Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.1177/23294965221142769
Xing Zhang, S. Sassler
Over the last few decades, a growing proportion of Americans have never married. Factors contributing to adolescent expectations for marriage and the likelihood of non-marriage by midlife, however, remain understudied. We explore attitudinal and economic factors associated with non-marriage among a sample of White, Black, and Hispanic men and women in their early 30s through early 40s. Data are from Waves I, II, IV, and V of Add Health (n = 7,297). We use logistic regression analysis to assess how adolescent expectations to remain unmarried in adolescence and economic factors in adulthood are associated with never marrying among respondents approaching their fourth decade of life. Negative adolescent expectations regarding marriage are highly predictive of non-marriage in later life, particularly among White adults. Economic factors, such as educational attainment, educational mobility, earnings, and job instability, are more predictive of non-marriage for Black adults, and for men. Our findings suggest how ideational and structural factors challenge the institution of marriage at different times in the life course. Adolescent expectations for marriage are important predictors of subsequent union formation, but economic factors continue to differentiate union outcomes among older adults.
{"title":"Opting out of Marriage? Factors Predicting Non-Marriage by Midlife across Race, Ethnicity, and Gender","authors":"Xing Zhang, S. Sassler","doi":"10.1177/23294965221142769","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965221142769","url":null,"abstract":"Over the last few decades, a growing proportion of Americans have never married. Factors contributing to adolescent expectations for marriage and the likelihood of non-marriage by midlife, however, remain understudied. We explore attitudinal and economic factors associated with non-marriage among a sample of White, Black, and Hispanic men and women in their early 30s through early 40s. Data are from Waves I, II, IV, and V of Add Health (n = 7,297). We use logistic regression analysis to assess how adolescent expectations to remain unmarried in adolescence and economic factors in adulthood are associated with never marrying among respondents approaching their fourth decade of life. Negative adolescent expectations regarding marriage are highly predictive of non-marriage in later life, particularly among White adults. Economic factors, such as educational attainment, educational mobility, earnings, and job instability, are more predictive of non-marriage for Black adults, and for men. Our findings suggest how ideational and structural factors challenge the institution of marriage at different times in the life course. Adolescent expectations for marriage are important predictors of subsequent union formation, but economic factors continue to differentiate union outcomes among older adults.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":"10 1","pages":"403 - 428"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44978398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-28DOI: 10.1177/23294965221139845
L. Valentino, Nicole D. Yadon
Wealth disparities represent one of the starkest measures of contemporary inequality in the US. While many studies have examined stratification in wealth between ethnoracial groups, and to a lesser extent between genders, scholars have paid little attention to the combination of race- and gender-based wealth gaps. We take a first step toward examining wealth gaps through an intersectional lens by examining data from single households in eleven waves of the Survey of Consumer Finances covering the period 1989–2019. Our key findings are (1) although Whites overall have higher wealth than other races and men have higher wealth than women, wealth gaps are most pronounced for groups who are doubly marginalized—Hispanic women and Black women—consistent with the non-additive tenet of intersectionality theory; (2) intersectional gaps in wealth are much larger in magnitude than intersectional gaps in income; and (3) these gaps have remained remarkably stable over the past three decades, with little sign of equalizing. We argue that accurately describing intersectional wealth gaps is a crucial step toward understanding how wealth stratification operates, as well as its implications. We conclude by discussing the need for better data and measurement to identify the causes and consequences of intersectional wealth gaps.
{"title":"Intersectional Wealth Gaps: Contemporary and Historical Trends in Wealth Stratification among Single Households by Race and Gender","authors":"L. Valentino, Nicole D. Yadon","doi":"10.1177/23294965221139845","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965221139845","url":null,"abstract":"Wealth disparities represent one of the starkest measures of contemporary inequality in the US. While many studies have examined stratification in wealth between ethnoracial groups, and to a lesser extent between genders, scholars have paid little attention to the combination of race- and gender-based wealth gaps. We take a first step toward examining wealth gaps through an intersectional lens by examining data from single households in eleven waves of the Survey of Consumer Finances covering the period 1989–2019. Our key findings are (1) although Whites overall have higher wealth than other races and men have higher wealth than women, wealth gaps are most pronounced for groups who are doubly marginalized—Hispanic women and Black women—consistent with the non-additive tenet of intersectionality theory; (2) intersectional gaps in wealth are much larger in magnitude than intersectional gaps in income; and (3) these gaps have remained remarkably stable over the past three decades, with little sign of equalizing. We argue that accurately describing intersectional wealth gaps is a crucial step toward understanding how wealth stratification operates, as well as its implications. We conclude by discussing the need for better data and measurement to identify the causes and consequences of intersectional wealth gaps.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":"10 1","pages":"3 - 16"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48094841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-26DOI: 10.1177/23294965221139853
Pilar Morales-Giner, Tahir Enes Gedik
A clear consideration for designing strong climate policy is to account for the perception of the seriousness of climate change among citizens. In order to understand climate change perceptions in the European Union (EU), this study relies on Eurobarometer survey data to examine the impacts of place-based factors, including regional spaces and place attachment to supra-national spaces. The results indicate that regional differences and place attachment to the EU are strong predictors of climate change concern, net of the effects of other factors. These findings suggest that place-based indicators can serve as a useful analytical tool for the study of climate change public opinion. The study concludes by providing implications and suggestions for future research on climate change public opinion and climate policy.
{"title":"The Role of Place: An Analysis of Climate Change Perception in the European Union","authors":"Pilar Morales-Giner, Tahir Enes Gedik","doi":"10.1177/23294965221139853","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965221139853","url":null,"abstract":"A clear consideration for designing strong climate policy is to account for the perception of the seriousness of climate change among citizens. In order to understand climate change perceptions in the European Union (EU), this study relies on Eurobarometer survey data to examine the impacts of place-based factors, including regional spaces and place attachment to supra-national spaces. The results indicate that regional differences and place attachment to the EU are strong predictors of climate change concern, net of the effects of other factors. These findings suggest that place-based indicators can serve as a useful analytical tool for the study of climate change public opinion. The study concludes by providing implications and suggestions for future research on climate change public opinion and climate policy.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":"10 1","pages":"165 - 183"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44769132","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-23DOI: 10.1177/23294965221139850
Devon A Wright
Using insights from a content coding analysis of discourse from the most influential White supremacist segregationist organization of the early Cold War decades, Citizen’s Councils of America (CCA or Council), I argue that social movement organizations use a master frame cluster, a package of closely related, overlapping frames with a core master frame to adapt and update pre-existing, older ideology to contemporaneous sociopolitical currents and thereby mainstream, modernize, and streamline propaganda messaging. From its media outlets and White supremacist ideology, the Council deployed what I call its Anti-Communist Master Frame Cluster, proclaiming that unrestrained Black savagery and misguided White sympathy, including liberals, leftists, and socialists, all followed a downward slope toward communist tyranny or what the Council called, “Communist controlled Black barbarism.” Twenty-first century conservative rightwing media has inherited the CCA’s master frame cluster to discredit Black Lives Matter protests, still using anti-communist messaging, but with a “Black-on-Black” crime narrative as the main propaganda weapon against Black protest.
{"title":"“Communist Controlled Black Barbarism”: The Citizen’s Councils of America’s Anti-Communist Master Frame Cluster and the Renovation of White Supremacist Ideology","authors":"Devon A Wright","doi":"10.1177/23294965221139850","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965221139850","url":null,"abstract":"Using insights from a content coding analysis of discourse from the most influential White supremacist segregationist organization of the early Cold War decades, Citizen’s Councils of America (CCA or Council), I argue that social movement organizations use a master frame cluster, a package of closely related, overlapping frames with a core master frame to adapt and update pre-existing, older ideology to contemporaneous sociopolitical currents and thereby mainstream, modernize, and streamline propaganda messaging. From its media outlets and White supremacist ideology, the Council deployed what I call its Anti-Communist Master Frame Cluster, proclaiming that unrestrained Black savagery and misguided White sympathy, including liberals, leftists, and socialists, all followed a downward slope toward communist tyranny or what the Council called, “Communist controlled Black barbarism.” Twenty-first century conservative rightwing media has inherited the CCA’s master frame cluster to discredit Black Lives Matter protests, still using anti-communist messaging, but with a “Black-on-Black” crime narrative as the main propaganda weapon against Black protest.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":"10 1","pages":"311 - 335"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44687472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-19DOI: 10.1177/23294965221139852
L. I. Oztig
In Europe, in tandem with growing social anxiety regarding the so-called threat of Islamization, right-wing, populist parties have increasingly positioned themselves against Muslims and Islam to the point of becoming anti-Islam parties. This paper deconstructs Islamophobic discourses of the Freedom Party of Austria, the League, and the Alternative for Germany through narrative policy analysis and shows that they are built upon a similar narrative of a villain, victim, and hero. Muslims are depicted as villains that pose a threat to Europe, while national and European cultures are presented as victims, threatened by Islamic practices which are cast as irrational, dominant, and violence-prone. The depiction of Muslims as villains and European culture and society as victims gives these parties an opportunity to create a “hero” character for themselves. By presenting proposals, such as bans on Islamic practices, these parties narratively construct themselves as heroes determined to save their countries and European culture. Disregarding the heterogeneity of Muslims and Islamic traditions as well as the contribution of Muslim scientists and philosophers, these parties depict a simplistic picture of the world in which they appropriate for themselves the role of protector. Character construction in Islamophobic discourses raises important questions about multiculturalism, tolerance, and religious freedom in Europe.
{"title":"Islamophobic Discourse of European Right-Wing Parties: A Narrative Policy Analysis","authors":"L. I. Oztig","doi":"10.1177/23294965221139852","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965221139852","url":null,"abstract":"In Europe, in tandem with growing social anxiety regarding the so-called threat of Islamization, right-wing, populist parties have increasingly positioned themselves against Muslims and Islam to the point of becoming anti-Islam parties. This paper deconstructs Islamophobic discourses of the Freedom Party of Austria, the League, and the Alternative for Germany through narrative policy analysis and shows that they are built upon a similar narrative of a villain, victim, and hero. Muslims are depicted as villains that pose a threat to Europe, while national and European cultures are presented as victims, threatened by Islamic practices which are cast as irrational, dominant, and violence-prone. The depiction of Muslims as villains and European culture and society as victims gives these parties an opportunity to create a “hero” character for themselves. By presenting proposals, such as bans on Islamic practices, these parties narratively construct themselves as heroes determined to save their countries and European culture. Disregarding the heterogeneity of Muslims and Islamic traditions as well as the contribution of Muslim scientists and philosophers, these parties depict a simplistic picture of the world in which they appropriate for themselves the role of protector. Character construction in Islamophobic discourses raises important questions about multiculturalism, tolerance, and religious freedom in Europe.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":"10 1","pages":"225 - 244"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46863167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-19DOI: 10.1177/23294965221139851
Kamryn D Warren
Refugee resettlement is a solution to provide safety and security to individuals left vulnerable from displacement. However, some refugees who intermarry with non-refugees are barred from resettling with their intact family unit. This article utilizes an in-depth ethnographic analysis of the everyday life of refugees in mixed nationality marriages living in Nepal to argue that the right to family unity is denied to some refugees. Refugees in mixed-nationality marriages must choose between divorcing a loving and stable partner to resettle in a third country and remaining encamped in Nepal, where opportunities for safety, security, and advancement are severely limited. This analysis indicates that “resettlement divorces” became a way that mixed-marriage refugee couples managed to navigate the offer of resettlement for Bhutanese refugees in Nepal and the ways that resettlement structured their everyday lives. Implications exist for interrogating which families are granted the right to “unity,” patterns of refugee resettlement, and the resettlement outcomes of single refugee mothers.
{"title":"Resettlement Divorce: The Hidden Costs of Family Separation During Refugee Resettlement","authors":"Kamryn D Warren","doi":"10.1177/23294965221139851","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965221139851","url":null,"abstract":"Refugee resettlement is a solution to provide safety and security to individuals left vulnerable from displacement. However, some refugees who intermarry with non-refugees are barred from resettling with their intact family unit. This article utilizes an in-depth ethnographic analysis of the everyday life of refugees in mixed nationality marriages living in Nepal to argue that the right to family unity is denied to some refugees. Refugees in mixed-nationality marriages must choose between divorcing a loving and stable partner to resettle in a third country and remaining encamped in Nepal, where opportunities for safety, security, and advancement are severely limited. This analysis indicates that “resettlement divorces” became a way that mixed-marriage refugee couples managed to navigate the offer of resettlement for Bhutanese refugees in Nepal and the ways that resettlement structured their everyday lives. Implications exist for interrogating which families are granted the right to “unity,” patterns of refugee resettlement, and the resettlement outcomes of single refugee mothers.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":"10 1","pages":"271 - 285"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45452275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-10DOI: 10.1177/23294965221137830
Xiana Bueno, K. Laroche, Brandon L. Crawford, R. Turner, Wen‐Juo Lo, K. Jozkowski
In the United States, legislation intended to limit abortion access based on fetal development markers (e.g., heartbeat, fetal pain) has become increasingly common. We found that people’s support for legal abortion decreases when survey items mention fetal developmental markers compared with items that do not. However, the majority of participants supported access to legal abortion in health-related circumstances or pregnancies as a result of rape at the detection of a fetal heartbeat. Using terms that personify the fetus may evoke responses from participants that limit their endorsement of abortion. Thus, including this terminology in the public and political discourse seems to influence abortion attitudes. This might have implications related to electoral outcomes which eventually determine whether pregnant people are guaranteed access to abortion.
{"title":"Do Fetal Development Markers Influence Attitudes toward Abortion Legality?","authors":"Xiana Bueno, K. Laroche, Brandon L. Crawford, R. Turner, Wen‐Juo Lo, K. Jozkowski","doi":"10.1177/23294965221137830","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965221137830","url":null,"abstract":"In the United States, legislation intended to limit abortion access based on fetal development markers (e.g., heartbeat, fetal pain) has become increasingly common. We found that people’s support for legal abortion decreases when survey items mention fetal developmental markers compared with items that do not. However, the majority of participants supported access to legal abortion in health-related circumstances or pregnancies as a result of rape at the detection of a fetal heartbeat. Using terms that personify the fetus may evoke responses from participants that limit their endorsement of abortion. Thus, including this terminology in the public and political discourse seems to influence abortion attitudes. This might have implications related to electoral outcomes which eventually determine whether pregnant people are guaranteed access to abortion.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":"10 1","pages":"107 - 120"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42266974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-22DOI: 10.1177/23294965221123808
E. Walker, A. Le
Sociological research on social movements and politics holds that advocacy organizations are typically trusted to be authentic agents of their constituents. At the same time, however, businesses and other outside interests often engage in covert “astroturfing” strategies in which they ventriloquize claims through apparently independent grassroots associations (but which are entirely funded and staffed to benefit the sponsor). These widespread and deceptive strategies may harm trust in advocacy groups overall, extending beyond those revealed to be involved, through a mechanism of categorical stigmatization. This study is the first to test how revealed covert patronage may “poison the well” for all advocacy groups, with implications for how social movements and other advocacy causes suffer harm from illegitimate political practices by other organizations. The authors carried out two survey-experiments in which a local advocacy organization was revealed to be operating, respectively, as a “front” for either a corporation or think tank; in each experiment, conditions varied depending upon whether the sponsor was presented as highly reputable, low reputation, or with no specified reputation. In both experiments, astroturfing led to significant declines in trust in advocacy groups overall. We highlight implications for theory and research on social movements, organizational theory, and political processes.
{"title":"Poisoning the Well: How Astroturfing Harms Trust in Advocacy Organizations","authors":"E. Walker, A. Le","doi":"10.1177/23294965221123808","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965221123808","url":null,"abstract":"Sociological research on social movements and politics holds that advocacy organizations are typically trusted to be authentic agents of their constituents. At the same time, however, businesses and other outside interests often engage in covert “astroturfing” strategies in which they ventriloquize claims through apparently independent grassroots associations (but which are entirely funded and staffed to benefit the sponsor). These widespread and deceptive strategies may harm trust in advocacy groups overall, extending beyond those revealed to be involved, through a mechanism of categorical stigmatization. This study is the first to test how revealed covert patronage may “poison the well” for all advocacy groups, with implications for how social movements and other advocacy causes suffer harm from illegitimate political practices by other organizations. The authors carried out two survey-experiments in which a local advocacy organization was revealed to be operating, respectively, as a “front” for either a corporation or think tank; in each experiment, conditions varied depending upon whether the sponsor was presented as highly reputable, low reputation, or with no specified reputation. In both experiments, astroturfing led to significant declines in trust in advocacy groups overall. We highlight implications for theory and research on social movements, organizational theory, and political processes.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":"10 1","pages":"184 - 202"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46196558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1177/23294965221098973
Tony N Brown, Chase L Lesane-Brown, Rachell Davis, Michael A Carroll
This study analyzes five publicly posted videos wherein Asians experience interpersonal discrimination because of COVID-19. We think social scientists ignore how videos provide data for investigating interpersonal discrimination. We characterize the videos according to multiple features including context, characteristics, and responses of individuals involved, type of threat or mistreatment, and level of psychological and physical harm. We then summarize features across the videos. Among other things, analyses uncover implicit, explicit, and historically specific anti-Asian sentiment alongside evidence perpetrators are men and bystanders do not intervene typically. The Discussion contrasts Asians' experiences of interpersonal discrimination because of COVID-19 against the interpersonal and institutional discrimination faced by American Indians, blacks, and Hispanics in the United States. That contrast brings Asians' positionality into sharp relief.
{"title":"Viral Racism via Videos: A Study of Asians' Experiences of Interpersonal Discrimination Because of COVID-19.","authors":"Tony N Brown, Chase L Lesane-Brown, Rachell Davis, Michael A Carroll","doi":"10.1177/23294965221098973","DOIUrl":"10.1177/23294965221098973","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This study analyzes five publicly posted videos wherein Asians experience interpersonal discrimination because of COVID-19. We think social scientists ignore how videos provide data for investigating interpersonal discrimination. We characterize the videos according to multiple features including context, characteristics, and responses of individuals involved, type of threat or mistreatment, and level of psychological and physical harm. We then summarize features across the videos. Among other things, analyses uncover implicit, explicit, and historically specific anti-Asian sentiment alongside evidence perpetrators are men and bystanders do not intervene typically. The Discussion contrasts Asians' experiences of interpersonal discrimination because of COVID-19 against the interpersonal and institutional discrimination faced by American Indians, blacks, and Hispanics in the United States. That contrast brings Asians' positionality into sharp relief.</p>","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":"9 1","pages":"486-505"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9125131/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44936746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-01DOI: 10.1177/23294965221129572
Alana Haynes Stein
The private food assistance network has expanded amidst a receding welfare state, signaling the privatization of food assistance and other social services. Simultaneously, the cultural association of poverty with morality characterizes some individuals as more “deserving” of assistance than others. As people seek social services, they must navigate programs embedded with these ideas of deservingness. I use data from 21 in-depth, semi-structured interviews with food bank clients and over 225 hours of participant observation at a California food bank and its partner agencies to examine how clients experience barriers to accessing private food assistance. I find that nonprofit program structures are designed to serve an unencumbered client, yet even populations characterized as “deserving” do not meet the characteristics of the unencumbered client. This nearly unattainable status of unencumbered client contributes to inequity emerging from the structural level that manifests as individuals try to access and use private food assistance. These structural barriers manifest in four ways at the food bank: material resources, nonprofit infrastructure and coordination, communication channels, and policing. Based on these findings, organizational practices of nonprofits are of key importance when considering the reproduction of inequality in society.
{"title":"Barriers to Access: The Unencumbered Client in Private Food Assistance","authors":"Alana Haynes Stein","doi":"10.1177/23294965221129572","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965221129572","url":null,"abstract":"The private food assistance network has expanded amidst a receding welfare state, signaling the privatization of food assistance and other social services. Simultaneously, the cultural association of poverty with morality characterizes some individuals as more “deserving” of assistance than others. As people seek social services, they must navigate programs embedded with these ideas of deservingness. I use data from 21 in-depth, semi-structured interviews with food bank clients and over 225 hours of participant observation at a California food bank and its partner agencies to examine how clients experience barriers to accessing private food assistance. I find that nonprofit program structures are designed to serve an unencumbered client, yet even populations characterized as “deserving” do not meet the characteristics of the unencumbered client. This nearly unattainable status of unencumbered client contributes to inequity emerging from the structural level that manifests as individuals try to access and use private food assistance. These structural barriers manifest in four ways at the food bank: material resources, nonprofit infrastructure and coordination, communication channels, and policing. Based on these findings, organizational practices of nonprofits are of key importance when considering the reproduction of inequality in society.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":"10 1","pages":"207 - 224"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41567578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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