Pub Date : 2024-09-09DOI: 10.1177/23294965241281696
Tanya Golash-Boza, Michael David Aquino, Yajaira Ceciliano-Navarro
Studies of returning citizens have found they benefit from living in well-resourced neighborhoods, yet they face obstacles to securing housing in these communities. Insofar as gentrification involves investing more public and private resources into communities, this raises the question of how this investment affects returning citizens whose former homes are in gentrifying neighborhoods—a common circumstance in Washington, DC. Based on 37 in-depth interviews with returning citizens from Washington DC, this study explores the impact of gentrification. We find that the increased housing prices associated with gentrification make it difficult for returning citizens to move to gentrified areas; that gentrification exacerbates the barriers they face to accessing employment opportunities; and that gentrifiers often make returning citizens feel unwelcome in the communities where they were raised. In sum, we find that returning citizens, like other long-term residents of gentrifying neighborhoods, face structural barriers both to living in gentrified neighborhoods and to accessing available resources.
{"title":"Returning from Prison to a Changed City: How Does Gentrification Shape the Employment and Housing Opportunities of Returning Citizens?","authors":"Tanya Golash-Boza, Michael David Aquino, Yajaira Ceciliano-Navarro","doi":"10.1177/23294965241281696","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965241281696","url":null,"abstract":"Studies of returning citizens have found they benefit from living in well-resourced neighborhoods, yet they face obstacles to securing housing in these communities. Insofar as gentrification involves investing more public and private resources into communities, this raises the question of how this investment affects returning citizens whose former homes are in gentrifying neighborhoods—a common circumstance in Washington, DC. Based on 37 in-depth interviews with returning citizens from Washington DC, this study explores the impact of gentrification. We find that the increased housing prices associated with gentrification make it difficult for returning citizens to move to gentrified areas; that gentrification exacerbates the barriers they face to accessing employment opportunities; and that gentrifiers often make returning citizens feel unwelcome in the communities where they were raised. In sum, we find that returning citizens, like other long-term residents of gentrifying neighborhoods, face structural barriers both to living in gentrified neighborhoods and to accessing available resources.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142203151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-07DOI: 10.1177/23294965241275162
Quintin Gorman
Systemic racism explains historical and contemporary anti-black exclusion, violence, and exploitation in the United States. Yet, Black people routinely resist systemic racism’s effects. This study asks whether racial capital (i.e., Blacks’ belief in the significance of systemic racism) associates positively with political activities. It also attempts to replicate previous findings showing educational attainment directly predicts political activities. Finally, it asks whether educational attainment moderates the association between racial capital and political activities. Analyses of nationally representative data from the Outlook on Life Surveys, 2012, indicate racial capital associates positively with political activities. Further, educational attainment directly predicts political activities and seemingly attenuates racial capital’s positive association with political activities. However, racial capital associates positively with increased political activities among Black people with an associate degree or more.
系统性种族主义解释了美国历史上和当代对黑人的排斥、暴力和剥削。然而，黑人却经常抵制系统性种族主义的影响。本研究探讨了种族资本（即黑人对系统种族主义重要性的信念）是否与政治活动正相关。本研究还试图复制之前的研究结果，即教育程度直接预测政治活动。最后，研究还提出了教育程度是否会调节种族资本与政治活动之间的关联的问题。对《2012 年生活展望调查》（Outlook on Life Surveys, 2012）中具有全国代表性的数据进行的分析表明，种族资本与政治活动呈正相关。此外，教育程度直接预测政治活动，似乎削弱了种族资本与政治活动的正相关。然而，在拥有副学士学位或以上的黑人中，种族资本与政治活动的增加呈正相关。
{"title":"Fight the Power? How Black Adults’ Racial Capital Associates With Their Political Activities","authors":"Quintin Gorman","doi":"10.1177/23294965241275162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965241275162","url":null,"abstract":"Systemic racism explains historical and contemporary anti-black exclusion, violence, and exploitation in the United States. Yet, Black people routinely resist systemic racism’s effects. This study asks whether racial capital (i.e., Blacks’ belief in the significance of systemic racism) associates positively with political activities. It also attempts to replicate previous findings showing educational attainment directly predicts political activities. Finally, it asks whether educational attainment moderates the association between racial capital and political activities. Analyses of nationally representative data from the Outlook on Life Surveys, 2012, indicate racial capital associates positively with political activities. Further, educational attainment directly predicts political activities and seemingly attenuates racial capital’s positive association with political activities. However, racial capital associates positively with increased political activities among Black people with an associate degree or more.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142203150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-31DOI: 10.1177/23294965241275198
Chris Hess, Kristin Horan, Tyler Collette, Israel Sanchez Cardona, Bianca Channer, Brian Moore
Housing affordability has worsened considerably over recent decades, and despite some progress, veterans remain relatively overrepresented among the unhoused. Nevertheless, veterans have historically been less impacted by housing affordability problems, whether this stems from factors such as greater access to homeownership, differential labor market returns related to veteran status or differences in the composition of the veteran population compared to non-veterans. In this study, we use data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) from 1976 to 2021 to document how housing unaffordability has become a growing problem among veterans who rent. We first demonstrate how the prevalence of housing cost burden among veteran renters has converged with that of the general population over the past four and a half decades. Second, we use a decomposition analysis to identify the factors most relevant to these trends observed over the span of our data, observing that changes in household composition and growing representation of veterans across disability status, race, and gender account for significant components of rising cost burden prevalence. We conclude by reviewing policy solutions tailored to groups who are overrepresented among cost burdened veterans. Overall, we find that “rent eats first” for everyone—veterans and their families included.
近几十年来，住房负担能力大大恶化，尽管取得了一些进展，但退伍军人在无房人口中所占比例仍然相对过高。然而，退伍军人历来受住房可负担性问题的影响较小，这是否源于以下因素，如更容易获得住房所有权、与退伍军人身份相关的劳动力市场回报率不同，或退伍军人人口构成与非退伍军人相比存在差异。在本研究中，我们利用 1976 年至 2021 年收入动态面板研究（Panel Study of Income Dynamics，PSID）的数据，记录了住房负担不起如何在租房的退伍军人中成为一个日益严重的问题。我们首先展示了在过去 45 年中，退伍军人租房者的住房成本负担的普遍程度是如何与普通人群趋同的。其次，我们使用分解分析法来确定在我们的数据跨度中观察到的与这些趋势最相关的因素，观察到家庭构成的变化以及不同残疾状况、种族和性别的退伍军人代表人数的增加是成本负担普遍性上升的重要原因。最后，我们回顾了针对成本负担过重的退伍军人群体的政策解决方案。总之，我们发现，对所有人来说，包括退伍军人及其家庭在内，都是 "先吃房租"。
{"title":"Rent Burden and Demographic Change Among Veterans: A Research Brief","authors":"Chris Hess, Kristin Horan, Tyler Collette, Israel Sanchez Cardona, Bianca Channer, Brian Moore","doi":"10.1177/23294965241275198","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965241275198","url":null,"abstract":"Housing affordability has worsened considerably over recent decades, and despite some progress, veterans remain relatively overrepresented among the unhoused. Nevertheless, veterans have historically been less impacted by housing affordability problems, whether this stems from factors such as greater access to homeownership, differential labor market returns related to veteran status or differences in the composition of the veteran population compared to non-veterans. In this study, we use data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) from 1976 to 2021 to document how housing unaffordability has become a growing problem among veterans who rent. We first demonstrate how the prevalence of housing cost burden among veteran renters has converged with that of the general population over the past four and a half decades. Second, we use a decomposition analysis to identify the factors most relevant to these trends observed over the span of our data, observing that changes in household composition and growing representation of veterans across disability status, race, and gender account for significant components of rising cost burden prevalence. We conclude by reviewing policy solutions tailored to groups who are overrepresented among cost burdened veterans. Overall, we find that “rent eats first” for everyone—veterans and their families included.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142226063","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-28DOI: 10.1177/23294965241275141
Katherine Johnson, Kim Ebert
Many White Americans believe that racism, racial violence, and hate groups are relics of the past, and yet we have witnessed the resurgence of White extremist groups and overt racism in recent years. This resurgence requires an examination of White extremist ideologies, particularly as they center traditional family values in justifying their extremism. In this study, we utilize a content analysis of the websites of six White extremist organizations to examine ideologies surrounding the family at the intersection of race and gender. Furthermore, we question why these ideologies take shape as they do and the potential implications of espousing family values with a rise in White extremism. Our study addresses the gender gap in existing White extremist research and highlights the need for an intersectional approach in understanding how ideologies differ between a White extremist group specifically for women and those under the leadership of men.
{"title":"“A Future for White Children”: Examining Family Ideologies of White Extremist Groups at the Intersection of Race and Gender","authors":"Katherine Johnson, Kim Ebert","doi":"10.1177/23294965241275141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965241275141","url":null,"abstract":"Many White Americans believe that racism, racial violence, and hate groups are relics of the past, and yet we have witnessed the resurgence of White extremist groups and overt racism in recent years. This resurgence requires an examination of White extremist ideologies, particularly as they center traditional family values in justifying their extremism. In this study, we utilize a content analysis of the websites of six White extremist organizations to examine ideologies surrounding the family at the intersection of race and gender. Furthermore, we question why these ideologies take shape as they do and the potential implications of espousing family values with a rise in White extremism. Our study addresses the gender gap in existing White extremist research and highlights the need for an intersectional approach in understanding how ideologies differ between a White extremist group specifically for women and those under the leadership of men.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142203157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-08-23DOI: 10.1177/23294965241275210
Alison E. Adams, Thomas E. Shriver
Extant research has documented how coal industries can have devastating impacts on industrial communities. While much of the sociological research on climate change has focused on issues of environmental sustainability and resilience, comparatively less research has centered around the social and emotional consequences of climate change in the context of industrial areas. To attend to this gap in the literature, we investigate how coal communities grieve lost landscapes and how that grief informs responses to future environmental threats. To do this, we build on and extend recent work that has argued for the sociological relevance of the concept of solastalgia in analyzing how communities cope with the impacts of natural and technological disasters at the local level. The term solastalgia describes the distress communities experience as they lose landscapes they once cherished in the wake of events such as expanding extractive activities. Specifically, we analyzed a coal mining region in the Czech Republic to examine how communities experience solastalgia in regions that have been chronically exploited for industrial energy extraction over time. Our findings revealed how solastalgia within industrial and coal communities can translate across time and generations. We use the term intergenerational solastalgia to capture this community-level phenomenon.
{"title":"The Impacts of Landscape Loss on Industrial Communities: Solastalgia in Coal Regions","authors":"Alison E. Adams, Thomas E. Shriver","doi":"10.1177/23294965241275210","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965241275210","url":null,"abstract":"Extant research has documented how coal industries can have devastating impacts on industrial communities. While much of the sociological research on climate change has focused on issues of environmental sustainability and resilience, comparatively less research has centered around the social and emotional consequences of climate change in the context of industrial areas. To attend to this gap in the literature, we investigate how coal communities grieve lost landscapes and how that grief informs responses to future environmental threats. To do this, we build on and extend recent work that has argued for the sociological relevance of the concept of solastalgia in analyzing how communities cope with the impacts of natural and technological disasters at the local level. The term solastalgia describes the distress communities experience as they lose landscapes they once cherished in the wake of events such as expanding extractive activities. Specifically, we analyzed a coal mining region in the Czech Republic to examine how communities experience solastalgia in regions that have been chronically exploited for industrial energy extraction over time. Our findings revealed how solastalgia within industrial and coal communities can translate across time and generations. We use the term intergenerational solastalgia to capture this community-level phenomenon.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142203152","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-22DOI: 10.1177/23294965241260057
Lawrence Stacey
Sexual minorities are a rapidly growing population, with recent estimates showing a two-fold increase in the percentage of sexual minorities over the past decade. Working with relatively few measures to identify sexual minorities, social scientists have amassed an impressive amount of evidence on inequality by sexuality. Despite this remarkable work, I argue that it is important to take a step back analytically and re-assess sexual minorities from a descriptive standpoint. Using population-level data from the CDC’s Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System, I provide unadjusted estimates of sociodemographic, socioeconomic, and family characteristics by sexual identity. Results reveal that sexual minorities are younger, are more racially diverse, and concentrate in different parts of the country than heterosexuals. Similarly, sexual minorities have remarkably different socioeconomic lives than heterosexuals, who enjoy higher annual household incomes, achieve higher educational attainment, and are more likely to be homeowners. Sexual minorities are also less likely to be married than heterosexuals. I conclude by highlighting that descriptive research can illuminate compositional differences between sexual minorities and heterosexuals; provide rationales for adjusting for certain characteristics that might confound relationships between sexual identity and numerous outcomes; and highlight potential explanatory mechanisms to make better sense of well-established findings regarding sexual minority disadvantage.
{"title":"An Updated Data Portrait of Heterosexual, Gay/Lesbian, Bisexual, and Other Sexual Minorities in the United States","authors":"Lawrence Stacey","doi":"10.1177/23294965241260057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965241260057","url":null,"abstract":"Sexual minorities are a rapidly growing population, with recent estimates showing a two-fold increase in the percentage of sexual minorities over the past decade. Working with relatively few measures to identify sexual minorities, social scientists have amassed an impressive amount of evidence on inequality by sexuality. Despite this remarkable work, I argue that it is important to take a step back analytically and re-assess sexual minorities from a descriptive standpoint. Using population-level data from the CDC’s Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System, I provide unadjusted estimates of sociodemographic, socioeconomic, and family characteristics by sexual identity. Results reveal that sexual minorities are younger, are more racially diverse, and concentrate in different parts of the country than heterosexuals. Similarly, sexual minorities have remarkably different socioeconomic lives than heterosexuals, who enjoy higher annual household incomes, achieve higher educational attainment, and are more likely to be homeowners. Sexual minorities are also less likely to be married than heterosexuals. I conclude by highlighting that descriptive research can illuminate compositional differences between sexual minorities and heterosexuals; provide rationales for adjusting for certain characteristics that might confound relationships between sexual identity and numerous outcomes; and highlight potential explanatory mechanisms to make better sense of well-established findings regarding sexual minority disadvantage.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141509146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-15DOI: 10.1177/23294965241262218
Angela K. Clague
The global outbreak of COVID-19 abruptly upended work and family life. Yet, little is known about how fathers combined paid and unpaid labor during this unprecedented historical period. Drawing on 35 semi-structured interviews with fathers who primarily telecommuted from home, I identify four strategies fathers used to combine paid and domestic labor: interim primary caregiving, egalitarian tag-teaming, transitional tag-teaming, and hands-on traditional fathering. Findings suggest that these work-family strategies primarily depended on wives’ physical presence in the home. The fathers who described doing the most domestic labor said their wives worked outside of the home. When wives were physically present in the home, fathers’ domestic behavior varied by the extent to which they endorsed the new fatherhood ideal—defining good fathering as involvement in both paid and domestic labor. Yet, change in fathers’ domestic behavior was limited. None of the fathers I interviewed described doing most of the domestic labor when their wives were physically present at home. Taken together, fathers’ domestic behavior depends on wives’ physical presence in the home and their normative perception of men’s responsibility to the family, suggesting that fathers do not perceive domestic time availability simply by differences in the couple’s paid work hours.
{"title":"How Did Telecommuting Fathers Navigate Work and Family Responsibilities During the First Year of the COVID-19 Pandemic?","authors":"Angela K. Clague","doi":"10.1177/23294965241262218","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965241262218","url":null,"abstract":"The global outbreak of COVID-19 abruptly upended work and family life. Yet, little is known about how fathers combined paid and unpaid labor during this unprecedented historical period. Drawing on 35 semi-structured interviews with fathers who primarily telecommuted from home, I identify four strategies fathers used to combine paid and domestic labor: interim primary caregiving, egalitarian tag-teaming, transitional tag-teaming, and hands-on traditional fathering. Findings suggest that these work-family strategies primarily depended on wives’ physical presence in the home. The fathers who described doing the most domestic labor said their wives worked outside of the home. When wives were physically present in the home, fathers’ domestic behavior varied by the extent to which they endorsed the new fatherhood ideal—defining good fathering as involvement in both paid and domestic labor. Yet, change in fathers’ domestic behavior was limited. None of the fathers I interviewed described doing most of the domestic labor when their wives were physically present at home. Taken together, fathers’ domestic behavior depends on wives’ physical presence in the home and their normative perception of men’s responsibility to the family, suggesting that fathers do not perceive domestic time availability simply by differences in the couple’s paid work hours.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141337773","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-13DOI: 10.1177/23294965241262219
Clifford Ross
Workers in labor unions have better access to high-quality health insurance plans, better pensions, and higher wages leading to increased lifetime earnings likely leading to better health. Additionally, much of the gendered hiring, promotion, and wage discrimination faced by women in the workplace is dependent on social characteristics (marital status and/or their status as a mother). While many of the benefits associated with union membership can potentially buffer the gendered workplace inequalities that lead to poorer health outcomes, unions have been largely ignored in health disparities literature. Using 28 waves of data ( N = 3,409) from The National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979, this study creates a lifetime “union tenure” variable, tests its relationship to midlife physical and mental health, and tests ways in which motherhood and marital status may moderate this relationship. Findings suggest that long-term union membership is associated with better physical health among mothers but does not have a significant benefit for women without children. Further, in fully controlled models, this relationship is not dependent on marital status and both married and unmarried mothers see a union tenure health benefit. This study provides insight into how union membership may play a role in improving the midlife health of working mothers.
{"title":"The Health Benefits of Extended Union Membership Among Women: A Family Status Perspective","authors":"Clifford Ross","doi":"10.1177/23294965241262219","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965241262219","url":null,"abstract":"Workers in labor unions have better access to high-quality health insurance plans, better pensions, and higher wages leading to increased lifetime earnings likely leading to better health. Additionally, much of the gendered hiring, promotion, and wage discrimination faced by women in the workplace is dependent on social characteristics (marital status and/or their status as a mother). While many of the benefits associated with union membership can potentially buffer the gendered workplace inequalities that lead to poorer health outcomes, unions have been largely ignored in health disparities literature. Using 28 waves of data ( N = 3,409) from The National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979, this study creates a lifetime “union tenure” variable, tests its relationship to midlife physical and mental health, and tests ways in which motherhood and marital status may moderate this relationship. Findings suggest that long-term union membership is associated with better physical health among mothers but does not have a significant benefit for women without children. Further, in fully controlled models, this relationship is not dependent on marital status and both married and unmarried mothers see a union tenure health benefit. This study provides insight into how union membership may play a role in improving the midlife health of working mothers.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141348854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-06DOI: 10.1177/23294965241259238
{"title":"Corrigendum to Who Authors Social Science? Demographics and the Production of Knowledge","authors":"","doi":"10.1177/23294965241259238","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965241259238","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141381496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-21DOI: 10.1177/23294965241254071
Jessie V. Ford, Aarushi Shah, Gloria Fortuna, Jennifer S. Hirsch
Lesbian, bisexual, and queer (LBQ) women experience disproportionately high rates of unwanted sex, including sexual assault. The literature has noted LBQ women's elevated risk for sexual victimization compared to heterosexual women, but little research has compared LBQ women's processing of sexual violations to those of heterosexual women. To address this gap, this article examines accounts of unwanted sex among 20 LBQ and 38 heterosexual college women (57 cisgender; 1 transwoman). We use both studies of embodiment and queer theory to understand socially patterned differences between LBQ and heterosexual women’s accounts of unwanted sex. Our findings indicate that heterosexual women’s multiple experiences with men (violent and not) often lead to explanations of sexual violations focused on men’s individual characteristics, for example, certain men are better/worse than others. In contrast, LBQ women’s experiences with women/non-binary partners produce a broader critique of heterosexuality. We find suggestive evidence that this difference helps LBQ women move away from self-blame toward a position of naming injustice.
{"title":"Embodied Injustice: Comparing Lesbian, Bisexual, and Queer and Heterosexual Women’s Accounts of Unwanted Sex","authors":"Jessie V. Ford, Aarushi Shah, Gloria Fortuna, Jennifer S. Hirsch","doi":"10.1177/23294965241254071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23294965241254071","url":null,"abstract":"Lesbian, bisexual, and queer (LBQ) women experience disproportionately high rates of unwanted sex, including sexual assault. The literature has noted LBQ women's elevated risk for sexual victimization compared to heterosexual women, but little research has compared LBQ women's processing of sexual violations to those of heterosexual women. To address this gap, this article examines accounts of unwanted sex among 20 LBQ and 38 heterosexual college women (57 cisgender; 1 transwoman). We use both studies of embodiment and queer theory to understand socially patterned differences between LBQ and heterosexual women’s accounts of unwanted sex. Our findings indicate that heterosexual women’s multiple experiences with men (violent and not) often lead to explanations of sexual violations focused on men’s individual characteristics, for example, certain men are better/worse than others. In contrast, LBQ women’s experiences with women/non-binary partners produce a broader critique of heterosexuality. We find suggestive evidence that this difference helps LBQ women move away from self-blame toward a position of naming injustice.","PeriodicalId":44139,"journal":{"name":"Social Currents","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-05-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141116942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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