the family, making administrative efforts to further simplify the documentation process, and initiating public campaigns to raise host culture receptivity among Korean citizens.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41626219","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2022.53.4.601
Jeonghun Han
This study analyzes how individual motivations including political interest and media trust and cognitive abilities affect news consumption through YouTube in a high choice media environment of South Korea. In the empirical analysis, we use a nationally representative dataset differentiating respondents in tree types of users concerning YouTube - namely, non-users, non-news consumers, and news consumers. Applying a binary response model with sample selection, we resolve a potential selectin bias and prove that political interest is the strongest motivation leading individuals to consume news through YouTube. In addition, the positive impact of political interest is shown to increases as individuals trust less traditional news media. However, we do not find any evidence that news consumption through YouTube is biased toward a specific party or ideological orientation.
{"title":"Who Consumes Political News through YouTube?: An Application of the OMA Framework to YouTube Use in South Korea","authors":"Jeonghun Han","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2022.53.4.601","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2022.53.4.601","url":null,"abstract":"This study analyzes how individual motivations including political interest and media trust and cognitive abilities affect news consumption through YouTube in a high choice media environment of South Korea. In the empirical analysis, we use a nationally representative dataset differentiating respondents in tree types of users concerning YouTube - namely, non-users, non-news consumers, and news consumers. Applying a binary response model with sample selection, we resolve a potential selectin bias and prove that political interest is the strongest motivation leading individuals to consume news through YouTube. In addition, the positive impact of political interest is shown to increases as individuals trust less traditional news media. However, we do not find any evidence that news consumption through YouTube is biased toward a specific party or ideological orientation.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49539519","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2022.53.4.581
Long Piao, Kwang-pil Jung
This paper explores the diverse ways Chinese policymakers view the foreign policy process in China. Two approaches characterize conventional accounts of the foreign policy decision-making process. One of these, based on Graham Allison's rational, organizational, and bureaucratic politics models, focuses on intragovernmental aspects of foreign policy decision-making processes, while the other highlights extra-governmental domestic and foreign factors. However, these approaches have neglected the question of who leads foreign policy and how state, society, and grassroots interact through coalition. We interviewed Chinese scholars and foreign policy experts using Q statements to explore China's foreign policy response to South Korea's deployment of THAAD. Our findings offer new theoretical insights into China's foreign policy process by identifying statedriven, grassroots-based, and state-society coalition models.
{"title":"A Q Methodology Analysis of Chinese Policy Makers' Perceptions of China's Foreign Policy Decision-Making Process concerning South Korea's THAAD Deployment","authors":"Long Piao, Kwang-pil Jung","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2022.53.4.581","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2022.53.4.581","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the diverse ways Chinese policymakers view the foreign policy process in China. Two approaches characterize conventional accounts of the foreign policy decision-making process. One of these, based on Graham Allison's rational, organizational, and bureaucratic politics models, focuses on intragovernmental aspects of foreign policy decision-making processes, while the other highlights extra-governmental domestic and foreign factors. However, these approaches have neglected the question of who leads foreign policy and how state, society, and grassroots interact through coalition. We interviewed Chinese scholars and foreign policy experts using Q statements to explore China's foreign policy response to South Korea's deployment of THAAD. Our findings offer new theoretical insights into China's foreign policy process by identifying statedriven, grassroots-based, and state-society coalition models.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69707467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2022.53.4.655
Yunhee Choi
This paper examined the relationship between foreign aid and export, for the case of Korea from 1965 to 2015. I argue that foreign aid promotes donor's export to the recipient for following reasons: (1) the explicit and implicit tied-aid agreements directly increase export; and (2) implementing aid policy involves transferring not only money but also people. Thus, it serves as building the political, economic, and social relationships between donor and recipient countries. Those spillover effects of foreign aid can increase the export of donor countries. By applying a dynamic gravity model with GMM estimators, I provided empirical evidence that Korean bilateral ODA is positively related to its export to the recipients. The result showed that the impact of Korean ODA on its exports is positive and more significant in the post-1990s. In specific, for the later period, a percentage increase in Korean bilateral aid is associated with 0.095% increase in export in the short-term and 0.22% increase in export in the long run.
{"title":"Foreign Aid and Donor's Exports to the Recipients: The South Korean Case","authors":"Yunhee Choi","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2022.53.4.655","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2022.53.4.655","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examined the relationship between foreign aid and export, for the case of Korea from 1965 to 2015. I argue that foreign aid promotes donor's export to the recipient for following reasons: (1) the explicit and implicit tied-aid agreements directly increase export; and (2) implementing aid policy involves transferring not only money but also people. Thus, it serves as building the political, economic, and social relationships between donor and recipient countries. Those spillover effects of foreign aid can increase the export of donor countries. By applying a dynamic gravity model with GMM estimators, I provided empirical evidence that Korean bilateral ODA is positively related to its export to the recipients. The result showed that the impact of Korean ODA on its exports is positive and more significant in the post-1990s. In specific, for the later period, a percentage increase in Korean bilateral aid is associated with 0.095% increase in export in the short-term and 0.22% increase in export in the long run.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49280110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.495
Kwanpyo Bae
Governmental control over quasi-governmental organizations is essential in a democratic regime, but it causes monitoring costs for the government and bonding costs for quasigovernmental organizations. It is therefore important to clarify what drives governmental control and to determine how to minimize it. By extending the principal-agent theory to public organizations, this study identified the antecedents of governmental control and verified their impacts on this control empirically using the database of South Korea's public institutions (gonggong gigwan). The results demonstrated that goal conflict, task difficulty, public funding, and public attention made governmental control more stringent. It can be concluded that establishing congruent goals, sharing task information, and improving financial independence are necessary to minimize governmental control.
{"title":"Antecedents of Governmental Control over Quasi-governmental Organizations in South Korea","authors":"Kwanpyo Bae","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.495","url":null,"abstract":"Governmental control over quasi-governmental organizations is essential in a democratic regime, but it causes monitoring costs for the government and bonding costs for quasigovernmental organizations. It is therefore important to clarify what drives governmental control and to determine how to minimize it. By extending the principal-agent theory to public organizations, this study identified the antecedents of governmental control and verified their impacts on this control empirically using the database of South Korea's public institutions (gonggong gigwan). The results demonstrated that goal conflict, task difficulty, public funding, and public attention made governmental control more stringent. It can be concluded that establishing congruent goals, sharing task information, and improving financial independence are necessary to minimize governmental control.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46057107","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.421
Yongjae Lee
Scholars in the U.S. and China have mentioned a likelihood that both states use the Taiwan issue and the North Korean nuclear crisis as a means to force each other. However, previous literatures never test this hypothesis through empirical analyses. This study attempts to explore whether the U.S. arms sales toward Taiwan let China to make a concession in the North Korean issue. It is a novel attempt to prove that they are related to each other as a part of the competition for a hegemony position between the US and China in Northeast Asia, away from the existing research that has been analyzed as a separate issue. The empirical analyses demonstrate that the U.S. arms sales toward Taiwan make China to cooperate in the North Korean nuclear issue.
{"title":"The U.S. Arms Sales to Taiwan and China's Cooperation in the North Korea Nuclear Crisis","authors":"Yongjae Lee","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.421","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.421","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars in the U.S. and China have mentioned a likelihood that both states use the Taiwan issue and the North Korean nuclear crisis as a means to force each other. However, previous literatures never test this hypothesis through empirical analyses. This study attempts to explore whether the U.S. arms sales toward Taiwan let China to make a concession in the North Korean issue. It is a novel attempt to prove that they are related to each other as a part of the competition for a hegemony position between the US and China in Northeast Asia, away from the existing research that has been analyzed as a separate issue. The empirical analyses demonstrate that the U.S. arms sales toward Taiwan make China to cooperate in the North Korean nuclear issue.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44849080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.447
I. Yoo
Why do states aid other states' economic development? This has long been pondered in international relations (IR) and addressed by realism, humanitarian internationalism, and other theories. However, the recent establishment of cybersecurity capacity building (CCB) centers calls for a renewed investigation of the subject due to the nature of new digital technology. This article is particularly concerned with both the national security and economic development domains of CCB, because cybersecurity has become a critical national security concern for many nations and because internet-related technology has become essential for economic development, requiring its secure and safe operation. This paper argues that CCB, a new form of international development, has been pursued with disparate goals by different states, conditional upon the donor's surrounding international environment. With cases of CCB centers recently established by Japan and the Republic of Korea (ROK), this research demonstrates that while Japanese CCB efforts are aligned with Japan's national strategy, the ROK has approached CCB largely from the perspective of developmental assistance. The study suggests that academics uncover disparate rationales behind similar CCB activities, that potential recipients need to recognize the difference, and that foreign policymakers must recognize the versatile implications of CCB when internationally coordinating such efforts.
{"title":"Cybersecurity Crisscrossing International Development Cooperation: Unraveling the Cyber Capacity Building of East Asian Middle Powers Amid Rising Great Power Conflicts","authors":"I. Yoo","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.447","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.447","url":null,"abstract":"Why do states aid other states' economic development? This has long been pondered in international relations (IR) and addressed by realism, humanitarian internationalism, and other theories. However, the recent establishment of cybersecurity capacity building (CCB) centers calls for a renewed investigation of the subject due to the nature of new digital technology. This article is particularly concerned with both the national security and economic development domains of CCB, because cybersecurity has become a critical national security concern for many nations and because internet-related technology has become essential for economic development, requiring its secure and safe operation. This paper argues that CCB, a new form of international development, has been pursued with disparate goals by different states, conditional upon the donor's surrounding international environment. With cases of CCB centers recently established by Japan and the Republic of Korea (ROK), this research demonstrates that while Japanese CCB efforts are aligned with Japan's national strategy, the ROK has approached CCB largely from the perspective of developmental assistance. The study suggests that academics uncover disparate rationales behind similar CCB activities, that potential recipients need to recognize the difference, and that foreign policymakers must recognize the versatile implications of CCB when internationally coordinating such efforts.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44873018","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.471
Hayam Kim
How has economic globalization influenced the level of inequality in South Korea? How has democratization of South Korea affected its income distribution? Despite a surge of research on the impact of globalization on income inequality in South Korea, there is no systematic empirical analysis that examines how globalization and democratization together influence the country's distribution of income. This article extends previous work by investigating the effects of both economic openness and democracy on South Korea's income inequality. The estimates suggest that the exclusion of either variable can lead to incorrect conclusions regarding the determinants of income distribution. Using data from 1975 to 2015 and 3SLS estimation to account for endogeneity, I find that democracy helps improve inequality, trade has does not affect inequality, and foreign direct investments worsen inequality.
{"title":"The Effects of Globalization and Democratization on Inequality in South Korea","authors":"Hayam Kim","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.471","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.471","url":null,"abstract":"How has economic globalization influenced the level of inequality in South Korea? How has democratization of South Korea affected its income distribution? Despite a surge of research on the impact of globalization on income inequality in South Korea, there is no systematic empirical analysis that examines how globalization and democratization together influence the country's distribution of income. This article extends previous work by investigating the effects of both economic openness and democracy on South Korea's income inequality. The estimates suggest that the exclusion of either variable can lead to incorrect conclusions regarding the determinants of income distribution. Using data from 1975 to 2015 and 3SLS estimation to account for endogeneity, I find that democracy helps improve inequality, trade has does not affect inequality, and foreign direct investments worsen inequality.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45087688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.547
Sung-Sam Hwang, Yoon Y. Cho, Eunsoon Lee
This study aimed to identify the key components of crisis preparedness and understand the relative importance of various public relations (PR) factors to suggest efficient ways to prepare for a pandemic crisis, such as COVID-19. We highlight the processoriented approach of crisis preparedness in addition to the static readiness in response to a crisis. Specifically, we conducted an analytic hierarchy process (AHP) using focus group interviews and a pairwise comparison questionnaire with 25 PR experts from academia, industry, and local governments. The experts highlighted a three-level hierarchical structure of crisis preparedness. At the highest level, issue management (43.3%) was relatively more important than crisis communication (30.4%) and risk communication (26.3%). Overall, we observed that process-oriented crisis preparedness (e.g., monitoring issues, building positive and resolving negative issues, and reporting crisis) are relatively more important than the static preparedness system (e.g., budgets and printing periodicals, or classic offline PR tactics such as communication with different stakeholders and interest groups). Overall, we highlight the importance of pre-crisis readiness over post-crisis readiness, preemptive PR over typical offline PR activities, and intangible trust-building based on systematic information monitoring.
{"title":"Factors Evaluating the Crisis Preparedness of a City in the Era of New Normal: Based on an Analytic Hierarchy Process Survey of Korean Experts","authors":"Sung-Sam Hwang, Yoon Y. Cho, Eunsoon Lee","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.547","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.547","url":null,"abstract":"This study aimed to identify the key components of crisis preparedness and understand the relative importance of various public relations (PR) factors to suggest efficient ways to prepare for a pandemic crisis, such as COVID-19. We highlight the processoriented approach of crisis preparedness in addition to the static readiness in response to a crisis. Specifically, we conducted an analytic hierarchy process (AHP) using focus group interviews and a pairwise comparison questionnaire with 25 PR experts from academia, industry, and local governments. The experts highlighted a three-level hierarchical structure of crisis preparedness. At the highest level, issue management (43.3%) was relatively more important than crisis communication (30.4%) and risk communication (26.3%). Overall, we observed that process-oriented crisis preparedness (e.g., monitoring issues, building positive and resolving negative issues, and reporting crisis) are relatively more important than the static preparedness system (e.g., budgets and printing periodicals, or classic offline PR tactics such as communication with different stakeholders and interest groups). Overall, we highlight the importance of pre-crisis readiness over post-crisis readiness, preemptive PR over typical offline PR activities, and intangible trust-building based on systematic information monitoring.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69707050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.523
Aram Kim
The canonical median voter models, such as the Melzer Richard model, expect political parties to take on more progressive stances with an increase in inequality, which should be associated with the median voter of a given society preferring more progressive policy measures. By conducting mediation analyses with a sequential g-estimator on OECD data, this paper finds evidence that suggests otherwise. Specifically, both leftist and rightist parties in OECD countries are found to take on more conservative policy stances through the median voter mechanism when income inequality increases. On the other hand, the results of the analyses show that through other causal pathways, an increase in inequality induces both parties to turn more progressive.
{"title":"Effect of Income Inequality on Party Position in OECD Countries","authors":"Aram Kim","doi":"10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.523","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2022.53.3.523","url":null,"abstract":"The canonical median voter models, such as the Melzer Richard model, expect political parties to take on more progressive stances with an increase in inequality, which should be associated with the median voter of a given society preferring more progressive policy measures. By conducting mediation analyses with a sequential g-estimator on OECD data, this paper finds evidence that suggests otherwise. Specifically, both leftist and rightist parties in OECD countries are found to take on more conservative policy stances through the median voter mechanism when income inequality increases. On the other hand, the results of the analyses show that through other causal pathways, an increase in inequality induces both parties to turn more progressive.","PeriodicalId":43950,"journal":{"name":"Korea Observer","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44893660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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