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Solving women’s voices? A theoretical framework for talking through the algorithm 解决女性的声音?一个讨论算法的理论框架
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-18 DOI: 10.1177/20570473231187188
K. Dawson
This article offers a four-dimensional framework for analyzing technologies of gendered voice, especially those which have sought to correct or “solve” the supposedly unruly, unpleasant, or otherwise problematic voices of women. While modern technologies such as artificially intelligent assistants Siri and Alexa implement digital algorithms for cultivating feminine voices, this framework insists upon a broad conceptualization of algorithms to consider how predigital technologies and institutions of vocal cultivation also anticipate and echo such contemporary means of vocal norm-production and control. By imagining gendered voice through this broad lens of the algorithm, we can begin to deconstruct the ways in which technologies and institutions of voice have historically operated as algorithms that attempt to “solve” women’s voices by making them amenable to hegemonic, patriarchal values, uses, and ideals. The research builds upon existing communication literature surrounding the nature and functionality of algorithms as well as feminist posthumanist theory, which provides a richer conceptualization of how algorithms of voice enact both a political and material discipline upon women’s voices.
这篇文章为分析性别声音技术提供了一个四维框架,尤其是那些试图纠正或“解决”女性所谓的不守规矩、不愉快或其他有问题的声音的技术。虽然人工智能助手Siri和Alexa等现代技术实现了培养女性声音的数字算法,但该框架坚持对算法进行广泛的概念化,以考虑预数字技术和声音培养机构如何预测和呼应这种当代的声音规范产生和控制手段。通过这种广泛的算法视角来想象性别化的声音,我们可以开始解构声音技术和机构在历史上作为算法的运作方式,这些算法试图通过让女性服从霸权、父权价值观、用途和理想来“解决”她们的声音。这项研究建立在围绕算法的性质和功能的现有传播文献以及女权主义后人道主义理论的基础上,该理论为声音算法如何对女性声音制定政治和物质纪律提供了更丰富的概念。
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引用次数: 0
Community organizations and ethnic media working with foreign household service workers: Applying communication infrastructure theory to migrant health 与外籍家庭服务工作者合作的社区组织和族裔媒体:将通信基础设施理论应用于移民健康
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-02 DOI: 10.1177/20570473231177791
J. M. A. Bernadas, Carlos M. Piocos, R. B. Vilog
Informed by Communication Infrastructure Theory (CIT), this article explores the ways community organizations and ethnic media serve as communicative resources and form into storytelling networks with different health-enhancing purposes for Filipina household service workers (FHSWs) in Hong Kong (HK). Using key informant interviews with print and broadcast media, non-governmental organizations, and faith-based organizations in HK, it found that cancer, stroke, and depression were shared concerns among FHSWs. Community organizations and ethnic media explained these concerns based on work and labor conditions. As communicative resources, they provided health information, offered tangible support, and campaigned to employers and governments. In discussing social media for health, community organizations highlighted accessibility, whereas ethnic media focused on journalistic practices. Overall, this article highlights ethnic media and community organizations as key but often overlooked publics in health communication and the importance of further incorporating temporality in CIT-informed research for migrant health. Implications to public health campaigns and health reporting are discussed.
本文以传播基础设施理论(CIT)为基础,探讨了社区组织和少数民族媒体如何作为传播资源,形成具有不同健康促进目的的菲律宾家庭服务工作者(FHSWs)的故事网络。通过对香港印刷和广播媒体、非政府组织和信仰组织的主要信息提供者的采访,该报告发现,癌症、中风和抑郁症是家庭佣工共同关注的问题。社区组织和少数民族媒体根据工作和劳动条件解释了这些关切。作为沟通资源,他们提供健康信息,提供切实支持,并向雇主和政府开展宣传活动。在讨论社会媒体促进保健时,社区组织强调了可及性,而族裔媒体则侧重于新闻实践。总的来说,这篇文章强调了少数民族媒体和社区组织在健康传播中是关键的,但往往被忽视的公众,以及在cit知情的移民健康研究中进一步纳入暂时性的重要性。讨论了对公共卫生运动和卫生报告的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Computational propaganda: Concepts, methods, and challenges 计算宣传:概念、方法和挑战
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/20570473231185996
Philip G. Howard, Fen Lin, Viktor Tuzov
In this dialogue, Phillip Howard introduces “computational propaganda” as an emerging communication tool in political communication and a perspective for investigating misinformation and disinformation. By articulating the concepts, patterns, and mechanisms of computational propaganda, Howard proposes a socio-technical framework for studying computational propaganda. He calls for mixed methods to undertake computational research alongside qualitative investigation, thus addressing the computational as well as the political. Howard emphasizes the battle against algorithm bias, manipulation, and misinformation, and he advocates building an International Panel on the Information Environment (IPIE), an international scientific collaboration, to respond to the challenges. In addition, Howard offers advice on further research in computational propaganda.
在这场对话中,菲利普·霍华德介绍了“计算宣传”,它是政治传播中一种新兴的传播工具,也是调查错误信息和虚假信息的一种视角。通过阐明计算宣传的概念、模式和机制,霍华德提出了一个研究计算宣传的社会技术框架。他呼吁在进行定性调查的同时,采用混合方法进行计算研究,从而解决计算和政治问题。霍华德强调要与算法偏见、操纵和错误信息作斗争,他主张建立一个国际信息环境小组(IPIE),一个国际科学合作组织,以应对这些挑战。此外,霍华德还为进一步研究计算宣传提供了建议。
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引用次数: 1
Strategically matching messaging to the platform: The case of “Biolabs” on Instagram, Facebook, and Reddit 将消息与平台进行战略匹配:Instagram、Facebook和Reddit上的“Biolabs”案例
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-16 DOI: 10.1177/20570473231173784
Daniel Faltesek
An important Russian strategic disinformation campaign, early in the Ukrainian war, contended that the United States was involved in clandestine biological weapons development in Ukraine under the sign “biolabs.” Depending on the platform, the propaganda messaging appeared differently. This study uses a multi-modal approach, featuring Image Plotting, to study the waves of messaging related involved in the biolabs campaign including both the qualitative analysis of text and the analysis of the images. Each platform includes a clear visual and textual strategy which align with known Russian strategies and multi-modal campaign operations.
在乌克兰战争初期,俄罗斯发起了一场重要的战略造谣活动,声称美国参与了乌克兰的秘密生物武器开发,代号为“biolabs”。根据不同的平台,宣传信息呈现出不同的形式。本研究采用多模态方法,以图像绘制为特色,研究生物实验室活动中涉及的信息浪潮,包括文本的定性分析和图像的分析。每个平台都包含一个清晰的视觉和文本战略,与已知的俄罗斯战略和多模式战役操作保持一致。
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引用次数: 0
Influence of social bots in information warfare: A case study on @UAWeapons Twitter account in the context of Russia–Ukraine conflict 社交机器人在信息战中的影响:以俄乌冲突背景下的@UAWeapons Twitter账号为例
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-12 DOI: 10.1177/20570473231166157
Qian Li, Qian Liu, Shaoqiang Liu, Xinyue Di, Siyu Chen, Hongzhong Zhang
During the Russia–Ukraine conflict, social media has become an outlet for public opinion; therefore, besides the hot war, information warfare is also taking place. It was discovered that a large number of new social bot accounts had emerged on Twitter since the outbreak of the conflict. In particular, the Twitter account @UAWeapons has grown its following by hundreds of thousands in fewer than 30 days and has established itself as an influential opinion leader. Through data mining and three different analysis methods, this study investigated how social bots grew to influence public opinion. Specifically, time-series analysis revealed an unusual pattern of “pulsing” changes in the number of tweets posted by @UAWeapons over time. The content analysis illustrated that the account posted biased tweets in favor of Ukraine under the guise of being a neutral messenger, which led to frequent retweets from social bots with similar opinions. Finally, the results of the social network analysis indicated that @UAWeapons’ rapid growth might be attributed to a strategy of network clustering implemented by a core group of social bot accounts.
在俄乌冲突期间,社交媒体成为了公众舆论的出口;因此,除了热战,信息战也在发生。据发现,自冲突爆发以来,推特上出现了大量新的社交机器人账户。特别是推特账号@UAWeapons,在不到30天的时间里就增加了数十万粉丝,成为了有影响力的意见领袖。通过数据挖掘和三种不同的分析方法,本研究调查了社交机器人是如何影响公众舆论的。具体来说,时间序列分析揭示了@UAWeapons发布的推文数量随时间的不同寻常的“脉冲”变化模式。内容分析表明,该账户以中立信使的名义发布了偏向乌克兰的推文,导致持类似观点的社交机器人频繁转发。最后,社交网络分析的结果表明,@UAWeapons的快速增长可能归因于社交机器人账户核心组实施的网络集群策略。
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引用次数: 0
A template for mapping emotion expression within hashtag publics 一个用于映射公共标签中情感表达的模板
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.1177/20570473231169787
C. Rathnayake, D. Suthers
Current literature on networked publics lacks research that examines how emotions are mobilised around specific actors, and quantitative analysis of affective phenomena is limited to vanity metrics. We address this issue by developing a network analytic routine, which guides the attribution of emotions contained in hashtagged tweets to their sources and targets. The proposed template enables identification of networked inconsequentiality (i.e., inability to trigger dialogue), reply targets (i.e., individuals targeted in replies) and voice agents (i.e., senders of replicated utterances). We demonstrate this approach with two data sets based on the hashtags #Newzealand (n = 131,523) and #SriLanka (n = 145,868) covering two major incidents of terrorism related to opposing extremist ideologies. In addition to the methodological contribution, the study demonstrates that user-driven emergence of networked leadership takes place based on conventional structures of power in which individuals with high power and social status are likely to emerge as targets as well as sources of emotions.
目前关于网络公众的文献缺乏研究情感是如何在特定参与者周围调动的,对情感现象的定量分析仅限于虚荣指标。我们通过开发一个网络分析程序来解决这个问题,该程序将标签推文中包含的情绪归因于其来源和目标。所提出的模板能够识别网络化的非序列性(即无法触发对话)、回复目标(即回复中的目标个体)和语音代理(即复制话语的发送者)。我们用两个基于#新西兰(n=131523)和#斯里兰卡(n=145868)标签的数据集展示了这种方法,这两个数据集涵盖了与反对极端主义意识形态有关的两起重大恐怖主义事件。除了方法学上的贡献外,该研究还表明,用户驱动的网络领导的出现是基于传统的权力结构,在这种权力结构中,拥有高权力和社会地位的个人可能会成为目标和情绪来源。
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引用次数: 0
Partisan selective exposure and politically polarized attitudes toward disruptive protest 党派选择性曝光和对破坏性抗议的政治两极分化态度
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-02 DOI: 10.1177/20570473231171460
K. Lorenzano, S. Moon, Porismita Borah
While many Americans support the right to protest, increased animus has recently been directed at protesters themselves, often along partisan ideological lines and in partisan media content. However, there is a lack of research on attitudes toward treatment of protesters in the context of political violence and selective exposure to likeminded partisan sources of information. This study finds that a significant, positive relationship exists between self-identified Republicans and thinking that disruptive protesters deserve to be “roughed up,” while identifying as a Democrat produced a negative relationship in the same circumstance. Likewise, consumption of conservative partisan media was found to have a positive relationship with the idea of “roughing up” disruptive protesters, while liberal partisan media was found to have a negative relationship. However, selective exposure to attitude-affirming media only had a significant impact among self-identified Democrats, in the sense that Democrats’ selective exposure to left-leaning media was associated with less support for “roughing up” disruptive protesters.
虽然许多美国人支持抗议的权利,但最近越来越多的敌意直指抗议者本身,通常是基于党派意识形态路线和党派媒体内容。然而,在政治暴力和选择性暴露于志同道合的党派信息来源的背景下,对对待抗议者的态度缺乏研究。本研究发现,自我认同的共和党人与认为破坏性抗议者应该被“粗暴对待”之间存在显著的正相关关系,而认同为民主党人在相同的情况下产生负相关关系。同样,保守党派媒体的消费与“粗暴对待”破坏性抗议者的想法呈正相关,而自由党派媒体的消费与“粗暴对待”破坏性抗议者的想法呈正相关。然而,选择性地接触态度肯定媒体只对自我认同的民主党人有显著影响,在某种意义上,民主党人选择性地接触左倾媒体与较少支持“粗暴对待”破坏性抗议者有关。
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引用次数: 0
Identification and political advertising: Exploring the role of ethnic identification in political advertising campaigns 认同与政治广告:探讨族群认同在政治广告活动中的作用
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-02 DOI: 10.1177/20570473231171417
Azmat Rasul, M. Asim
Issues of race and ethnic diversity have emerged as important consideration in campaigning and developing political advertising. This study examines the moderating effect of the strength of ethnic identity for Hispanic and non-Hispanic White voters. The results of the between-subject factorial design indicate that non-Hispanic White individuals with strong ethnic identities hold more favorable attitudes toward a political candidate that advocates against same-sex marriage than non-Hispanic Whites with weak ethnic identities. Non-Hispanic White individuals with strong ethnic identities also expressed greater intentions to vote for and perceptions of similarity to the anti-same-sex marriage candidate. Conversely, Hispanic individuals with strong ethnic identities hold more favorable attitudes toward a political candidate that supports same-sex marriage than Hispanic individuals with weak ethnic identities. Findings show that the degree to which racial/ethnic members affirm their racial/ethnic affiliations influence their voting proclivities when facing a religiously controversial and morally framed social issue such as same-sex marriage.
种族和民族多样性问题已成为竞选活动和发展政治广告的重要考虑因素。本研究考察了西班牙裔和非西班牙裔白人选民的种族认同强度的调节作用。受试者间因子设计的结果表明,具有强烈种族认同的非西班牙裔白人比具有较弱种族认同的非西班牙裔白人对反对同性婚姻的政治候选人持更有利的态度。具有强烈种族认同的非西班牙裔白人也表达了更大的投票意愿,并认为他们与反对同性婚姻的候选人相似。相反,具有强烈种族认同的西班牙裔人对支持同性婚姻的政治候选人的态度比具有较弱种族认同的西班牙裔人更有利。研究结果表明,当面对宗教争议和道德框架的社会问题(如同性婚姻)时,种族/民族成员确认其种族/民族归属的程度会影响他们的投票倾向。
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引用次数: 0
Examining the role of social media and mobile social networking applications in socio-political contestations in Nigeria 考察社交媒体和移动社交网络应用程序在尼日利亚社会政治竞争中的作用
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1177/20570473231168474
Temple Uwalaka, Bigman Nwala
Social media platforms continue to flourish as practices encompassing them become deeply embedded in many cultures. As more people embrace social media platforms, their affordances and opportunities are leading to improved communication, and helping hold authorities to account. To further scrutinize the importance of these platforms, this study interrogates the role of digital media in socio-political contestations in Nigeria by examining the media used to mobilize, coordinate, and document the 2020 #EndSARS protests in Nigeria. Analyses of survey data collected in 2020 during the protests in Lagos and Port Harcourt, Nigeria (N = 391) show that demonstrators who were 30 years and older and used WhatsApp and Facebook to learn about the protests as well as coordinate their participation in the protests are more likely to report participating on the first day of the protests than protesters who are younger than 30 and used other media platforms. Findings further illustrate that digital enthusiasm facilitated by hedonic-experiential and epicurean communication on WhatsApp and Facebook eventuated a process of emotional contagion through connective repertoires that created propitious emotional conditions for mass collective protest actions. Finally, the article discusses how the use of WhatsApp and Facebook gave protesters strategic communicative power during the protests.
随着社交媒体平台的实践深深植根于许多文化中,社交媒体平台继续蓬勃发展。随着越来越多的人接受社交媒体平台,它们的可承受性和机会正在改善沟通,并有助于追究当局的责任。为了进一步审视这些平台的重要性,本研究通过考察用于动员、协调和记录2020年尼日利亚#EndSARS抗议活动的媒体,来质疑数字媒体在尼日利亚社会政治辩论中的作用。对2020年拉各斯和哈科特港抗议活动期间收集的调查数据的分析,尼日利亚(N=391)显示,与30岁以下使用其他媒体平台的抗议者相比,30岁及以上使用WhatsApp和Facebook了解抗议活动并协调参与抗议活动的示威者更有可能在抗议活动的第一天报告参与了抗议活动。研究结果进一步表明,WhatsApp和Facebook上的享乐主义体验和享乐主义交流促进了数字热情,最终导致了一个情绪传染过程,通过连接曲目为大规模集体抗议行动创造了有利的情绪条件。最后,文章讨论了WhatsApp和Facebook的使用如何在抗议活动中赋予抗议者战略沟通能力。
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引用次数: 2
Differentiation and unity: A Cross-platform Comparison Analysis of Online Posts’ Semantics of the Russian–Ukrainian War Based on Weibo and Twitter 分化与统一:基于微博与推特的俄乌战争网络帖子语义的跨平台比较分析
IF 3.6 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-21 DOI: 10.1177/20570473231165563
W. Tao, Yingtong Peng
The current Russian–Ukrainian War sparked a new wave of misinformation across social media. However, there is a lack of cross-platform research approaches around war events. This article followed the path of comparative media analysis. We used a three-step method from Triangulation theory and gathered 309,260 relevant posts from both the Twitter and Weibo platforms. We found that (1) Weibo posts are synchronized with Chinese mainstream media, and there is an “Amplification” phenomenon; Twitter posts are delicate and provocative from the perspective of individual encounters; (2) the topics of Weibo are “wide and scattered,” together to form a panoramic broadcast of the conflict. While topics of Twitter formed a condemnation around the invasion war; (3) the positive and negative emotion volume has gone through three stages: “Confrontation,” “Polarization,” and “Extension” with the development of the war. Finally, though the two social media fields present different characteristics, the call for humanitarianism and peace constitutes the unity of public opinion.
当前的俄乌战争在社交媒体上引发了新一波错误信息。然而,围绕战争事件缺乏跨平台的研究方法。本文遵循比较媒介分析的路径。我们使用三角测量理论中的三步法,从Twitter和微博平台上收集了309260条相关帖子。研究发现:(1)微博内容与中国主流媒体同步,存在“放大”现象;从个人遭遇的角度来看,Twitter上的帖子微妙而具有挑衅性;(2)微博的话题“广而散”,共同构成了冲突的全景直播。虽然推特上的话题形成了对侵略战争的谴责;(3)随着战争的发展,正负情绪量经历了“对抗”、“极化”和“延伸”三个阶段。最后,虽然两个社交媒体领域呈现出不同的特点,但对人道主义与和平的呼吁构成了舆论的统一性。
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引用次数: 4
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Communication and the Public
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