Social Currents最新文献_第6页

“Communist Controlled Black Barbarism”: The Citizen’s Councils of America’s Anti-Communist Master Frame Cluster and the Renovation of White Supremacist Ideology “共产主义控制的黑人野蛮”:美国反共主框架集群的公民委员会与白人至上主义意识形态的革新

IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences

Social Currents

Pub Date : 2022-11-23 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221139850

Devon A Wright

Using insights from a content coding analysis of discourse from the most influential White supremacist segregationist organization of the early Cold War decades, Citizen’s Councils of America (CCA or Council), I argue that social movement organizations use a master frame cluster, a package of closely related, overlapping frames with a core master frame to adapt and update pre-existing, older ideology to contemporaneous sociopolitical currents and thereby mainstream, modernize, and streamline propaganda messaging. From its media outlets and White supremacist ideology, the Council deployed what I call its Anti-Communist Master Frame Cluster, proclaiming that unrestrained Black savagery and misguided White sympathy, including liberals, leftists, and socialists, all followed a downward slope toward communist tyranny or what the Council called, “Communist controlled Black barbarism.” Twenty-first century conservative rightwing media has inherited the CCA’s master frame cluster to discredit Black Lives Matter protests, still using anti-communist messaging, but with a “Black-on-Black” crime narrative as the main propaganda weapon against Black protest.

利用对冷战初期最具影响力的白人至上主义种族隔离主义组织美国公民委员会（CCA或Council）话语的内容编码分析的见解，我认为社会运动组织使用主框架集群，一个由紧密相关、重叠的框架组成的包，带有核心主框架，旧的意识形态到同时代的社会政治潮流，从而使宣传信息主流化、现代化和精简。从其媒体和白人至上主义意识形态来看，该委员会部署了我所称的反共主框架集群，宣称不受约束的黑人野蛮行为和被误导的白人同情，包括自由主义者、左派和社会主义者，都朝着共产主义暴政或委员会所称的“共产主义控制的黑人野蛮”的方向向下倾斜。“21世纪的保守派右翼媒体继承了CCA的主框架集群，以抹黑黑人的命也是命的抗议活动，仍然使用反共信息，但将“黑人对黑人”的犯罪叙事作为反对黑人抗议的主要宣传武器。

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引用次数: 0

Islamophobic Discourse of European Right-Wing Parties: A Narrative Policy Analysis 欧洲右翼政党仇视伊斯兰教的话语：叙事政策分析

IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences

Social Currents

Pub Date : 2022-11-19 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221139852

L. I. Oztig

In Europe, in tandem with growing social anxiety regarding the so-called threat of Islamization, right-wing, populist parties have increasingly positioned themselves against Muslims and Islam to the point of becoming anti-Islam parties. This paper deconstructs Islamophobic discourses of the Freedom Party of Austria, the League, and the Alternative for Germany through narrative policy analysis and shows that they are built upon a similar narrative of a villain, victim, and hero. Muslims are depicted as villains that pose a threat to Europe, while national and European cultures are presented as victims, threatened by Islamic practices which are cast as irrational, dominant, and violence-prone. The depiction of Muslims as villains and European culture and society as victims gives these parties an opportunity to create a “hero” character for themselves. By presenting proposals, such as bans on Islamic practices, these parties narratively construct themselves as heroes determined to save their countries and European culture. Disregarding the heterogeneity of Muslims and Islamic traditions as well as the contribution of Muslim scientists and philosophers, these parties depict a simplistic picture of the world in which they appropriate for themselves the role of protector. Character construction in Islamophobic discourses raises important questions about multiculturalism, tolerance, and religious freedom in Europe.

在欧洲，随着社会对所谓伊斯兰化威胁的日益焦虑，右翼民粹主义政党越来越多地将自己定位为反对穆斯林和伊斯兰教，甚至成为反伊斯兰政党。本文通过叙事政策分析，解构了奥地利自由党、联盟和德国另类选择党的仇视伊斯兰教话语，并表明它们是建立在一个类似的恶棍、受害者和英雄的叙事之上的。穆斯林被描绘成对欧洲构成威胁的恶棍，而民族和欧洲文化则被描绘成受害者，受到伊斯兰做法的威胁，这些做法被塑造成非理性、占主导地位和暴力倾向。穆斯林被描绘成恶棍，欧洲文化和社会被描绘成受害者，这让这些政党有机会为自己塑造一个“英雄”角色。通过提出诸如禁止伊斯兰活动等建议，这些政党将自己塑造成决心拯救国家和欧洲文化的英雄。这些政党无视穆斯林和伊斯兰传统的异质性，也无视穆斯林科学家和哲学家的贡献，描绘了一幅简单的世界图景，他们在其中扮演着保护者的角色。仇视伊斯兰教话语中的性格建构引发了关于欧洲多元文化、宽容和宗教自由的重要问题。

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引用次数: 2

Resettlement Divorce: The Hidden Costs of Family Separation During Refugee Resettlement 安置离婚:难民安置期间家庭分离的隐性成本

IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences

Social Currents

Pub Date : 2022-11-19 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221139851

Kamryn D Warren

Refugee resettlement is a solution to provide safety and security to individuals left vulnerable from displacement. However, some refugees who intermarry with non-refugees are barred from resettling with their intact family unit. This article utilizes an in-depth ethnographic analysis of the everyday life of refugees in mixed nationality marriages living in Nepal to argue that the right to family unity is denied to some refugees. Refugees in mixed-nationality marriages must choose between divorcing a loving and stable partner to resettle in a third country and remaining encamped in Nepal, where opportunities for safety, security, and advancement are severely limited. This analysis indicates that “resettlement divorces” became a way that mixed-marriage refugee couples managed to navigate the offer of resettlement for Bhutanese refugees in Nepal and the ways that resettlement structured their everyday lives. Implications exist for interrogating which families are granted the right to “unity,” patterns of refugee resettlement, and the resettlement outcomes of single refugee mothers.

难民安置是为流离失所的弱势群体提供安全保障的一种解决方案。然而，一些与非难民通婚的难民被禁止与其完整的家庭单元重新安置。本文通过对尼泊尔混合国籍婚姻难民日常生活的深入民族志分析，认为一些难民被剥夺了家庭团聚的权利。混合国籍婚姻中的难民必须在与一个充满爱和稳定的伴侣离婚到第三国重新定居和留在尼泊尔露营之间做出选择，因为尼泊尔的安全、保障和晋升机会非常有限。这一分析表明，“重新安置离婚”成为了混合婚姻难民夫妇设法应对在尼泊尔为不丹难民提供重新安置的一种方式，以及重新安置安排他们日常生活的方式。这对询问哪些家庭被授予“团结”的权利、难民重新安置的模式以及单身难民母亲的重新安置结果都有影响。

引用次数: 1

Do Fetal Development Markers Influence Attitudes toward Abortion Legality? 胎儿发育标志物会影响人们对堕胎合法性的态度吗？

IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences

Social Currents

Pub Date : 2022-11-10 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221137830

Xiana Bueno, K. Laroche, Brandon L. Crawford, R. Turner, Wen‐Juo Lo, K. Jozkowski

In the United States, legislation intended to limit abortion access based on fetal development markers (e.g., heartbeat, fetal pain) has become increasingly common. We found that people’s support for legal abortion decreases when survey items mention fetal developmental markers compared with items that do not. However, the majority of participants supported access to legal abortion in health-related circumstances or pregnancies as a result of rape at the detection of a fetal heartbeat. Using terms that personify the fetus may evoke responses from participants that limit their endorsement of abortion. Thus, including this terminology in the public and political discourse seems to influence abortion attitudes. This might have implications related to electoral outcomes which eventually determine whether pregnant people are guaranteed access to abortion.

在美国，旨在根据胎儿发育标志物（如心跳、胎儿疼痛）限制堕胎的立法越来越普遍。我们发现，当调查项目提到胎儿发育标志物时，与没有提到的项目相比，人们对合法堕胎的支持率会下降。然而，大多数参与者支持在与健康相关的情况下进行合法堕胎，或在检测到胎儿心跳时因强奸而怀孕。使用将胎儿拟人化的术语可能会引起参与者的反应，从而限制他们对堕胎的支持。因此，将这一术语纳入公共和政治话语似乎会影响堕胎态度。这可能与选举结果有关，选举结果最终决定了孕妇是否有权堕胎。

引用次数: 2

Poisoning the Well: How Astroturfing Harms Trust in Advocacy Organizations 毒害水井:投机如何损害倡导组织的信任

IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences

Social Currents

Pub Date : 2022-10-22 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221123808

E. Walker, A. Le

Sociological research on social movements and politics holds that advocacy organizations are typically trusted to be authentic agents of their constituents. At the same time, however, businesses and other outside interests often engage in covert “astroturfing” strategies in which they ventriloquize claims through apparently independent grassroots associations (but which are entirely funded and staffed to benefit the sponsor). These widespread and deceptive strategies may harm trust in advocacy groups overall, extending beyond those revealed to be involved, through a mechanism of categorical stigmatization. This study is the first to test how revealed covert patronage may “poison the well” for all advocacy groups, with implications for how social movements and other advocacy causes suffer harm from illegitimate political practices by other organizations. The authors carried out two survey-experiments in which a local advocacy organization was revealed to be operating, respectively, as a “front” for either a corporation or think tank; in each experiment, conditions varied depending upon whether the sponsor was presented as highly reputable, low reputation, or with no specified reputation. In both experiments, astroturfing led to significant declines in trust in advocacy groups overall. We highlight implications for theory and research on social movements, organizational theory, and political processes.

关于社会运动和政治的社会学研究认为，倡导组织通常被认为是其选民的真实代理人。然而，与此同时，企业和其他外部利益集团经常采取隐蔽的“astroturfing”策略，通过表面上独立的草根协会(但这些协会的资金和人员完全是为了赞助商的利益)来口述自己的主张。这些广泛和欺骗性的策略可能会通过一种明确的污名化机制，损害对倡导团体的信任，而不仅仅是那些被揭露参与的团体。这项研究首次测试了公开的秘密赞助如何对所有倡导团体“毒化”，并暗示了社会运动和其他倡导事业如何受到其他组织非法政治行为的伤害。作者进行了两次调查实验，其中一个地方倡导组织分别被揭露为公司或智库的“幌子”;在每个实验中，条件的变化取决于赞助者是声誉很高、声誉很低还是没有特定的声誉。在这两个实验中，变卦导致了对倡导团体整体信任度的显著下降。我们强调对社会运动、组织理论和政治过程的理论和研究的影响。

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引用次数: 0

Viral Racism via Videos: A Study of Asians' Experiences of Interpersonal Discrimination Because of COVID-19. 通过视频传播的病毒性种族主义：亚洲人因新冠肺炎而遭受人际歧视的研究

IF 1.8 Q2 SOCIOLOGY

Social Currents

Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221098973

Tony N Brown, Chase L Lesane-Brown, Rachell Davis, Michael A Carroll

This study analyzes five publicly posted videos wherein Asians experience interpersonal discrimination because of COVID-19. We think social scientists ignore how videos provide data for investigating interpersonal discrimination. We characterize the videos according to multiple features including context, characteristics, and responses of individuals involved, type of threat or mistreatment, and level of psychological and physical harm. We then summarize features across the videos. Among other things, analyses uncover implicit, explicit, and historically specific anti-Asian sentiment alongside evidence perpetrators are men and bystanders do not intervene typically. The Discussion contrasts Asians' experiences of interpersonal discrimination because of COVID-19 against the interpersonal and institutional discrimination faced by American Indians, blacks, and Hispanics in the United States. That contrast brings Asians' positionality into sharp relief.

这项研究分析了五个公开发布的视频，其中亚洲人因新冠肺炎而遭受人际歧视。我们认为社会科学家忽视了视频如何为调查人际歧视提供数据。我们根据多个特征来描述视频，包括背景、特征和相关个人的反应、威胁或虐待的类型以及心理和身体伤害的程度。然后我们总结视频的特点。除其他外，分析揭示了隐含的、明确的和历史上特定的反亚裔情绪，以及犯罪者是男性和旁观者通常不会干预的证据。讨论将亚洲人因新冠肺炎而遭受的人际歧视与美国印第安人、黑人和拉美裔人在美国面临的人际和制度歧视进行了对比。这种反差使亚洲人的立场大为缓和。

引用次数: 0

Barriers to Access: The Unencumbered Client in Private Food Assistance 准入障碍:私人粮食援助中的无阻碍客户

IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences

Social Currents

Pub Date : 2022-10-01 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221129572

Alana Haynes Stein

The private food assistance network has expanded amidst a receding welfare state, signaling the privatization of food assistance and other social services. Simultaneously, the cultural association of poverty with morality characterizes some individuals as more “deserving” of assistance than others. As people seek social services, they must navigate programs embedded with these ideas of deservingness. I use data from 21 in-depth, semi-structured interviews with food bank clients and over 225 hours of participant observation at a California food bank and its partner agencies to examine how clients experience barriers to accessing private food assistance. I find that nonprofit program structures are designed to serve an unencumbered client, yet even populations characterized as “deserving” do not meet the characteristics of the unencumbered client. This nearly unattainable status of unencumbered client contributes to inequity emerging from the structural level that manifests as individuals try to access and use private food assistance. These structural barriers manifest in four ways at the food bank: material resources, nonprofit infrastructure and coordination, communication channels, and policing. Based on these findings, organizational practices of nonprofits are of key importance when considering the reproduction of inequality in society.

在福利国家逐渐萎缩的情况下，民间粮食援助网络扩大，标志着粮食援助和其他社会服务的私有化。同时，贫穷与道德的文化联系使一些人比其他人更“值得”得到援助。当人们寻求社会服务时，他们必须驾驭嵌入这些“应得”观念的项目。我使用的数据来自对食品银行客户的21次深度半结构化访谈，以及在加州食品银行及其合作机构进行的超过225小时的参与者观察，以研究客户在获得私人食品援助方面遇到的障碍。我发现，非营利项目的结构是为了服务无负担的客户而设计的，然而，即使是被认为“值得”的人群，也不符合无负担客户的特征。这种几乎无法实现的无负担客户地位导致了结构性层面的不平等，这种不平等表现为个人试图获得和使用私人粮食援助。这些结构性障碍体现在食物银行的四个方面:物质资源、非营利基础设施和协调、沟通渠道和监管。基于这些发现，在考虑社会不平等的再生产时，非营利组织的组织实践是至关重要的。

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引用次数: 1

Creating Our Gendered Selves-College Experiences, Work and Family Plans, Gender Ideologies, and Desired Work Amenities Among STEM Graduates. 创造我们的性别选择——STEM毕业生的大学经历、工作和家庭计划、性别意识形态和期望的工作便利

IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences

Social Currents

Pub Date : 2022-10-01 Epub Date: 2022-05-24 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221089912

Rui Jie Peng, Jennifer Glass, Sharon Sassler

Studies often cite climate issues in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) employment to explain the lack of diversity by gender and race. Yet, little research directly attends to gender and racial differences in the college experiences, expected family roles, and ideological beliefs about gender that create the racialized "gendered selves" graduates bring to STEM occupations. We examine the experiences and beliefs of graduating chemistry and chemical engineering majors at two U.S. universities, showing where they coalesced into intersectional gender groups whose work and family involvement and desired working conditions substantially differ. Gendered family expectations and workplace beliefs at labor market entry subsequently predict career confidence and family-based limits on job searching, both important factors affecting retention in STEM employment. We find that women at career entry are more likely to have lower confidence and more limits on their job search, though patterns differ by ethnicity. This occurs in part because both male and female graduates who report greater expected family responsibility also report lower confidence and more limits in job searching. Overall, aspirational fulfillment is easier for men whose intersectional gender identities fit the dominant STEM workplace culture, and harder for women and non-white graduates with more flexible gender ideologies and greater anticipated household responsibilities.

研究经常引用科学、技术、工程和数学（STEM）就业中的气候问题来解释性别和种族缺乏多样性的原因。然而，很少有研究直接关注大学经历、预期家庭角色和性别意识形态信仰中的性别和种族差异，这些差异造就了毕业生进入STEM职业的种族化“性别自我”。我们研究了美国两所大学化学和化学工程专业毕业生的经历和信念，显示了他们在哪里融合成了跨性别群体，他们的工作和家庭参与以及期望的工作条件有很大不同。劳动力市场进入时的性别家庭期望和工作场所信念随后预测了职业信心和基于家庭的求职限制，这两个因素都是影响STEM就业保留率的重要因素。我们发现，尽管不同种族的求职模式不同，但进入职场的女性更有可能对自己的求职信心较低，受到更多限制。出现这种情况的部分原因是，男性和女性毕业生都报告说，他们对家庭责任的期望更高，但他们在求职时信心更低，限制更大。总的来说，跨性别身份符合STEM主流工作场所文化的男性更容易实现抱负，而性别意识形态更灵活、预期家庭责任更大的女性和非白人毕业生则更难实现抱负。

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引用次数: 0

Rebuilding Without Papers: Disaster Migration and the Local Reception of Immigrants After Hurricane Katrina 无纸重建：卡特里娜飓风后的灾难移民和当地移民接收

IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences

Social Currents

Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221125646

H. Brown, Zhongze Wei, Michelle Lazaran, Christopher Cates, Jennifer A. Jones

After Hurricane Katrina decimated the Gulf Coast in 2005, thousands of Latinx immigrants arrived in the region to work in reconstruction, one case of the growing and global phenomenon of disaster migration. Drawing on newspaper content analysis, in-depth interviews with immigrant service providers, and archival materials from Mississippi for the years surrounding Hurricane Katrina (2003-2009), we ask what reception these disaster migrants encountered upon arrival and how that reception changed as they settled permanently in the state. We find that public discourse about immigrants became markedly more positive when disaster migrants arrived en masse, with the media and public characterizing immigrants as valuable, hard workers. Negative characterizations shifted to portray immigrants as drains on public resources. However, these changes were temporary. By 2009, public debate about immigrants reverted to pre-disaster trends with only one exception. Across our study period, we find a steady rise in claims that immigrants faced racism and discrimination. Our findings suggest that disasters may briefly transform the social and cultural bases of material inequalities but are unlikely to produce lasting change.

2005年卡特里娜飓风摧毁墨西哥湾沿岸后，数千名拉丁裔移民抵达该地区从事重建工作，这是全球灾难移民现象日益严重的一个例子。根据报纸内容分析、对移民服务提供商的深入采访，以及卡特里娜飓风（2003-2009年）前后密西西比州的档案材料，我们询问这些灾难移民在抵达时遇到了什么样的接待，以及当他们永久定居在该州时，这种接待是如何变化的。我们发现，当灾难移民大批抵达时，公众对移民的讨论变得更加积极，媒体和公众将移民描述为有价值的辛勤工作者。负面描述转向将移民描绘成公共资源的消耗者。然而，这些变化是暂时的。到2009年，关于移民的公开辩论又回到了灾难前的趋势，只有一个例外。在我们的研究期间，我们发现移民面临种族主义和歧视的说法稳步上升。我们的研究结果表明，灾难可能会短暂改变物质不平等的社会和文化基础，但不太可能产生持久的变化。

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引用次数: 0

College Students and “Interracial” Relationships: How Our Measures Matter 大学生与“异族”关系：我们的措施如何重要

IF 1.9 Q2 Social Sciences

Social Currents

Pub Date : 2022-08-07 DOI: 10.1177/23294965221118071

K. Tillman, Ladanya Ramirez Surmeier, Byron Miller

We use data from a random sample of students collected at two large public universities, one in the Midwestern region and one in the Southeastern region of the U.S., to document the prevalence of self-reported “interracial” romantic relationships (SR-IRRs) and the extent to which self-identifications differ from researcher-defined categorizations that label as “interracial/interethnic” all partnerships that cross racial or Latino/Hispanic ethnic boundaries (RD-IRRs). Our findings show that a substantial percentage of students in relationships that cross racial/ethnic lines do not identify them as “interracial.” As a result, measures of SR-IRR and RD-IRR produce very different prevalence figures for cross-group relationships (SR-IRR = 18% of respondents; RDIRR = 24%). The disjuncture between self-reports and researcher-defined categorizations is particularly pronounced for Hispanics and, to a lesser degree, non-Hispanic Whites. The consistency with which relationships that include non-Hispanic Black individuals are labeled, however, stands out as unique: every instance of racial/ethnic boundary crossing that involved an individual from this group was labeled as “interracial.” Multivariate analyses identify significant predictors of SR-IRRs and RDIRRs and how race/ethnicity, nativity status, and university location interact to shape relationship engagement and the likelihood of self-identifying relationships as “interracial.” Our discussion concludes with implications and suggestions for future research.

我们使用了两所大型公立大学随机收集的学生样本数据，一所在美国中西部地区，一所在美国东南部地区，以记录自我报告的“跨种族”浪漫关系(SR-IRRs)的流行程度，以及自我认同与研究人员定义的“跨种族/跨种族”所有跨越种族或拉丁裔/西班牙裔种族界限的伙伴关系(RD-IRRs)的不同程度。我们的研究结果表明，在跨种族/民族关系中的学生中，有相当一部分人并不认为他们是“跨种族”的。因此，SR-IRR和RD-IRR的测量结果在跨群体关系中产生了非常不同的患病率数字(SR-IRR = 18%的受访者;Rdirr = 24%)。自我报告和研究人员定义的分类之间的脱节在西班牙裔和非西班牙裔白人中尤为明显，程度较轻。然而，包括非西班牙裔黑人在内的关系的一致性被贴上了独特的标签:每一个涉及该群体个人的种族/民族边界跨越的例子都被贴上了“跨种族”的标签。多变量分析确定了SR-IRRs和RDIRRs的重要预测因子，以及种族/民族、出生状况和大学位置如何相互作用，形成关系参与和自我识别为“跨种族”关系的可能性。我们的讨论总结了对未来研究的启示和建议。

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引用次数: 0