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Conductus, Sequence, Refrain 指挥,顺序,叠句
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/jm.2022.39.2.133
M. Caldwell
Latin conducti do not typically come to mind when considering the medieval practice of French refrain citation; intertextual refrains were conventionally interpolated into French songs, narratives, and the upper voices of motets. Yet three conducti copied in late thirteenth-century northern French manuscripts intervene in this traditional narrative by engaging compositionally with French refrains: Veni sancte spiritus spes in GB-Lbl Egerton 274 (known as LoB or Trouvère F), and Marie preconio and Superne matris gaudia in F-Pn lat. 15131 (the St. Victor Miscellany). Previously identified as contrafacts of French refrain songs, Veni sancte spiritus spes shares its melody with a widely cited French refrain, while Marie preconio and Superne matris gaudia are rubricated with French refrains and scribal cues that suggest a musical relationship with French refrains. However, the poems of these conducti exhibit significant relationships not with French refrains but with homonymous and widely sung liturgical sequences. These conducti are not simply contrafacts but reflect a compositional negotiation between variously borrowed and new elements, resulting in Latin songs implicated within citational networks of liturgical chant and French refrains. Significantly, the repeated refrain serves in each song as the site for intertextual and intermusical processes, with borrowed material from French refrains and Latin sequences shaping the music and poetry of the new refrain-form conducti. Considered together, these conducti shed light on understudied Latin contexts for practices of multilingual intertextuality and intermusicality in late thirteenth-century France.
在考虑中世纪法语叠句引用的做法时,通常不会想到拉丁语的传导;互文叠句通常被插入到法国歌曲、叙事和圣歌的高音中。然而,在13世纪晚期的法国北部手稿中,有三首行曲通过在构图上加入法语的叠句,介入了这种传统的叙述:《Veni sancte spiritus spes》,收录于gp - lbl Egerton 274(被称为LoB或trouvires F),以及《Marie preconio》和《Superne matrisgaudia》收录于F- pn lat。15131年(圣维克多杂记)。以前被认为是法国副歌的契约,Veni sancte spiritus spes与广泛引用的法国副歌共享其旋律,而Marie preconio和Superne matris gaudia则充满了法国副歌和抄写线索,表明与法国副歌的音乐关系。然而,这些指挥家的诗歌表现出重要的关系,不是与法国的副歌,而是与同名和广泛歌唱的仪式序列。这些行为不是简单的契约,而是反映了各种借来的和新的元素之间的作曲协商,导致拉丁歌曲牵连到礼仪圣歌和法语副歌的引用网络中。值得注意的是,重复的叠句在每首歌中都充当了互文和跨音乐过程的场所,从法语叠句和拉丁序列中借来的材料塑造了新的叠句形式的音乐和诗歌。综合考虑,这些行为揭示了未被充分研究的拉丁语境在13世纪晚期法国的多语言互文性和音乐间性实践。
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引用次数: 0
Instrument or Appliance? The RCA Theremin, Gender, Labor, and Domesticity 仪器还是器具?RCA特雷门,性别,劳动和家庭生活
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/jm.2022.39.1.35
C. Latham
This article explores the relationship between domestic music making, technological innovation, and labor through a case study of the marketing of the RCA Theremin in 1929. Shortly after the arrival of Russian inventor Leon Theremin in the United States in 1928, plans to develop the Theremin as a commercial musical instrument for the home quickly took shape, aligning it with other commercialized domestic appliances. But the nature of the labor that the Theremin promised, according to its marketers, was different than the labor afforded by the vacuum cleaner or lightbulb: it promised to perform musical work. The domestic sphere was changing with the introduction of appliances to assist housewives in middle-class American homes. This involved changes in audio culture as well. Many forms of musical listening were moving from a public to a domestic sphere via the introduction of the phonograph and radio. The phonograph afforded housewives the convenience of playing Saint-Saëns in their parlors without the labor of practicing the piano, just as the electric light saved them the effort of attending to oil lamps. Marketing materials for the RCA Theremin promoted the instrument as a labor-saving device, aiming to fulfill the role of the piano in middle-class American homes but eradicating the need for practicing. I argue that this promise implicitly reveals the labor of domestic music making, which, like other forms of domestic labor, has been historically rendered invisible within a capitalistic system that values productive over reproductive labor.
本文以1929年美国皇家唱片公司特雷门琴的市场营销为例,探讨了国内音乐创作、技术创新和劳动之间的关系。1928年,俄罗斯发明家利昂·特雷明(Leon Theremin)抵达美国后不久,将特雷明(Theremin)发展为家用商业乐器的计划迅速成形,使其与其他商业化家用电器保持一致。但根据其营销人员的说法,特雷门所承诺的劳动性质与真空吸尘器或灯泡所提供的劳动性质不同:它承诺进行音乐工作。随着帮助美国中产阶级家庭主妇的家用电器的引进,家庭领域正在发生变化。这也涉及到音频文化的变化。通过留声机和收音机的出现,许多形式的音乐聆听从公共领域转移到家庭领域。留声机给家庭主妇们提供了在客厅里弹奏Saint-Saëns的便利,而不用去练习钢琴,就像电灯使她们不用去管油灯一样。RCA特雷门的营销材料将这种乐器宣传为一种节省劳动力的设备,旨在实现钢琴在美国中产阶级家庭中的作用,但消除了练习的需要。我认为,这一承诺隐含地揭示了家庭音乐制作的劳动,与其他形式的家庭劳动一样,在重视生产性劳动而非再生产劳动的资本主义制度下,这种劳动在历史上一直是不可见的。
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引用次数: 0
Revisiting the Music-Printing Market in Seventeenth-Century Italy and the Peculiar Case of Pietro Millioni’s Guitar Books 重新审视17世纪意大利的音乐印刷市场和彼得罗·米里尼的吉他书的特殊案例
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/jm.2022.39.1.1
Gideon Brettler
This article examines the Italian music-printing industry in the seventeenth century from two distinct perspectives. The first revisits the industry’s decline and the circumstances that led to that state of affairs. The second traces the unlikely commercial success of the guitar tutors of Pietro Millioni, offering a glimpse into the inner workings of the industry. A quantitative analysis of production patterns using a newly constructed database of seventeenth-century Italian music prints provides a nuanced view of the rise and fall in output across various printing centers. Cross-referencing these data with an analysis of the corpora of the leading printing houses of Venice and Rome exposes various idiosyncrasies of these two centers of music printing and suggests that the downturn in production was driven not only by domestic conditions but also by the gradual decline of Venice as a dominant international economy. The music in the Millioni books is printed with an idiomatic notation for the guitar known as alfabeto. The simplicity of alfabeto notation offered the musically illiterate an accessible path to music making, while its typographical features offered printers a cheap and easy method of printing music without specialized equipment or expertise. The continued success of these books in a contracting market demonstrates the significant appeal of this music for both printer and consumer, which contributed to the codification of oral musical traditions in print. The reconstruction of the genealogy of the Millioni books discloses numerous commercial ties between publishers, as well as their influence over musical content.
本文从两个不同的角度考察了十七世纪意大利音乐印刷业。第一篇文章回顾了该行业的衰落以及导致这种状况的环境。第二本书追溯了彼得罗·米林尼(Pietro Millioni)的吉他导师不太可能取得的商业成功,让我们得以一窥吉他行业的内部运作。使用新建立的17世纪意大利音乐版画数据库对生产模式进行定量分析,提供了不同印刷中心产量上升和下降的细致视角。将这些数据与对威尼斯和罗马主要印刷厂的语料库的分析进行交叉对照,揭示了这两个音乐印刷中心的各种特质,并表明生产的低迷不仅受到国内条件的驱动,还受到威尼斯作为主导国际经济的逐渐衰落的影响。百万书籍中的音乐是用一种习惯的吉他符号印刷的,称为alfabeto。alfabeto记谱法的简单性为音乐文盲提供了一种易于获得的音乐制作途径,而其排版功能为印刷商提供了一种廉价而简单的方法,无需专门的设备或专业知识即可打印音乐。这些书在收缩市场上的持续成功表明了这种音乐对印刷商和消费者的重大吸引力,这有助于将口头音乐传统编纂成印刷品。百万书籍的谱系重建揭示了出版商之间的众多商业关系,以及他们对音乐内容的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Wenzel Mihule and the Reception of Don Giovanni in Central Europe 温泽尔·米胡勒与中欧对唐璜的接待
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/jm.2022.39.1.66
Martin Nedbal
This article traces the previously overlooked transmission of a German Singspiel adaptation of Mozart’s Don Giovanni in central Europe in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Titled Don Juan, oder Die redende Statue, the adaptation originated with the troupe of Wenzel Mihule at the Patriotic Theater in Prague in the early 1790s and, initially at least, took fewer liberties with the opera than other German reworkings, possibly because it was created in an environment sensitive to Mozart’s Italian original. The adaptation was picked up by Emauel Schikaneder’s company in Vienna, by companies across Moravia, and by Joseph Seconda’s troupe in Leipzig and Dresden, and it traveled with Mihule from Prague to southern Germany and Slovakia. Newly discovered archival documents associated with Mihule’s Don Juan shed light on the early German-language history of Don Giovanni, illustrating, in particular, its reception outside of large urban centers—in smaller towns, aristocratic palaces, and a monastery. This article argues, moreover, that the lack of scholarly attention to the adaptation is to a large extent connected to national politics in central Europe in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, specifically to Czech-German ethnic tensions and conflicts.
本文追溯了18世纪末和19世纪初由莫扎特的《唐乔瓦尼》改编而成的德国Singspiel在中欧的传播,这在以前被忽视了。这部名为《唐·璜》的改编作品最初是由温泽尔·米胡勒剧团于18世纪90年代初在布拉格的爱国剧院创作的,至少在一开始,他们对这部歌剧的改动比其他德国改编作品要少,可能是因为它是在一个对莫扎特的意大利原作敏感的环境中创作的。维也纳的伊马埃尔·施坎德尔(Emauel Schikaneder)剧团、摩拉维亚各地的剧团、莱比锡和德累斯顿的约瑟夫·塞诺达(Joseph Seconda)剧团都接受了改编,并与米胡勒一起从布拉格前往德国南部和斯洛伐克。新发现的与米胡勒的《唐璜》有关的档案文件揭示了《唐璜》的早期德语历史,特别说明了它在大城市中心之外的受欢迎程度——在小城镇、贵族宫殿和修道院。此外,本文还认为,学术界对小说改编缺乏关注在很大程度上与19世纪和20世纪中欧的国家政治有关,特别是与捷克-德国的种族紧张关系和冲突有关。
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引用次数: 0
Ligatures and Musical Meaning 结扎和音乐意义
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/jm.2022.39.3.306
P. Kolb
In mensural notation, certain combinations of notes could be notated either individually or bound together as ligatures. The choice of whether or not to use a ligature provided an opportunity for composers and scribes to encode different types of musical meaning. It has long been accepted that ligatures could help to show text underlay, and scholars have also proposed that ligatures could clarify aspects of musical structure, such as melodic and rhythmic patterns, phrasing, and articulation. It is difficult to prove wide applicability of these proposals, not least because they tend to rely primarily on the evidence of practical sources. Fortunately, there is more theoretical evidence about the purpose and function of ligatures than has been heretofore recognized. While much of the evidence unsurprisingly points toward the textual significance of ligatures, a substantial amount of theory from the early fifteenth century to the mid-sixteenth century shows that ligatures were also important for clarifying aspects of mensural context, sometimes forcing perfection and alteration. The evidence leads us to reconsider widely held assumptions about the significance of ligatures and to look beyond text underlay as the primary meaning that may (or may not) be signified. Drawing on these insights, contextual analysis of notation can provide a clearer window into the concerns and priorities of composers and scribes.
在量程记谱法中,某些音符的组合既可以单独记谱,也可以作为结束语捆绑在一起。是否使用绳结的选择为作曲家和抄写员提供了一个机会来编码不同类型的音乐含义。长期以来,人们一直认为结合力可以帮助显示文本的基础,学者们也提出结合力可以澄清音乐结构的各个方面,如旋律和节奏模式、措辞和发音。很难证明这些建议的广泛适用性,尤其是因为它们往往主要依赖于实际来源的证据。幸运的是,关于结扎的目的和功能的理论证据比迄今为止所认识到的要多。尽管许多证据不出意料地指向了结扎法的文本意义,但从15世纪早期到16世纪中期的大量理论表明,结扎法对于澄清测量上下文的各个方面也很重要,有时会迫使其完善和修改。这些证据使我们重新考虑关于结束语重要性的广泛假设,并超越文本底层,将其视为可能(或可能不)被表示的主要意义。利用这些见解,对乐谱的上下文分析可以为作曲家和抄写员的关注点和优先事项提供更清晰的窗口。
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引用次数: 0
Sensibility in Haydn’s Topical Art 海顿主题艺术中的感性
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/jm.2022.39.4.432
Keri Hui
In Haydn’s keyboard music, sensibility displays distinct localized manifestations, and it also proves its capability to encompass several musical signifiers. By examining and contextualizing the use of the sigh, the tempesta, and the toccata topos in Haydn’s keyboard sonatas Hob. XVI:20, 49, and 46, this article aims both to demonstrate that sensibility may be signified by multiple topics and to call attention to the value of studying Haydn’s topical art. The three topics in Haydn’s keyboard sonatas each reveal a particular facet of sensibility, thereby testifying to the rich complexity of this human quality much cherished in the eighteenth century.
在海顿的键盘音乐中,感性表现出鲜明的局域化表现,同时也证明了感性能够包含多个音乐能指。通过对海顿键盘奏鸣曲《霍布》中叹息、暴风雨和托卡塔主题的运用进行考察和语境化。XVI:20, 49,和46,这篇文章的目的是既证明感性可能被多个主题所象征,又唤起人们对研究海顿主题艺术的价值的关注。海顿键盘奏鸣曲中的三个主题,每一个都揭示了感性的一个特定方面,从而证明了十八世纪所珍视的这种人类品质的丰富复杂性。
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引用次数: 0
Primitive, Exotic, and Australian 原始的,外来的和澳大利亚的
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/jm.2022.39.4.405
R. Campbell
This article analyzes the main themes in the critical reception of John Antill’s orchestral ballet Corroboree (1944), a musical representation of Indigenous culture by a non-Indigenous composer widely regarded as the most prominent piece of Australian classical music composed before the 1960s. In the historiography of Australian music that developed in the 1960s and 1970s, Antill’s work occupied a foundational position as the moment when Australian composition purportedly caught up with developments in international musical modernism. The reception history demonstrates, however, that Corroboree was rarely described in reviews as “modern,” “contemporary,” or “new,” especially in the two decades after its 1946 premiere. I argue that Corroboree’s positioning as Australia’s attainment of musical modernity was a retrospective interpretation by modernist writers associated with the compositional “new wave” of the 1960s and reflected their rethinking of Australian music history as a modernist teleology. In both international and Australian reviews, responses most frequently reference tropes and concepts associated with primitivism and exoticism. Primitivist language occurs throughout the whole course of the work’s reception, whereas exoticizing terms such as “weird” and “bizarre” are more frequent in the early years, before its modernist reinterpretation. Importantly, this early reception corresponds with recent analyses of Antill’s compositional aims and Nicholas Thomas’s notion of settler primitivism. Thomas described a type of primitivism broadly distinct from modernist primitivism’s aesthetics of formal innovation, cultural renewal, and emulation of the “primitive.” Settler primitivism is instead a type of representation and identity-work in settler societies based on the nationalist desire of settler artists to create a sense of belonging through identification with local Indigenous cultures. In the case of Corroboree, as understandings of the work in exoticist terms waned, the reception shifted and its primitivism tended to be framed in relation to modernism’s concern with stylistic innovation and formalism.
本文分析了约翰·安提尔(John Antill)的管弦乐芭蕾舞剧《Corroboree》(1944)的主要主题,这是一位非土著作曲家对土著文化的音乐表现,被广泛认为是20世纪60年代以前澳大利亚古典音乐中最杰出的作品。在20世纪60年代和70年代发展起来的澳大利亚音乐史上,安提尔的作品占据了一个基础性的位置,因为当时澳大利亚的作曲据称赶上了国际音乐现代主义的发展。然而,接受历史表明,《Corroboree》很少在评论中被描述为“现代”、“当代”或“新”,尤其是在1946年首映后的20年里。我认为Corroboree的定位是澳大利亚音乐现代性的实现,是现代主义作家与20世纪60年代作曲“新浪潮”相关的回顾性解释,反映了他们作为现代主义目的论对澳大利亚音乐史的重新思考。在国际和澳大利亚的评论中,回应最常提到与原始主义和异国情调相关的比喻和概念。原始主义的语言贯穿于作品的整个接受过程,而异国情调的术语,如“怪异”和“奇异”,在其现代主义重新诠释之前的早期更为频繁。重要的是,这种早期的接受与最近对安提尔的创作目标的分析和尼古拉斯·托马斯的定居者原始主义的概念相一致。托马斯描述了一种与现代主义原始主义的形式创新、文化更新和模仿“原始”的美学截然不同的原始主义。相反,定居者原始主义是一种在定居者社会中表现和认同的作品,基于定居者艺术家的民族主义愿望,通过对当地土著文化的认同来创造一种归属感。在Corroboree的案例中,随着对异域主义作品的理解减弱,人们的接受发生了变化,其原始主义倾向于与现代主义对风格创新和形式主义的关注相关联。
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引用次数: 0
Articulating Urban Culture with Coach Horns in the Long Nineteenth Century 在漫长的19世纪,用马车喇叭表达城市文化
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/jm.2022.39.2.225
Nicole Vilkner
Postal horns have been associated traditionally with bucolic topics in music. From Mozart to Mahler, the instrument appears in orchestral textures and songs to signify nostalgia for preindustrial rural life. The history of the coach horn, originally the standard postal instrument used on the British Royal Mail fleets, branched unexpectedly away from this paradigm when it was adopted for recreational use by socialites in urban areas in England, France, and other metropolitan hubs during the second half of the nineteenth century. In addition to performing the traditional road signals, driving enthusiasts expanded the musical vocabulary of the coach horn to include elaborate fanfares and stylized ensemble music. Tracing the undocumented recreational history of the coach horn, this article interrogates coach horn manuals, compositions, and essays on coaching that overturn traditional assumptions about the instrument. These sources illustrate how coach horn signals helped reframe driving from a service activity to a healthful sport. Examining the rhetoric surrounding the coach horn during the period of its revival, this study shows how the new signals reflected promenade and salon culture by mimicking polite dialogue. The ensemble repertory written for coach horns also catered to urban popular taste and was cultivated to enhance metropolitan social events. Analysis further illustrates how revivalist fanfares aurally articulated social status in the outdoor urban arena. This case study ultimately traces the cultural evolution of an instrument, a complex process through which old and new musical expectations were negotiated through composition and practice.
邮筒历来与音乐中的田园主题联系在一起。从莫扎特到马勒,这种乐器出现在管弦乐和歌曲中,表示对工业化前农村生活的怀念。马车号最初是英国皇家邮政船队使用的标准邮政工具,但在19世纪下半叶,当它被英国、法国和其他大都市的城市地区的社会名流用于娱乐时,它的历史出乎意料地偏离了这一模式。除了表演传统的道路信号外,驾驶爱好者还扩大了长途汽车喇叭的音乐词汇,包括精心制作的喇叭和程式化的合奏音乐。追溯教练号角的无证娱乐历史,这篇文章询问教练号角手册,作文,和散文的教练,推翻传统的假设关于乐器。这些资料说明了汽车喇叭信号如何帮助将驾驶从一项服务活动转变为一项健康运动。本研究考察了在马车号复兴时期围绕它的修辞,揭示了新的信号是如何通过模仿礼貌的对话来反映散步和沙龙文化的。为coach horns编写的合奏曲目也迎合了城市大众的口味,并被培养为促进都市社会活动。分析进一步说明了复兴主义的号角声是如何在室外城市舞台上表达社会地位的。本案例研究最终追溯了一种乐器的文化演变,这是一个复杂的过程,通过作曲和实践,新旧音乐期望得以协商。
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引用次数: 0
Melodia and the “Disposition of the Soul” 旋律与“灵魂的气质”
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1525/jm.2022.39.2.179
David E. Cohen
In 1607 Claudio Monteverdi’s younger brother, Giulio Cesare, published his Dichiaratione, arguably the most significant document of the famous and influential polemic known as the Artusi-Monteverdi controversy. He there attempted to rebut Giovanni Maria Artusi’s criticism of the technical “licenses”—especially with regard to dissonance treatment—that the great composer had sought to justify as essential elements of the new approach to text setting that he called the seconda pratica. In support of his argument, Giulio Cesare quotes passages from Plato’s Republic in order to claim the great philosopher’s authority for his brother’s revolutionary musical poetics. As I show in this study, the Platonic pronouncements concerning what the Monteverdis call melodia, that is, song (melos), provide Giulio Cesare with virtually the whole of his implicit argument for the artistic validity of Claudio’s subversive compositional practices. The article’s principal aim, however, is to demonstrate that Giulio Cesare exploits a lexical peculiarity in Ficino’s Latin translation of the Republic to misrepresent Plato’s thought on a point of great importance to the philosopher: the power of song to influence a people’s ēthos, their ethical or moral character. Ficino’s idiosyncratic rendering in the crucial passage of ēthos tēs psychēs as affectio animi (“affection of the soul”) enables, and indeed invites, Giulio Cesare to elide the true object of Plato’s concern and instead implicitly associate the philosopher’s dicta regarding the ethical force of melos with what the Dichiaratione identifies as the goal of the seconda pratica: “moving the affections of the soul.”
1607年,克劳迪奥·蒙特威尔第的弟弟,朱利奥·切萨雷,出版了他的《双叙论》,可以说是阿图斯-蒙特威尔第论战中最重要的文献。他在那里试图反驳乔瓦尼·玛丽亚·阿图西(Giovanni Maria Artusi)对技术“许可”的批评——尤其是在不和谐的处理方面——这位伟大的作曲家曾试图证明,这是他称之为“第二实践”的文本设置新方法的基本要素。为了支持自己的观点,朱利奥·切萨雷引用了柏拉图《理想国》中的一些段落,以证明这位伟大的哲学家对他兄弟革命性音乐诗学的权威。正如我在本研究中所展示的,柏拉图式的关于蒙特威尔第所称的旋律的宣言,也就是歌曲(melos),实际上为朱利奥·切萨雷提供了他对克劳迪奥颠覆性作曲实践的艺术有效性的全部隐含论证。然而,这篇文章的主要目的是证明,朱利奥·切萨雷利用了菲西诺的《理想国》拉丁文译本中的词汇特点,歪曲了柏拉图在一个对哲学家非常重要的问题上的思想:歌曲影响人民ēthos的力量,他们的伦理或道德品质。在ēthos tēs psychēs的关键段落中,菲西诺的特殊演绎作为情感animi(“灵魂的情感”),使得,并且确实邀请了朱利奥·切萨雷省略了柏拉图关心的真正对象,而是含蓄地将哲学家关于melos的道德力量的格言与《二律法》所确定的第二实践的目标联系在一起:“移动灵魂的情感”。
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引用次数: 1
Free Jazz and the “New Thing” 自由爵士和“新事物”
IF 0.5 1区 艺术学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1525/jm.2021.38.3.261
Kwami Coleman
Ornette Coleman’s Free Jazz was at the center of controversy in early 1960s music journalism. Released in 1961, the album contains a single thirty-seven-minute performance that is abstract and opaque. Its presumed cacophony and lack of order made Free Jazz emblematic of the “new thing,” the moniker journalists used to describe jazz’s emergent avant-garde, and links were drawn between the album’s sound and the supposed anti-traditionalism and radical (racial) politics of its artists and their supporters. This article does three things. It examines prominent reportage surrounding the album and the “new thing,” outlining the analytical shortfalls that helped to promulgate common misunderstandings about the music. It presents a new analytical framework for understanding Free Jazz, and it explains how the performance was organized and executed by exploring the textural provenance of its abstraction: heterophony. Heterophony, a term commonly used in ethnomusicology but with various shades of meaning, is theorized here as an opaque, decentralized musical texture. It opens up new epistemological terrain in the context of experimental improvised music by affording multiple simultaneous subjectivities (i.e., different sonified identities), interpolating the listener into a dynamic and constantly shifting sonic mesh. The experiment that was Free Jazz, I argue, is one of collective musical agency, in which the opacity of that sonic mesh—woven by the musicians in coordinated action—subverts traditional expectations of clarity, cohesion, and order, beckoning the listener to hear more openly, or more “freely.”
奥尔内特·科尔曼的《自由爵士》在20世纪60年代早期的音乐新闻报道中处于争议的中心。这张专辑于1961年发行,包含了一段37分钟的抽象而不透明的表演。它的不和谐和缺乏秩序使自由爵士成为“新事物”的象征,“新事物”是记者用来描述爵士乐新兴前卫的绰号,并且将专辑的声音与所谓的反传统主义和激进(种族)政治联系起来。这篇文章做了三件事。它考察了围绕这张专辑和“新事物”的重要报道,概述了分析上的不足,这些不足有助于揭示对音乐的普遍误解。它为理解自由爵士乐提供了一个新的分析框架,并通过探索其抽象的纹理来源来解释表演是如何组织和执行的:杂音。杂音,一个在民族音乐学中经常使用的术语,但有不同的含义,在这里被理论化为一种不透明的,分散的音乐织体。它在实验即兴音乐的背景下开辟了新的认识论领域,通过提供多个同时存在的主体性(即不同的声音化身份),将听众插入到一个动态的、不断变化的声音网格中。我认为,自由爵士乐的实验是一种集体音乐代理,其中由音乐家在协调行动中编织的声音网的不透明性颠覆了传统对清晰,凝聚力和秩序的期望,召唤听众更开放,或更“自由”地听。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY
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