Pub Date : 2023-07-29DOI: 10.1177/20570473231189898
J. Oktavianus, Brenna Davidson
This study scrutinizes the nature of online citizen-driven collective actions aimed at countering terrorism following bombing attacks in Indonesia. In particular, this study illuminates the framing processes, public sentiments, and actors involved in the movement. An analysis of 10,000 tweets bearing the hashtag #KamiTidakTakut (we are not afraid) showed that the participants predominantly employed motivational frames to encourage others to engage in anti-terrorism efforts and defy terror by bolstering collective identity. Moreover, while the tweets were mainly conveyed in a positive tone, a considerable number of tweets voiced negative sentiments, including criticism of the movement. In addition, most tweets came from citizens, and some were from media outlets, civil society organizations, government agencies, and public figures. The study enriches the literature on online collective actions in the context of terrorism and offers practical insights into the design of public anti-terrorism campaigns.
{"title":"Countering terrorism on social media: An analysis of online anti-terrorism movement in Indonesia","authors":"J. Oktavianus, Brenna Davidson","doi":"10.1177/20570473231189898","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20570473231189898","url":null,"abstract":"This study scrutinizes the nature of online citizen-driven collective actions aimed at countering terrorism following bombing attacks in Indonesia. In particular, this study illuminates the framing processes, public sentiments, and actors involved in the movement. An analysis of 10,000 tweets bearing the hashtag #KamiTidakTakut (we are not afraid) showed that the participants predominantly employed motivational frames to encourage others to engage in anti-terrorism efforts and defy terror by bolstering collective identity. Moreover, while the tweets were mainly conveyed in a positive tone, a considerable number of tweets voiced negative sentiments, including criticism of the movement. In addition, most tweets came from citizens, and some were from media outlets, civil society organizations, government agencies, and public figures. The study enriches the literature on online collective actions in the context of terrorism and offers practical insights into the design of public anti-terrorism campaigns.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44479569","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-25DOI: 10.1177/20570473231186475
Andrey V. Ivanov, Zhanna Nikonova, N. Frolova, I. Muratbayeva
The purpose of the study is to investigate the features of the vocabulary of COVID-19 in English, which is an international language of borrowings. The secondary objective is to obtain new data on the emergence of a new vocabulary during the global problem of the COVID-19 pandemic. The method of lexical semantics analysis was used; 77 lexical units within the framework of the socio-political discourse have been considered in the course of the discursive text analysis. The most relevant categories of neologisms associated with COVID-19 were identified, and their word-formation models were analyzed. The active borrowing of COVID-19 vocabulary began from the English language. Based on the changes in the lifestyle, daily routine, and statuses of citizens, five categories and four groups of neologisms have been identified. The results of this study can be used for further analysis of the vocabulary of the COVID-19 period as new lexical units constantly appear and require their consideration within the framework of the linguistic potential and vocabulary of the languages found in the world. The study is important for replenishing the theoretical and practical base in the field of lexicology (processes of neologization, lexical borrowings, semantic features of new lexical units and their functions), media linguistics, journalism, and sociology as it takes into account socio-political factors.
{"title":"Linguistic potential of COVID-19 neologisms in the metaphoric language of socio-political discourse","authors":"Andrey V. Ivanov, Zhanna Nikonova, N. Frolova, I. Muratbayeva","doi":"10.1177/20570473231186475","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20570473231186475","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the study is to investigate the features of the vocabulary of COVID-19 in English, which is an international language of borrowings. The secondary objective is to obtain new data on the emergence of a new vocabulary during the global problem of the COVID-19 pandemic. The method of lexical semantics analysis was used; 77 lexical units within the framework of the socio-political discourse have been considered in the course of the discursive text analysis. The most relevant categories of neologisms associated with COVID-19 were identified, and their word-formation models were analyzed. The active borrowing of COVID-19 vocabulary began from the English language. Based on the changes in the lifestyle, daily routine, and statuses of citizens, five categories and four groups of neologisms have been identified. The results of this study can be used for further analysis of the vocabulary of the COVID-19 period as new lexical units constantly appear and require their consideration within the framework of the linguistic potential and vocabulary of the languages found in the world. The study is important for replenishing the theoretical and practical base in the field of lexicology (processes of neologization, lexical borrowings, semantic features of new lexical units and their functions), media linguistics, journalism, and sociology as it takes into account socio-political factors.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43527921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-22DOI: 10.1177/20570473231186839
Kelly E Jensen
This essay examines the dynamics of diverse youth public formation through analysis of the 20 student speeches delivered at the 2018 March For Our Lives rally. I argue that the collective identification as youth survivors of gun violence trauma functions to constitute this diverse youth public. I trace how the speakers’ shared gun violence trauma enabled them to form a racially integrated coalition while not discrediting their differently positioned identities and disparate gun violence experiences. In doing so, I forward a conceptualization of how youth publics negotiate gun violence trauma, asserting that youth publics are characterized by both present constraints and a future-oriented agency, members of youth publics must account for tensions across racial differences in their gun violence prevention advocacy, and gun violence trauma functions as a shared basis for political participation. My analysis of the students’ gun violence prevention discourse complicates this framework to reveal how gun violence trauma as a shared basis for youth public membership threatens their source of empowerment: ownership over their futures. Contributing to scholarship on the formation of publics, this essay demonstrates the significance of youth publics at the intersections of race, trauma, and gun violence.
{"title":"“Our Pain Makes Us Family”: March For Our Lives and the constitutive role of gun violence trauma in youth publics","authors":"Kelly E Jensen","doi":"10.1177/20570473231186839","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20570473231186839","url":null,"abstract":"This essay examines the dynamics of diverse youth public formation through analysis of the 20 student speeches delivered at the 2018 March For Our Lives rally. I argue that the collective identification as youth survivors of gun violence trauma functions to constitute this diverse youth public. I trace how the speakers’ shared gun violence trauma enabled them to form a racially integrated coalition while not discrediting their differently positioned identities and disparate gun violence experiences. In doing so, I forward a conceptualization of how youth publics negotiate gun violence trauma, asserting that youth publics are characterized by both present constraints and a future-oriented agency, members of youth publics must account for tensions across racial differences in their gun violence prevention advocacy, and gun violence trauma functions as a shared basis for political participation. My analysis of the students’ gun violence prevention discourse complicates this framework to reveal how gun violence trauma as a shared basis for youth public membership threatens their source of empowerment: ownership over their futures. Contributing to scholarship on the formation of publics, this essay demonstrates the significance of youth publics at the intersections of race, trauma, and gun violence.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45229783","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-18DOI: 10.1177/20570473231187188
K. Dawson
This article offers a four-dimensional framework for analyzing technologies of gendered voice, especially those which have sought to correct or “solve” the supposedly unruly, unpleasant, or otherwise problematic voices of women. While modern technologies such as artificially intelligent assistants Siri and Alexa implement digital algorithms for cultivating feminine voices, this framework insists upon a broad conceptualization of algorithms to consider how predigital technologies and institutions of vocal cultivation also anticipate and echo such contemporary means of vocal norm-production and control. By imagining gendered voice through this broad lens of the algorithm, we can begin to deconstruct the ways in which technologies and institutions of voice have historically operated as algorithms that attempt to “solve” women’s voices by making them amenable to hegemonic, patriarchal values, uses, and ideals. The research builds upon existing communication literature surrounding the nature and functionality of algorithms as well as feminist posthumanist theory, which provides a richer conceptualization of how algorithms of voice enact both a political and material discipline upon women’s voices.
{"title":"Solving women’s voices? A theoretical framework for talking through the algorithm","authors":"K. Dawson","doi":"10.1177/20570473231187188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20570473231187188","url":null,"abstract":"This article offers a four-dimensional framework for analyzing technologies of gendered voice, especially those which have sought to correct or “solve” the supposedly unruly, unpleasant, or otherwise problematic voices of women. While modern technologies such as artificially intelligent assistants Siri and Alexa implement digital algorithms for cultivating feminine voices, this framework insists upon a broad conceptualization of algorithms to consider how predigital technologies and institutions of vocal cultivation also anticipate and echo such contemporary means of vocal norm-production and control. By imagining gendered voice through this broad lens of the algorithm, we can begin to deconstruct the ways in which technologies and institutions of voice have historically operated as algorithms that attempt to “solve” women’s voices by making them amenable to hegemonic, patriarchal values, uses, and ideals. The research builds upon existing communication literature surrounding the nature and functionality of algorithms as well as feminist posthumanist theory, which provides a richer conceptualization of how algorithms of voice enact both a political and material discipline upon women’s voices.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49064537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-02DOI: 10.1177/20570473231177791
J. M. A. Bernadas, Carlos M. Piocos, R. B. Vilog
Informed by Communication Infrastructure Theory (CIT), this article explores the ways community organizations and ethnic media serve as communicative resources and form into storytelling networks with different health-enhancing purposes for Filipina household service workers (FHSWs) in Hong Kong (HK). Using key informant interviews with print and broadcast media, non-governmental organizations, and faith-based organizations in HK, it found that cancer, stroke, and depression were shared concerns among FHSWs. Community organizations and ethnic media explained these concerns based on work and labor conditions. As communicative resources, they provided health information, offered tangible support, and campaigned to employers and governments. In discussing social media for health, community organizations highlighted accessibility, whereas ethnic media focused on journalistic practices. Overall, this article highlights ethnic media and community organizations as key but often overlooked publics in health communication and the importance of further incorporating temporality in CIT-informed research for migrant health. Implications to public health campaigns and health reporting are discussed.
{"title":"Community organizations and ethnic media working with foreign household service workers: Applying communication infrastructure theory to migrant health","authors":"J. M. A. Bernadas, Carlos M. Piocos, R. B. Vilog","doi":"10.1177/20570473231177791","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20570473231177791","url":null,"abstract":"Informed by Communication Infrastructure Theory (CIT), this article explores the ways community organizations and ethnic media serve as communicative resources and form into storytelling networks with different health-enhancing purposes for Filipina household service workers (FHSWs) in Hong Kong (HK). Using key informant interviews with print and broadcast media, non-governmental organizations, and faith-based organizations in HK, it found that cancer, stroke, and depression were shared concerns among FHSWs. Community organizations and ethnic media explained these concerns based on work and labor conditions. As communicative resources, they provided health information, offered tangible support, and campaigned to employers and governments. In discussing social media for health, community organizations highlighted accessibility, whereas ethnic media focused on journalistic practices. Overall, this article highlights ethnic media and community organizations as key but often overlooked publics in health communication and the importance of further incorporating temporality in CIT-informed research for migrant health. Implications to public health campaigns and health reporting are discussed.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":"8 1","pages":"222 - 236"},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2023-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43842828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1177/20570473231185996
Philip G. Howard, Fen Lin, Viktor Tuzov
In this dialogue, Phillip Howard introduces “computational propaganda” as an emerging communication tool in political communication and a perspective for investigating misinformation and disinformation. By articulating the concepts, patterns, and mechanisms of computational propaganda, Howard proposes a socio-technical framework for studying computational propaganda. He calls for mixed methods to undertake computational research alongside qualitative investigation, thus addressing the computational as well as the political. Howard emphasizes the battle against algorithm bias, manipulation, and misinformation, and he advocates building an International Panel on the Information Environment (IPIE), an international scientific collaboration, to respond to the challenges. In addition, Howard offers advice on further research in computational propaganda.
{"title":"Computational propaganda: Concepts, methods, and challenges","authors":"Philip G. Howard, Fen Lin, Viktor Tuzov","doi":"10.1177/20570473231185996","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20570473231185996","url":null,"abstract":"In this dialogue, Phillip Howard introduces “computational propaganda” as an emerging communication tool in political communication and a perspective for investigating misinformation and disinformation. By articulating the concepts, patterns, and mechanisms of computational propaganda, Howard proposes a socio-technical framework for studying computational propaganda. He calls for mixed methods to undertake computational research alongside qualitative investigation, thus addressing the computational as well as the political. Howard emphasizes the battle against algorithm bias, manipulation, and misinformation, and he advocates building an International Panel on the Information Environment (IPIE), an international scientific collaboration, to respond to the challenges. In addition, Howard offers advice on further research in computational propaganda.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":"8 1","pages":"47 - 53"},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43864710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-16DOI: 10.1177/20570473231173784
Daniel Faltesek
An important Russian strategic disinformation campaign, early in the Ukrainian war, contended that the United States was involved in clandestine biological weapons development in Ukraine under the sign “biolabs.” Depending on the platform, the propaganda messaging appeared differently. This study uses a multi-modal approach, featuring Image Plotting, to study the waves of messaging related involved in the biolabs campaign including both the qualitative analysis of text and the analysis of the images. Each platform includes a clear visual and textual strategy which align with known Russian strategies and multi-modal campaign operations.
{"title":"Strategically matching messaging to the platform: The case of “Biolabs” on Instagram, Facebook, and Reddit","authors":"Daniel Faltesek","doi":"10.1177/20570473231173784","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20570473231173784","url":null,"abstract":"An important Russian strategic disinformation campaign, early in the Ukrainian war, contended that the United States was involved in clandestine biological weapons development in Ukraine under the sign “biolabs.” Depending on the platform, the propaganda messaging appeared differently. This study uses a multi-modal approach, featuring Image Plotting, to study the waves of messaging related involved in the biolabs campaign including both the qualitative analysis of text and the analysis of the images. Each platform includes a clear visual and textual strategy which align with known Russian strategies and multi-modal campaign operations.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":"8 1","pages":"81 - 104"},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2023-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48820491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the Russia–Ukraine conflict, social media has become an outlet for public opinion; therefore, besides the hot war, information warfare is also taking place. It was discovered that a large number of new social bot accounts had emerged on Twitter since the outbreak of the conflict. In particular, the Twitter account @UAWeapons has grown its following by hundreds of thousands in fewer than 30 days and has established itself as an influential opinion leader. Through data mining and three different analysis methods, this study investigated how social bots grew to influence public opinion. Specifically, time-series analysis revealed an unusual pattern of “pulsing” changes in the number of tweets posted by @UAWeapons over time. The content analysis illustrated that the account posted biased tweets in favor of Ukraine under the guise of being a neutral messenger, which led to frequent retweets from social bots with similar opinions. Finally, the results of the social network analysis indicated that @UAWeapons’ rapid growth might be attributed to a strategy of network clustering implemented by a core group of social bot accounts.
{"title":"Influence of social bots in information warfare: A case study on @UAWeapons Twitter account in the context of Russia–Ukraine conflict","authors":"Qian Li, Qian Liu, Shaoqiang Liu, Xinyue Di, Siyu Chen, Hongzhong Zhang","doi":"10.1177/20570473231166157","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20570473231166157","url":null,"abstract":"During the Russia–Ukraine conflict, social media has become an outlet for public opinion; therefore, besides the hot war, information warfare is also taking place. It was discovered that a large number of new social bot accounts had emerged on Twitter since the outbreak of the conflict. In particular, the Twitter account @UAWeapons has grown its following by hundreds of thousands in fewer than 30 days and has established itself as an influential opinion leader. Through data mining and three different analysis methods, this study investigated how social bots grew to influence public opinion. Specifically, time-series analysis revealed an unusual pattern of “pulsing” changes in the number of tweets posted by @UAWeapons over time. The content analysis illustrated that the account posted biased tweets in favor of Ukraine under the guise of being a neutral messenger, which led to frequent retweets from social bots with similar opinions. Finally, the results of the social network analysis indicated that @UAWeapons’ rapid growth might be attributed to a strategy of network clustering implemented by a core group of social bot accounts.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":"8 1","pages":"54 - 80"},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2023-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43702360","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-05DOI: 10.1177/20570473231169787
C. Rathnayake, D. Suthers
Current literature on networked publics lacks research that examines how emotions are mobilised around specific actors, and quantitative analysis of affective phenomena is limited to vanity metrics. We address this issue by developing a network analytic routine, which guides the attribution of emotions contained in hashtagged tweets to their sources and targets. The proposed template enables identification of networked inconsequentiality (i.e., inability to trigger dialogue), reply targets (i.e., individuals targeted in replies) and voice agents (i.e., senders of replicated utterances). We demonstrate this approach with two data sets based on the hashtags #Newzealand (n = 131,523) and #SriLanka (n = 145,868) covering two major incidents of terrorism related to opposing extremist ideologies. In addition to the methodological contribution, the study demonstrates that user-driven emergence of networked leadership takes place based on conventional structures of power in which individuals with high power and social status are likely to emerge as targets as well as sources of emotions.
{"title":"A template for mapping emotion expression within hashtag publics","authors":"C. Rathnayake, D. Suthers","doi":"10.1177/20570473231169787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20570473231169787","url":null,"abstract":"Current literature on networked publics lacks research that examines how emotions are mobilised around specific actors, and quantitative analysis of affective phenomena is limited to vanity metrics. We address this issue by developing a network analytic routine, which guides the attribution of emotions contained in hashtagged tweets to their sources and targets. The proposed template enables identification of networked inconsequentiality (i.e., inability to trigger dialogue), reply targets (i.e., individuals targeted in replies) and voice agents (i.e., senders of replicated utterances). We demonstrate this approach with two data sets based on the hashtags #Newzealand (n = 131,523) and #SriLanka (n = 145,868) covering two major incidents of terrorism related to opposing extremist ideologies. In addition to the methodological contribution, the study demonstrates that user-driven emergence of networked leadership takes place based on conventional structures of power in which individuals with high power and social status are likely to emerge as targets as well as sources of emotions.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":"8 1","pages":"135 - 155"},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2023-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48832191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-02DOI: 10.1177/20570473231171460
K. Lorenzano, S. Moon, Porismita Borah
While many Americans support the right to protest, increased animus has recently been directed at protesters themselves, often along partisan ideological lines and in partisan media content. However, there is a lack of research on attitudes toward treatment of protesters in the context of political violence and selective exposure to likeminded partisan sources of information. This study finds that a significant, positive relationship exists between self-identified Republicans and thinking that disruptive protesters deserve to be “roughed up,” while identifying as a Democrat produced a negative relationship in the same circumstance. Likewise, consumption of conservative partisan media was found to have a positive relationship with the idea of “roughing up” disruptive protesters, while liberal partisan media was found to have a negative relationship. However, selective exposure to attitude-affirming media only had a significant impact among self-identified Democrats, in the sense that Democrats’ selective exposure to left-leaning media was associated with less support for “roughing up” disruptive protesters.
{"title":"Partisan selective exposure and politically polarized attitudes toward disruptive protest","authors":"K. Lorenzano, S. Moon, Porismita Borah","doi":"10.1177/20570473231171460","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/20570473231171460","url":null,"abstract":"While many Americans support the right to protest, increased animus has recently been directed at protesters themselves, often along partisan ideological lines and in partisan media content. However, there is a lack of research on attitudes toward treatment of protesters in the context of political violence and selective exposure to likeminded partisan sources of information. This study finds that a significant, positive relationship exists between self-identified Republicans and thinking that disruptive protesters deserve to be “roughed up,” while identifying as a Democrat produced a negative relationship in the same circumstance. Likewise, consumption of conservative partisan media was found to have a positive relationship with the idea of “roughing up” disruptive protesters, while liberal partisan media was found to have a negative relationship. However, selective exposure to attitude-affirming media only had a significant impact among self-identified Democrats, in the sense that Democrats’ selective exposure to left-leaning media was associated with less support for “roughing up” disruptive protesters.","PeriodicalId":44233,"journal":{"name":"Communication and the Public","volume":"8 1","pages":"191 - 205"},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2023-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42457715","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：