Pub Date : 2023-08-06DOI: 10.1177/23294965231193333
Hollie Daniels, Trinity Lakin, J. Reynolds
According to the theory of effectively maintained inequality, families advantaged by income or race/ethnicity attend colleges and complete their degrees at higher rates due to both quantitative and qualitative distinctiveness from other families. This study extends this line of research by investigating whether the distribution and payoffs of accelerated credits from Advanced Placement, International Baccalaureate, and dual enrollment programs likewise follow a pattern of perpetuating racial/ethnic gaps in college completion. We hypothesize that racial inequality in college outcomes will be maintained by the concentration of minority students in lesser-rewarding types of accelerated credit and by racial differences in the payoff of specific types of accelerated credit. Using institutional data from a large public four-year university in Florida, we find notable racial/ethnic differences in amount and type of accelerated credit. Event history analyses suggest that these differences account for a relatively small portion of the Black/White difference in college completion. Overall, the results provide little support for theories of maintained inequality, and we conclude accelerated credit programs do not meaningfully contribute to the racial stratification of higher education among college matriculants.
{"title":"Racial/Ethnic Differences in Accelerated Credit and Inequalities in College Completion","authors":"Hollie Daniels, Trinity Lakin, J. Reynolds","doi":"10.1177/23294965231193333","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965231193333","url":null,"abstract":"According to the theory of effectively maintained inequality, families advantaged by income or race/ethnicity attend colleges and complete their degrees at higher rates due to both quantitative and qualitative distinctiveness from other families. This study extends this line of research by investigating whether the distribution and payoffs of accelerated credits from Advanced Placement, International Baccalaureate, and dual enrollment programs likewise follow a pattern of perpetuating racial/ethnic gaps in college completion. We hypothesize that racial inequality in college outcomes will be maintained by the concentration of minority students in lesser-rewarding types of accelerated credit and by racial differences in the payoff of specific types of accelerated credit. Using institutional data from a large public four-year university in Florida, we find notable racial/ethnic differences in amount and type of accelerated credit. Event history analyses suggest that these differences account for a relatively small portion of the Black/White difference in college completion. Overall, the results provide little support for theories of maintained inequality, and we conclude accelerated credit programs do not meaningfully contribute to the racial stratification of higher education among college matriculants.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44486598","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-05DOI: 10.1177/23294965231193382
A. Heitkamp, Thomas J. Mowen
Belief in conspiracy theories—such as belief that the earth is flat or that 5G networks cause cancer—is relatively prominent in the United States. While emerging research has tied self-control to some patterns of deviant beliefs, such as belief in the paranormal, the extent to which self-control theory explains belief in conspiracy theories remains elusive. Given the breadth of belief in conspiracy theories, as well as the explanatory power of self-control theory for deviant behaviors more generally, this limitation is surprising. Using a sample of 1,231 college students, we examine the link between self-control and conspiracy beliefs. Results show that self-control is a significant indicator of belief in conspiracy theories, even after controlling for key correlates of belief. Overall, findings suggest that characteristics of low self-control promote higher endorsement of conspiracy beliefs.
{"title":"Self-Control and Belief in Conspiracy Theories","authors":"A. Heitkamp, Thomas J. Mowen","doi":"10.1177/23294965231193382","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965231193382","url":null,"abstract":"Belief in conspiracy theories—such as belief that the earth is flat or that 5G networks cause cancer—is relatively prominent in the United States. While emerging research has tied self-control to some patterns of deviant beliefs, such as belief in the paranormal, the extent to which self-control theory explains belief in conspiracy theories remains elusive. Given the breadth of belief in conspiracy theories, as well as the explanatory power of self-control theory for deviant behaviors more generally, this limitation is surprising. Using a sample of 1,231 college students, we examine the link between self-control and conspiracy beliefs. Results show that self-control is a significant indicator of belief in conspiracy theories, even after controlling for key correlates of belief. Overall, findings suggest that characteristics of low self-control promote higher endorsement of conspiracy beliefs.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43480452","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-23DOI: 10.1177/23294965231183923
G. Fine, Claire Whitlinger
Studies of political articulation focus overwhelmingly on the role of parties in constructing political identities and group interests, relying on inter-party competition, given a sharp partisan divide. However, where party identification is less salient, local politicians forge alliances from disparate constituencies, cultivating varying political reputations that personify the concerns of distinct groups. By examining Alabama politics in the 1920s, focusing on the dramatically different relations with the Ku Klux Klan and business elites of Alabama’s three senators, we address how politicians generate supportive alliances in the absence of party competition. To this end, we extend articulation theories by examining how political actors—and not only their parties—cultivate support by presenting the concerns of local publics through their electoral persona. Drawing on archival material, we explore how Senators Oscar Underwood, J. Thomas Heflin, and Hugo Black came to represent key interest groups, forging distinct paths to electoral success. An exclusive focus on parties overlooks politicians’ reputation-building as a mechanism of political articulation.
{"title":"Reputation as Articulation: Alliance Building of Career Politicians in the Jim Crow South","authors":"G. Fine, Claire Whitlinger","doi":"10.1177/23294965231183923","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965231183923","url":null,"abstract":"Studies of political articulation focus overwhelmingly on the role of parties in constructing political identities and group interests, relying on inter-party competition, given a sharp partisan divide. However, where party identification is less salient, local politicians forge alliances from disparate constituencies, cultivating varying political reputations that personify the concerns of distinct groups. By examining Alabama politics in the 1920s, focusing on the dramatically different relations with the Ku Klux Klan and business elites of Alabama’s three senators, we address how politicians generate supportive alliances in the absence of party competition. To this end, we extend articulation theories by examining how political actors—and not only their parties—cultivate support by presenting the concerns of local publics through their electoral persona. Drawing on archival material, we explore how Senators Oscar Underwood, J. Thomas Heflin, and Hugo Black came to represent key interest groups, forging distinct paths to electoral success. An exclusive focus on parties overlooks politicians’ reputation-building as a mechanism of political articulation.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42440867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-22DOI: 10.1177/23294965231183924
Barbara Truc Pham
This paper explores how queer Asian American women negotiate their racial and political identities through racial dating preferences. I investigate a pattern of desire that has been consistently found in previous studies: Why are queer Asian American women more likely to prefer Asian women over white women? The analysis draws from 192 US-based online surveys and 22 interviews with queer Asian women ages 18–30. The participants were asked about their various preferences for female and (if applicable) male partners. I contribute to the racial dating preferences literature empirically by (1) extending the scope of analysis to queer Asian American women and (2) analyzing bisexuals’ preferences for both male and female partners. I contribute theoretically by (1) testing sexual fields theory against the gender white advantage hypothesis and (2) finding evidence to suggest that homonormativity, as a logic of desirability, is less operative in queer Asian American women’s sexual field. Rather, their sexual fields are defined by an alternative logic of desirability, “sticky rice” politics, that prioritizes dating Asian partners and avoiding white partners to resist and distance oneself from white supremacy. This was clear in Asian American respondents’ overwhelming preference for Asian American partners, even Asian American men, over white partners.
{"title":"“As an Asian”: Sticky Rice Politics as a Logic of Desirability in Queer Asian Women’s Sexual Field","authors":"Barbara Truc Pham","doi":"10.1177/23294965231183924","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965231183924","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores how queer Asian American women negotiate their racial and political identities through racial dating preferences. I investigate a pattern of desire that has been consistently found in previous studies: Why are queer Asian American women more likely to prefer Asian women over white women? The analysis draws from 192 US-based online surveys and 22 interviews with queer Asian women ages 18–30. The participants were asked about their various preferences for female and (if applicable) male partners. I contribute to the racial dating preferences literature empirically by (1) extending the scope of analysis to queer Asian American women and (2) analyzing bisexuals’ preferences for both male and female partners. I contribute theoretically by (1) testing sexual fields theory against the gender white advantage hypothesis and (2) finding evidence to suggest that homonormativity, as a logic of desirability, is less operative in queer Asian American women’s sexual field. Rather, their sexual fields are defined by an alternative logic of desirability, “sticky rice” politics, that prioritizes dating Asian partners and avoiding white partners to resist and distance oneself from white supremacy. This was clear in Asian American respondents’ overwhelming preference for Asian American partners, even Asian American men, over white partners.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48630445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-09DOI: 10.1177/23294965231183420
Terrence D. Hill, Tom R. Leppard, Michael V. Miller, Andrew P. Davis, Veronica R. Zapata
Although recent studies have linked pandemic unemployment with poorer mental health, the mechanisms underlying this association remain understudied. In this paper, we develop a mediation model to explain why pandemic job separation might undermine mental health. Using national data from the 2021 Crime, Health, and Politics Survey (n = 1,258), we test the indirect effects of pandemic job separation on psychological distress through several mechanisms. Mediation analyses reveal compound indirect effects of pandemic job separation on psychological distress through the primary pathway of financial strain and the secondary pathways of social support, self-esteem, mastery, religious struggles, and sleep disturbance. Absent the indirect effect of pandemic job separation through financial strain, we would have failed to observe any simple indirect effects through the other proposed mechanisms. Formal moderated mediation analyses also indicate that our observed indirect effects are invariant to subgroup differences in current employment status, education, and household income. In short, our indirect effects are observed for those respondents who were able to regain employment, those with college degrees, and those with the most financial resources. Our results suggest that the temporary expansion of public assistance has been insufficient to offset widespread unemployment and financial hardship during a global pandemic.
{"title":"Pandemic Job Separation and Psychological Distress: Modeling Chains of Adversity","authors":"Terrence D. Hill, Tom R. Leppard, Michael V. Miller, Andrew P. Davis, Veronica R. Zapata","doi":"10.1177/23294965231183420","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965231183420","url":null,"abstract":"Although recent studies have linked pandemic unemployment with poorer mental health, the mechanisms underlying this association remain understudied. In this paper, we develop a mediation model to explain why pandemic job separation might undermine mental health. Using national data from the 2021 Crime, Health, and Politics Survey (n = 1,258), we test the indirect effects of pandemic job separation on psychological distress through several mechanisms. Mediation analyses reveal compound indirect effects of pandemic job separation on psychological distress through the primary pathway of financial strain and the secondary pathways of social support, self-esteem, mastery, religious struggles, and sleep disturbance. Absent the indirect effect of pandemic job separation through financial strain, we would have failed to observe any simple indirect effects through the other proposed mechanisms. Formal moderated mediation analyses also indicate that our observed indirect effects are invariant to subgroup differences in current employment status, education, and household income. In short, our indirect effects are observed for those respondents who were able to regain employment, those with college degrees, and those with the most financial resources. Our results suggest that the temporary expansion of public assistance has been insufficient to offset widespread unemployment and financial hardship during a global pandemic.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135051033","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1177/23294965231179432
Nik M. Lampe
Using in-depth interviews with transgender and non-binary (TGNB) young adults in the Southeastern US, I examine TGNB young people’s healthcare experiences and strategies for resisting and reducing inequality in healthcare settings. My analysis draws on sociological conceptualizations of accountability structures in TGNB healthcare and specifically the conceptualization of cisnormative accountability. In this article, I demonstrate how TGNB patients are held accountable to the institutional and interpersonal maintenance of (a) cisnormativity and (b) the medical model of transgender identity in US healthcare systems. Such instances of cisnormative accountability, regardless of cisgender people’s intentions, contribute to the reproduction of gender inequality among TGNB communities. Further, I explain how TGNB young patients engage in strategies to resist and reduce inequality in healthcare through (a) avoidance of health services and (b) selective disclosure of TGNB identities. I draw out implications for understanding TGNB young people’s strategies to minimize inequality in healthcare, and the consequences cisnormative accountability has for the reproduction of gender inequality.
{"title":"Accounting for Cisnormativity: Understanding Transgender and Non-Binary Young People’s Strategies to Resist and Reduce Inequality in Healthcare","authors":"Nik M. Lampe","doi":"10.1177/23294965231179432","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965231179432","url":null,"abstract":"Using in-depth interviews with transgender and non-binary (TGNB) young adults in the Southeastern US, I examine TGNB young people’s healthcare experiences and strategies for resisting and reducing inequality in healthcare settings. My analysis draws on sociological conceptualizations of accountability structures in TGNB healthcare and specifically the conceptualization of cisnormative accountability. In this article, I demonstrate how TGNB patients are held accountable to the institutional and interpersonal maintenance of (a) cisnormativity and (b) the medical model of transgender identity in US healthcare systems. Such instances of cisnormative accountability, regardless of cisgender people’s intentions, contribute to the reproduction of gender inequality among TGNB communities. Further, I explain how TGNB young patients engage in strategies to resist and reduce inequality in healthcare through (a) avoidance of health services and (b) selective disclosure of TGNB identities. I draw out implications for understanding TGNB young people’s strategies to minimize inequality in healthcare, and the consequences cisnormative accountability has for the reproduction of gender inequality.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48694111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-15DOI: 10.1177/23294965231175822
Matthew A. Andersson, Renae Wilkinson, Vida Maralani
In the United States, “some college” is attained more frequently than a 4-year college degree. However, attainments below 4-year college vary considerably in terms of credentials and years of higher education, and gender differences in health disparities remain overlooked. Additionally, high school experiences may confound any estimated health gains. We draw on national longitudinal data (Add Health; Waves IV and V) to estimate associations between subbaccalaureate education and general health during young adulthood and again at early midlife. Relative to attaining no education past high school, women’s greater self-rated health with all levels of postsecondary attainment is robust to high school experiences, with the exception of vocational/technical training without a degree, in young adulthood and in early midlife. Greater health gains are linked to associate degrees compared to some college without a degree. For men, health benefits are found only among 4-year degree holders. For both genders, depressive symptom buffering linked to subbaccalaureate education is inconsistent and sometimes not robust to high school experiences. Overall, these findings offer a compelling case for recasting college health gains in terms of distinct postsecondary endpoints by gender.
{"title":"Revisiting Health Disparities Linked to “Some College”: Incorporating Gender and High School Experiences","authors":"Matthew A. Andersson, Renae Wilkinson, Vida Maralani","doi":"10.1177/23294965231175822","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965231175822","url":null,"abstract":"In the United States, “some college” is attained more frequently than a 4-year college degree. However, attainments below 4-year college vary considerably in terms of credentials and years of higher education, and gender differences in health disparities remain overlooked. Additionally, high school experiences may confound any estimated health gains. We draw on national longitudinal data (Add Health; Waves IV and V) to estimate associations between subbaccalaureate education and general health during young adulthood and again at early midlife. Relative to attaining no education past high school, women’s greater self-rated health with all levels of postsecondary attainment is robust to high school experiences, with the exception of vocational/technical training without a degree, in young adulthood and in early midlife. Greater health gains are linked to associate degrees compared to some college without a degree. For men, health benefits are found only among 4-year degree holders. For both genders, depressive symptom buffering linked to subbaccalaureate education is inconsistent and sometimes not robust to high school experiences. Overall, these findings offer a compelling case for recasting college health gains in terms of distinct postsecondary endpoints by gender.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48080473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-13DOI: 10.1177/23294965231175824
G. Kaufman, Richard J. Petts, Trenton D. Mize, Taryn Wield
This paper examines the relationship between gender ideology and attitudes toward parental leave. We use data from two original survey experiments with a total analytic sample of 3332 respondents. Using an experimental design where participants evaluate a new parent’s decision about taking parental leave in light of the employer’s leave policies, and answer attitudinal questions about leave and gender ideology, we assess the associations between gender ideology and (a) desired weeks of parental leave for mothers and fathers, as well as (b) perceptions of whether the new parent described in the experiment took too little or too much leave. We find that participants think fathers should receive 10.5 weeks of paid paternity leave, whereas mothers should receive 16 weeks of paid maternity leave. In general, those with egalitarian gender ideals support longer paternity leave and more equal periods of leave for mothers and fathers—and are more likely to think that men workers take too little leave. However, those who support mothers as financial providers are more likely to think that women workers take too much leave, demonstrating the complexities between dimensions of gender ideology, the gender of the parent taking leave, and views of parental leave.
{"title":"Gender Egalitarianism and Attitudes Toward Parental Leave","authors":"G. Kaufman, Richard J. Petts, Trenton D. Mize, Taryn Wield","doi":"10.1177/23294965231175824","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965231175824","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the relationship between gender ideology and attitudes toward parental leave. We use data from two original survey experiments with a total analytic sample of 3332 respondents. Using an experimental design where participants evaluate a new parent’s decision about taking parental leave in light of the employer’s leave policies, and answer attitudinal questions about leave and gender ideology, we assess the associations between gender ideology and (a) desired weeks of parental leave for mothers and fathers, as well as (b) perceptions of whether the new parent described in the experiment took too little or too much leave. We find that participants think fathers should receive 10.5 weeks of paid paternity leave, whereas mothers should receive 16 weeks of paid maternity leave. In general, those with egalitarian gender ideals support longer paternity leave and more equal periods of leave for mothers and fathers—and are more likely to think that men workers take too little leave. However, those who support mothers as financial providers are more likely to think that women workers take too much leave, demonstrating the complexities between dimensions of gender ideology, the gender of the parent taking leave, and views of parental leave.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41596668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-26DOI: 10.1177/23294965231168781
Ashley V. Reichelmann
This paper highlights the relationship between group identification and racialized emotions among white Americans when asked to think about slavery on U.S. soil. Previous scholarship focuses on the consequences of such emotions or stimuli that increase them; however, there is limited work focusing on threat as a racialized emotion, or more broadly who is likely to experience heightened emotions when asked to think about historical racial violence that implicates their group. Using Group Position Theory and Identity Theory, I elevate work on racial threat as an emotion, and demonstrate how it is linked to white Americans’ group identification with their racial, national, and class identities. Then I compare this relationship to other commonly studied emotions—guilt and shame—to demonstrate threat’s unique relationship with these identities. Using survey data collected from a Survey Sampling International panel ( n = 869), I find that feelings of threat are maximized among white Americans who strongly identify with their racial and national identities. In contrast, guilt is heightened among whites who strongly identify with their racial identity, but weakly identify with their national identity, while shame has no significant relationship with these identities. Feelings of threat are also more likely in respondents who self-identify as members of the lower or working class (in comparison to the middle class). The results highlight one way that threat is a distinct emotional experience for white Americans when compared to other emotions. I conclude by discussing how understanding emotions as an outcome of white Americans’ self-perceptions of their identities as group members stands to advance the study of intergroup relations and racism in the United States.
{"title":"Racialized Emotions When Thinking about Slavery: Associations Between Group Identification and Feelings of Threat, Shame, and Guilt Among White Americans","authors":"Ashley V. Reichelmann","doi":"10.1177/23294965231168781","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965231168781","url":null,"abstract":"This paper highlights the relationship between group identification and racialized emotions among white Americans when asked to think about slavery on U.S. soil. Previous scholarship focuses on the consequences of such emotions or stimuli that increase them; however, there is limited work focusing on threat as a racialized emotion, or more broadly who is likely to experience heightened emotions when asked to think about historical racial violence that implicates their group. Using Group Position Theory and Identity Theory, I elevate work on racial threat as an emotion, and demonstrate how it is linked to white Americans’ group identification with their racial, national, and class identities. Then I compare this relationship to other commonly studied emotions—guilt and shame—to demonstrate threat’s unique relationship with these identities. Using survey data collected from a Survey Sampling International panel ( n = 869), I find that feelings of threat are maximized among white Americans who strongly identify with their racial and national identities. In contrast, guilt is heightened among whites who strongly identify with their racial identity, but weakly identify with their national identity, while shame has no significant relationship with these identities. Feelings of threat are also more likely in respondents who self-identify as members of the lower or working class (in comparison to the middle class). The results highlight one way that threat is a distinct emotional experience for white Americans when compared to other emotions. I conclude by discussing how understanding emotions as an outcome of white Americans’ self-perceptions of their identities as group members stands to advance the study of intergroup relations and racism in the United States.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46577555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-21DOI: 10.1177/23294965231169253
A. Bostic, Allen Hyde
Previous research has highlighted the disadvantaged position immigrants often face in the economy, particularly when it comes to labor market outcomes such as employment or earnings. Extending this literature, the present study evaluates the economic exclusion of immigrants, conceptualized not as labor market outcomes but as relative poverty. This study examines the relationship between welfare generosity and immigrant poverty across rich western democracies and compares this relationship with that of native poverty. One publicly held belief is that immigrants disproportionately benefit from welfare generosity, while the literature on welfare chauvinism suggests greater social spending may not necessarily benefit immigrants. Furthermore, the effects may vary by spending and immigrant type. This study uses the Luxembourg Income Study to consider differences in the effects of welfare generosity on the odds an immigrant or native household is poor, how this effect varies by the type of spending, and how the effect changes depending on factors such as region of origin or citizenship status. Using four waves of data circa 2004 to 2014 across 24 upper- and middle-income democracies, the results show some support for welfare chauvinism and advantages to being an intra-EU immigrant and citizen immigrant.
{"title":"Social Spending, Poverty, and Immigration: A Systematic Analysis of Welfare State Effectiveness and Nativity in 24 Upper- and Middle-Income Democracies","authors":"A. Bostic, Allen Hyde","doi":"10.1177/23294965231169253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965231169253","url":null,"abstract":"Previous research has highlighted the disadvantaged position immigrants often face in the economy, particularly when it comes to labor market outcomes such as employment or earnings. Extending this literature, the present study evaluates the economic exclusion of immigrants, conceptualized not as labor market outcomes but as relative poverty. This study examines the relationship between welfare generosity and immigrant poverty across rich western democracies and compares this relationship with that of native poverty. One publicly held belief is that immigrants disproportionately benefit from welfare generosity, while the literature on welfare chauvinism suggests greater social spending may not necessarily benefit immigrants. Furthermore, the effects may vary by spending and immigrant type. This study uses the Luxembourg Income Study to consider differences in the effects of welfare generosity on the odds an immigrant or native household is poor, how this effect varies by the type of spending, and how the effect changes depending on factors such as region of origin or citizenship status. Using four waves of data circa 2004 to 2014 across 24 upper- and middle-income democracies, the results show some support for welfare chauvinism and advantages to being an intra-EU immigrant and citizen immigrant.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":"10 1","pages":"336 - 362"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42276034","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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